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The World Bank and Transparency International rank the Central Asian republics as highly corrupt. This is an opinion that is also shared by international media and by NGO personnel and academics working on the ground in these countries. Yet, the kind of practices that are labelled as "corrupt" by these observers seem much too diverse to meaningfully be covered by the same term, such as illicit selling and buying of government contracts at the highest level; tax evasion in the millions; the faster processing of a passport for a relative; and a taxi driver bribing the traffic police. This presents both an analytical and an ethical problem. This article argues that condemning discourses on corruption are often used by the powerful both nationally and internationally to dominate colonised and marginalised groups. Such groups, excluded from or exploited within formal structures, rely on networks and communities for their livelihoods. The upkeep of these social relations comes into conflict with the imperatives of state law and bureaucracy. Anti-corruption thus becomes a weapon of the strong against the weak and aligns with a long history of colonial tradition of domination and vilification of those "yet-to-be-civilised." Its focus on regions of the Global South such as Central Asia marks a continuation of colonial legacy but also the region's continued marginality in the capitalist world system. This article posits that in order solve these analytical and ethical problems, we must be careful not to conflate a legal state-notion of corruption with a moral one thus accepting as default the perspective of the dominant groups running states and organisations.

The World Bank and Transparency International rank the Central Asian republics as highly corrupt. This is an opinion that is also shared by international media and by NGO personnel and academics working on the ground in these countries. Yet, the kind of practices that are labelled as "corrupt" by these observers seem much too diverse to meaningfully be covered by the same term, such as illicit selling and buying of government contracts at the highest level; tax evasion in the millions; the faster processing of a passport for a relative; and a taxi driver bribing the traffic police. This presents both an analytical and an ethical problem. This article argues that condemning discourses on corruption are often used by the powerful both nationally and internationally to dominate colonised and marginalised groups. Such groups, excluded from or exploited within formal structures, rely on networks and communities for their livelihoods. The upkeep of these social relations comes into conflict with the imperatives of state law and bureaucracy. Anti-corruption thus becomes a weapon of the strong against the weak and aligns with a long history of colonial tradition of domination and vilification of those "yet-to-be-civilised." Its focus on regions of the Global South such as Central Asia marks a continuation of colonial legacy but also the region's continued marginality in the capitalist world system. This article posits that in order solve these analytical and ethical problems, we must be careful not to conflate a legal state-notion of corruption with a moral one thus accepting as default the perspective of the dominant groups running states and organisations.

The taxonomy of Procellariiformes, particularly petrels and shearwaters, is still unresolved. The Manx shearwater Puffinus puffinus is one of the best studied seabirds worldwide. Most of the information known on this seabird is focused on the northern core populations where the species is abundant. However, the species shows a high number of peripheral populations, which are extremely small and difficult to study in comparison to central populations. Using an integrative approach, we provided significant evidence of phenological, morphological, acoustic, plumage colour and genetic differentiation of the Canarian Manx shearwaters (the most southern population) from the northern breeding colonies, which is compatible with a long period of isolation. Birds from the Canary Islands breed around 2–3 months earlier, are smaller and lighter and show darker underwing plumage than those from northern populations. In addition, Canarian call features are different from the northern populations. Finally, genetic analyses of the mitochondrial control region indicate an incipient genetic differentiation of Canarian Manx shearwaters from the other breeding populations. The Canarian population holds a small number of breeding colonies and it is declining, so accurate taxonomic recognition critically affects conservation efforts. For all the aforementioned reasons, we propose to rank the Canarian breeding population as a new taxon by presenting the formal description of a new subspecies Puffinus puffinus canariensis ssp. nov. ; This study was partially funded by the Canary Islands' Ornithology and Natural History Group (GOHNIC). JCI was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (PGC2018-097575-B-I00) and by a GRUPIN research grant from the Regional Government of Asturias (IDI/2018/000151)

