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In a population of crested terns breeding in the Fremantle area of south-western Australia, a proportion
of adults were moulting in all seasons. At the individual level moult was protracted over the period of gonadal
quiescence (39-41 weeks) with little overlap between the alternate moults of the cap and the basic moult.
Wave moult was observed in the replacement of the primary feathers. Plumage state was a reliable indicator
of gonadal condition in females at all times of year, but not in males while they were involved in the nesting
cycle. The plumage states observed in the population reflected the prolonged breeding season with bimodal
peaks of laying characteristic of the area, but the moult patterns of marked individuals suggested that moult
was essentially aseasonal and continuous.

Two events combined at the middle of the nineteenth century to draw the attention of British economists to Australia. The first was the grant of increased local autonomy through the Australian Colonies Government Act of 1850 and subsequent legislation. The prospect of colonists, rather than the British Parliament, determining colonial affairs shifted the focus of economists' interest from London overseas and caused them to ponder seriously what Britain stood to gain or lose from this transfer of authority. British musings over the virtues of self-government and the value of the colonies were given a sudden impulse by a second event, the discovery of large quantities of gold in New South Wales and Victoria in 1851.

serial 1. Conduct of George W. English, United States District Judge, Eastern District of Illinois -- serial 2. Amendment of the National Motor Vehicle Theft Act -- serial 3. Salaries of judges -- serial 4. To amend the Bankruptcy Law -- serial 6. Amendment of Employees' Compensation Act -- serial 7. Proposal and ratification of amendments to the Constitution of the United States -- serial 8. Postal appointments in Mississippi and South Carolina -- serial 9. Indexing of federal and state laws -- serial 10. Additional judicial district in the state of Georgia -- serial 11. Stenographers for federal courts -- serial 12. Declaratory judgments -- serial 13. Additional judges -- serial 14. To regulate the disbursement of funds expended for construction and other purposes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Purpose
This paper aims to examine the impact of health and other exogenous shocks on stock markets in Africa. Particularly, the authors examined the resilience of the major stock markets in 12 African economies during the recent global pandemic.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper uses the recent panel vector autoregressive model, which enables us to capture the response of stock markets to shocks in COVID-19, commodity markets and exchange rate. For robustness, the authors also analysed the panel Granger causality test. Data was obtained for the period ranging from 2 January 2020 to 31 December 2020.


Findings
The results show that the growth in COVID-19 cases and deaths do not have any substantial impact on the stock market returns of these economies. In terms of commodity markets, the authors find that gold price has a negative contemporaneous effect on stock returns, but the effect fizzles out around the fifth day while crude oil price, on the other hand, has a significant positive simult aneous impact on stock returns and also converges around the fifth day. The authors further find that the exchange rate has a contemporaneous and nonlinear effect on stock returns and seems to be more dramatic when compared with the other variables. Overall, the results show that stock markets in Africa appear to be flexible and resilient against the COVID-19 outbreak but are affected by other exogenous shocks such as volatile commodity prices and the foreign exchange market. The effect is, however, short-lived – between one to five days.


Practical implications
Following the study's findings, policies should be put in place to support financial markets by way of hedging against commodity instability and securing domestic currency financing. Policymakers are also recommended to concentrate on managing the uncertainties around their exchange rate markets and develop robust and efficient domestic financial markets to encourage local and foreign investors.


Originality/value
Several studies have been carried out on the effects of disasters (such as the COVID-19 pandemic) on stock markets, but only a few studies have examined the resilience of stock markets to health and other exogenous shocks. This study's attempt is not only to examine the impact of COVID-19 health shocks on stock markets but also to analyse the resilience of the sampled stock markets. The authors also analyse the resilience of stock markets to commodity markets and exchange rates shocks.

German Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa is lagging behind China, France, the Netherlands, the UK, the US, and other economies. It represented only 1 percent of the German total FDI stock abroad in 2018 and is concentrated in few African countries. Overall, around 850 German firms have roughly 200,000 employees on the African continent (as of 2017). Compared with the main sending countries, German FDI is more concentrated in manufacturing as opposed to the natural resources sector. Germany has engaged in various proactive policies to encourage FDI, including in Africa. For example, the Federal Government offers investment guarantees to German firms to cover political risks, which are often high in developing and emerging countries. German Chambers of Commerce abroad provide information on the local business environment, local investment opportunities and partners and thus aim to bridge information gaps often hindering FDI. More recently, new initiatives such as "German Desks" and "AfricaConnect" were introduced. They rely on private-public partnerships to facilitate access to local business opportunities but also to third markets in neighboring countries. Based on an analysis of German FDI in 115 countries since 2010, we confirm that German Chambers of Commerce are related to a higher German FDI stock in their country of location. Moreover, we find that German investment guarantees help to reduce negative effects of low institutional quality. They are nevertheless only a second best option as compared to improving the national institutional environment. This is particularly true in the African context if the goal is to increase significantly the number of German firms active on the continent. Recipient countries have also developed tools to attract FDI including "Investment Promotion Agencies" (IPAs) and "Special Economic Zones" (SEZs), aiming at compensating for weaknesses in the national business environment. While there is some evidence in the literature about IPAs as investment facilitators, the evidence is rather mixed concerning SEZs. In our analysis of German FDI, we do not find a significant correlation between the presence of SEZs and the German FDI stock. Assessing the impact of very recent initiatives such as the "German Desks" and "AfricaConnect" is less straightforward as they are still in their infancy. They have the potential to reduce costly information barriers to FDI. Nevertheless, their beneficial effect on German FDI may take time to materialize and depends strongly on a business friendly institutional environment and cross border openness between African countries to FDI and trade.