The 1954 rulings in the United States Supreme Court cases of Brown v Board of Education was a landmark event in civil rights history. As momentous as the rulings were, they were not embraced by many Southern politicians. This was especially true in Virginia where Harry F. Byrd, Sr., U. S. Senator from Virginia, embarked on a campaign to massively resist court ordered school desegregation. Over the course of the next several years, Virginia's leaders would pass laws specifically designed to undermine the Brown rulings. These laws, known as massive resistance would, among other things, grant the governor the power to close any school or school district attempting to comply with Brown. The results of implementation of these laws had catastrophic results socially, economically, educationally and on Virginia's national reputation. By 1959 massive resistance laws were declared unconstitutional by both state and federal courts, allowing Virginia the chance to undo this self-inflicted damage. An unintended consequence of massive resistance was the erosion and stagnation of its manufacturing sector. To rebuild the state's workforce, technical training on a large scale was necessary. To take on this herculean task the creation of a statewide system of technical colleges was needed. In 1964, the Virginia Technical College System (VTCS) was founded. This system exists today as the Virginia Community College System (VCCS). The creation of these colleges were a direct result of Virginia's ill-conceived response to Brown. Funding had been available for many years to support technical training, but it took the contested environment created by massive resistance to make the creation of a statewide system of technical education a reality.

ABSTRACT: "White Terror" (2013), a BBC documentary details colonial atrocities in Kenya and thereafter state of emergency. I argue, ghosts (memories) of the atrocities still haunt a few remaining colonial survivors. Socio-political colonial structures were inherited in post-independence Kenya. The documentary based on Harvard's History Professor Caroline Elkins (2005) research was evidenced in a legal suit of five colonial survivors against the British government for torture. Post-2007 ethno-political conflicts in Kenya can be linked to misappropriations in the 1954 Swynerton land tenure reforms. British occupation of native land sparked an insurgency that resulted in a state emergency (1952-1960), and later turned into struggle for independence. To Kenyans, Mau Mau (largely Kikuyus) were freedom fighters, but inhuman savage terrorists to colonial agents. Geographical annexing of land placed the Kikuyu, a dominant ethnic group close to the colonial capital, while the rest of the tribes were disbursed in the peripheries. In postcolonial Kenya, political and economic disparities herald power struggles between dominant ethnicities, in the case of Kenya; Kikuyu, Luo and Kalenjin. Postcolonial theory was a result of colonial experience, "the testimonies of the third world countries and discourses of minorities within geographical and political divisions of "East and West", "North and South" (Bhabha 1994). First generational Kenyans survived colonialism, but retain narratives of the struggle over colonial domination. Using a postcolonial and discourse theoretic qualitative methodology for documentary and interviews analysis, this paper traces narratives of postcolonial Kenya and impacts on present day social political challenges. KEYWORDS: postcolonialism, socio-political narratives, colonial imagery, post-independence Kenya

The paper identifies the changes in the administrative structure and social organization of the Kuznetsk Tatars – Shors in the 18th – 20thcenturies as a result of military-administrative and economic colonization of the UpperPritomye by the Russian authorities. The result of this colonization was the formation of the nucleus of the future ethnic group – the Kuznetsk Tatars-Shors, which has evolved from ethnolocal groups of different origins related to the neighboring Sagayans-Khakasses, Northern Altaians (the Kumandy and the Chelkans) and Achkeshtyms-Teleuts. The paper reveals for the first time the formation of ethnic feature the Shors in terms of nation-building in the Soviet period. At that very period in history of the MounrainShoriya national district, the modern ethnic boundaries theShor ethnic groups were finally settled, in terms of their dispersalin the south of Kuzbassin large cities (most Shor families) and in remote villages inTashtagolskyand Mezhdurechenskiydistricts of Kemerovo region. ; В статье выявляются изменения административного устройства и социальной организации кузнецких татаршорцев в XVII – XX вв. как результат военно-административной и хозяйственно-экономической колонизации российских властей Верхнего Притомья. Результатом такой колонизации явилось формирование ядра будущего этноса – кузнецких татар-шорцев, который сложился из различных по происхождению этнолокальных групп, родственных соседним сагайцам-хакасам, северным алтайцам (кумандинцам и челканцам), а также ачкештымам-телеутам. Впервые подробно показана особенность формирования этнической индентификации шорцев в условиях национально-государственного строительства в советский период истории России. В этот же период существования Горно-Шорского национального района окончательно определились современные этнические границы шорского этноса, в условиях его дисперсного расселния на юге Кузбасса в крупных городах (большинство шорских семей) и в отдаленных таежных поселках Таштагольского и Междуреченского районов Кемеровской области.

This social thought piece constitutes a contribution to the history of anthropology in southern Europe. Using Spain under Francisco Franco as a case study, it demonstrates the close connection between anthropology as an academic discipline, on the one hand, and fascist rule, on the other. While anthropologists neither whole-heartedly accepted the Franco regime (1939–1975) nor worked directly on that regime's behalf, anthropological topics, theories, and approaches of the day posed no threat to the fascist regime and were, in fact, consonant with certain basic principles promoted by that regime. The culture concept, which linked particular territories to particular customs and ways of life, was in complete accord with the fascist division of society into named geographic entities, each with its own folklore, speech patterns, and popular forms of ritual and religion. Anthropologists and supporters of the Franco dictatorship alike—whether intentionally or not—ignored considerations of socioeconomic class. At the same time, anthropologists began to investigate small communities located in highly complex, literate societies. The rural peoples of these societies came to be classified as "peasants," identified as repositories of traditional, stable ways of life, inherited from the distant past. Such anthropological studies were consonant with the ideology of the Franco regime, which glorified rural peoples and a supposedly ancient, heroic past. Similar developments were occurring elsewhere in Europe, particularly among anthropologists and folklorists working during the political reign of dictator António Oliveira de Salazar (1932–1968). This piece concludes with changes that have occurred both politically and anthropologically since the rise of democracy in Spain and Portugal during the late 1970s.

The main purpose of the study is to refresh the theory of institutional and organizational learning by applying knowledge from anthropology to public administration. Empirical evidence drawn from South Korea's capital city supports the applicability of Margaret Mead's typology of knowledge transfer among generations. Similar to human beings, once grown-up and developed, cities are ready to give lessons to their teachers. First-hand and secondary data from the lesson-drawing habits of Seoul Metropolitan Government (SMG) explains learning paths from the United States and other developed countries and back. The study also illustrates an integral component of learning from peers, when SMG benchmarks best practices from cities in other developing countries. Supported by the example of American-Korean relations, SMG's case confi rms previous theoretical propositions that the old-established channels of learning are hard to break when they are rooted in history and culture, and, thus, in line with the tastes of the electorate and the private preferences of governmental officials. Meanwhile, the study also shows that the era of knowledge transfer exclusively from parents to children is over. Seoul has applied enormous effort/completed enormous work to establish itself as a benchmarkable model internationally. The study has a practical application as it offers an outline of programs and instruments that can be used by an agency for successful benchmarking from abroad. The study is original in the way it combines organizational theories, comparative public administration and anthropology. Being of an exploratory nature, the current research tests Mead's typology that can be further applied in diff erent countries.

В статье выявляются изменения административного устройства и социальной организации кузнецких татар-шорцев в XVII XX вв. как результат военно-административной и хозяйственно-экономической колонизации российских властей Верхнего Притомья. Результатом такой колонизации явилось формирование ядра будущего этноса кузнецких татар-шорцев, который сложился из различных по происхождению этнолокальных групп, родственных соседним сагайцам-хакасам, северным алтайцам (кумандинцам и челканцам), а также ачкештымам-телеутам. Впервые подробно показана особенность формирования этнической индентификации шорцев в условиях национально-государственного строительства в советский период истории России. В этот же период существования Горно-Шорского национального района окончательно определились современные этнические границы шорского этноса, в условиях его дисперсного расселния на юге Кузбасса в крупных городах (большинство шорских семей) и в отдаленных таежных поселках Таштагольского и Междуреченского районов Кемеровской области. ; The paper identifies the changes in the administrative structure and social organization of the Kuznetsk Tatars Shors in the 18 th 20 thcenturies as a result of military-administrative and economic colonization of the UpperPritomye by the Russian authorities. The result of this colonization was the formation of the nucleus of the future ethnic group the Kuznetsk Tatars-Shors, which has evolved from ethnolocal groups of different origins related to the neighboring Sagayans-Khakasses, Northern Altaians (the Kumandy and the Chelkans) and Achkeshtyms-Teleuts. The paper reveals for the first time the formation of ethnic feature the Shors in terms of nation-building in the Soviet period. At that very period in history of the MounrainShoriya national district, the modern ethnic boundaries theShor ethnic groups were finally settled, in terms of their dispersalin the south of Kuzbassin large cities (most Shor families) and in remote villages inTashtagolskyand Mezhdurechenskiydistricts of Kemerovo region.

Abstract Background The roles of the tuberculin skin test (TST) and QuantiFERON ® -TB Gold In-Tube assay (QFT-IT) in the diagnosis of active tuberculosis (TB) are not clear in young adults. We evaluated the diagnostic accuracy of the TST and QFT-IT in smear-negative TB among young adults with no underlying disease. Methods We prospectively enrolled 166 young participants 20-29 years of age with suspected active TB in a military hospital of South Korea. The TST and QFT-IT were performed for all participants. Results Of the 143 patients included in the analysis, active TB was diagnosed in 100 (69.9%). There were 141 male patients, none of whom had immunosuppressive disease. The sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value (PPV), and negative predictive value (NPV) of TST were 94% (95% CI, 87-98%), 88% (95% CI, 74-96%), 95% (95% CI, 88-98%), and 86% (95% CI, 72-94%), respectively. The sensitivity, specificity, PPV, and NPV of the QFT-IT were 93% (95% CI, 86-97%), 95% (95% CI, 81-99%), 98% (95% CI, 92-99%), and 84% (95% CI, 69-93%), respectively. No significant differences were found between the TST and QFT-IT in any statistic. Conclusions Both the TST and QFT-IT showed high sensitivity and specificity in differentiating active TB from other diseases. The diagnostic accuracy of these two tests did not differ significantly when applied to this clinical population of young, immunocompetent adults in whom neonatal BCG vaccination was common, there was no history of previous TB and in whom suspicion of TB was high. Trial registration ClinicalTrials.gov: NCT00982969

Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, 59 (Democracy, governance and citizenship : a comparative perspective of conceptual flow) ; The secularization of Western European politics and society has created new constraints but also new opportunity structures for religious bodies. This renewed activism of religious actors in the European public spheres needs to be analysed on specific issues. Immigration, ethical debates or education are well-known illustrations, but ethnonational conflicts are also relevant issues. In that respect, the Basque conflict, on the Franco-Spanish borderland, is a good example of the transformations of the Catholic Church"s activism in a secularized environment. It is argue that the Church is trying to develop a new register of intervention in the Basque conflict by fostering its role as a mediator. The Church and other actors close to it are particularly active in the making rather than in the process of peace, which would require some basic social agreement on the way to follow. However, the Church"s commitment to mediation has not gone smoothly, notably on account of the controversy over its impartiality, independence and absence of decision-making power. Though its expertise in mediation has been widely acknowledged, the Church has also been forced to come to terms with history, as though the burden of memory periodically acted as a nemesis for the religious, political and social actors. Finally, the Catholic Church"s contribution to peace-making can only be apprehended through the double perspective of the secularisation of Basque society and the redefinition of the relationships between religion, the public space and democracy.

Colonization, Epibenthos, Subtidal, Recruitment, Temporal variability, ENSO, Disturbance, macrozoobenthos, soft-bottom community recovery. - Community ecological succession consists of the sequence of changes in species composition through time that occurs after a site has been disturbed or on the appearance of a pristine substratum, and it is one of the key processes modulating patterns of diversity, structure and evolutionary history of benthic landscapes. I have used field experiments to describe the successional development of both sublittoral hard- and soft-bottom communities off northern Chile. The Humboldt Current System off northern Chile is an excellent natural laboratory to study succession because there are several sources of disturbances operating at different scales including the El Nino Southern Oscillation (ENSO), which drastically influences biodiversity patterns. This thesis specifically aimed (i) to describe the successional development of subtidal hard- and soft-bottom communities over 27 months and a two year period, respectively; (ii) to estimate the time necessary for the developing communities to resemble the surrounding natural community, and (iii) to evaluate the effect of the seasonal starting point of community succession over a one year period of development. Succession in hard-bottom habitats showed a progressive change in community structure and competition for space, which was identified as the most important factor during succession. After 27 months, the developing communities contained the same species as the natural community but did not yet fully resemble their surroundings. Seasonality had an effect on successful species settlement, but the final stages of the developing community were influenced by interspecific competition for space (i.e. hierarchical competition). Succession followed ...

On the face of it, there ought to be many similarities between the heyday of imperialism in South and Southeast Asia. Both areas, it can be said, experienced a long period of colonial rule, and in both cases the European regimes grew out of the enterprise of small trading companies who had ventured to the Indian Ocean area in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in search of exotic items for trade. In both cases the subsequent history proves something of a surprise, for who could have foretold that a quest for the odd shipload of spices or of cotton cloth would lead, quite unexpectedly, to very small North European nations establishing dominion over very large and populous areas of Asia. In both cases, the English and the Dutch only gradually became involved in the acquisition of territory in Asia, and their involvement owed less to an aggressive assertion of superior European economic and technological might than to an insidious and creeping entanglement with the indigenous governments they found established. However, in retrospect, as the traditional historiography has it, the English in India and the Dutch in Indonesia became more and more involved in local politics and moved implacably from trade to rule. With the shift in emphasis came new imperial politics. The emphasis which had once been limited to securing tropical products and commodities for resale in Europe, switched t o broader concerns of economic development. Imperial governments were always expected to cover their own costs, and what underlay their activities were attempts to integrate colonial and home economies and to make them complementary to each other.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; This research thesis analyzes, from a social and transnational history perspective, the evolution of the Colombian labor legislative system and its links with the social policy platform disseminated by the International Labor Organization (ILO) between 1919 and 1934. To this end, first, general notions will be presented on the development of the Colombian working class during the period of the Conservative Hegemony between 1900 and 1930, characterizing the role it played in the structure of the productive system and political power, as well as in the processes of popular demonstration and expression; second, the political, economic and social effects of the Great Depression of 1929 in Colombia and some Latin American countries will be contextualized, as well as the significance of the democratic victory of the liberal Enrique Olaya Herrera in the 1930 presidential elections; Third, it will show the diplomatic and technical cooperation relationship in social policies that began to be woven between Latin America and the ILO, highlighting the links that were forged with the Colombian State between 1919 and 1934; and fourth, it will observe the type of political intervention that was carried out during the period under study by the last governments of the Conservative Hegemony (1919 - 1930) and the first period of the Liberal Republic preceded by Enrique Olaya Herrera (1930 - 1934). This thesis is supported by first hand documents such as: the Annals of the Congress of the Republic of Colombia, the Memoirs of the Ministry of Industry and the Department of Labor, the Official Journal of the Republic, the press and the Acts of the International Labor Conferences organized by the ILO between 1919 and 1934. ; La presente tesis de investigación analiza desde una perspectiva de la historia social y transnacional, la evolución del sistema legislativo laboral de Colombia y sus lazos de conexión con la plataforma ...

The idea of impeachment (pemakzulan) towards the incumbent president of Indonesia surfaces recently. This could be the cause of two main grounds. First, regarding the ongoing investigation process of the Century Bank case. In the beginning, the presumption charges merely towards the monetary policy officials and the concerning president's assistants, but during the further investigations, a number of political parties, in not so vigorously manner pointed the charges to the incumbent presidents because of the indication of responsibility toward the bailout process of Century Bank. Second, the idea of presidential impeachment got its nudge when the Constitutional Court also declaring that its components are ready in processing the impeachment petition, after it has surfaced the Constitutional Court Rule (Peraturan Mahkamah Konstitusi) No. 21/PMK/2009 on the Guidelines in Judicial Procedures in Hearing the Parliamentary Petition in Violation Charges Towards President of the Republic and/or Vice President of the Republic. Third, Presidential and / or Vice Presidential Impeachments has already been occurred in the history of Indonesian nation, namely towards past Indonesian Presidents such as Sukarno, Suharto and KH. Abdurrahman Wahid.This writing attempts to discuss issues regarding presidential impeachment in Indonesia, such as the power of the Constitutional Court in impeachment process, the legal grounds of impeachments, reasons for impeachments and the procedural mechanism of impeachment. Constitutionally, the procedures and mechanism of presidential and / or vice presidential impeachment has been regulated comprehensively in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, specifically in Article 7 B, Article 24 (2), and Article 24 C of the 1945 Constitution after the Third Amendment. Based on these regulations, impeachment is not a simple process, but requires a long process and involving a number of high state institutions, namely People's Representative Council (DPR), The Constitutional Court, and People ...