Maize is the most cultivated cereal in Africa in terms of land area and production, but low soil nitrogen availability often constrains yields. Developing new maize varieties with high and reliable yields using traditional crop breeding techniques in field conditions can be slow and costly. Remote sensing has become an important tool in the modernization of field-based high-throughput plant phenotyping (HTPP), providing faster gains towards the improvement of yield potential and adaptation to abiotic and biotic limiting conditions. We evaluated the performance of a set of remote sensing indices derived from red–green–blue (RGB) images along with field-based multispectral normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) and leaf chlorophyll content (SPAD values) as phenotypic traits for assessing maize performance under managed low-nitrogen conditions. HTPP measurements were conducted from the ground and from an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV). For the ground-level RGB indices, the strongest correlations to yield were observed with hue, greener green area (GGA), and a newly developed RGB HTPP index, NDLab (normalized difference Commission Internationale de I´Edairage (CIE)Lab index), while GGA and crop senescence index (CSI) correlated better with grain yield from the UAV. Regarding ground sensors, SPAD exhibited the closest correlation with grain yield, notably increasing in its correlation when measured in the vegetative stage. Additionally, we evaluated how different HTPP indices contributed to the explanation of yield in combination with agronomic data, such as anthesis silking interval (ASI), anthesis date (AD), and plant height (PH). Multivariate regression models, including RGB indices (R2 > 0.60), outperformed other models using only agronomic parameters or field sensors (R2 > 0.50), reinforcing RGB HTPP's potential to improve yield assessments. Finally, we compared the low-N results to the same panel of 64 maize genotypes grown under optimal conditions, noting that only 11% of the total genotypes appeared in the highest yield producing quartile for both trials. Furthermore, we calculated the grain yield loss index (GYLI) for each genotype, which showed a large range of variability, suggesting that low-N performance is not necessarily exclusive of high productivity in optimal conditions. ; This research and APC was funded by Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and USAID Stress Tolerant Maize for Africa program, grant number [OPP1134248], and the MAIZE CGIAR research program. The CGIAR Research Program MAIZE receives W1&W2 support from the Governments of Australia, Belgium, Canada, China, France, India, Japan, Korea, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, U.K., U.S., and the World Bank.

After the conquest of Egypt in 1517M, the relationship between the Ottoman and the northeast African Muslim community was served. On 1555M, the eyalet of Habesha was established in order to protect the Two Holy Cities of Muslims and the Muslim community in Red Sea shores particulary the northeast Africa. Apart from that, the establishment of the Habesha eyalet was to secure the political and trade route for the Ottoman on that region. Unfortunately, the Ottoman's initiative were seen as provocations to the Bani Funj, ruler of the Sinnar Sultanate in Nubia which eventually led to centuries of feud between them.The objective of this article is to identify the relationship dynamics between the Ottoman and the Muslim community in northeast Africa, mainly in the regions of Nubia and Ethiopia. This qualitative study is carried out through literature and historical analysis to observe similarities, make comparisons and deduce interpretations of related historical events in that relationship. This study found that, the Ottoman's relationship throughout the 16th and the 18th centuries, changes allies and foes constantly between the Sinnar Sultanate as well as the Ethiopian kingdoms. Meanwhile, even after the collapse of the Adal Sultanate's holy war, the Ottoman's commitment on the destiny of Ethiopian Muslim remained unchanged. Keywords: Ottoman, Muslim community, Sinnar Sultanate, Ethiopia Setelah menguasai Mesir pada 1517M, hubungan antara 'Uthmaniyyah dan komuniti Muslim timur laut Afrika mula terjalin. Pada 1555M, eyalet Habesha telah diasaskan untuk melindungi Dua Kota Suci umat Islam serta komuniti Muslim di persisiran pantai Laut Merah terutamanya di timur laut Afrika. Selain itu, penubuhan eyalet Habesha juga bertujuan mengukuhkan kedudukan politik dan penguasaan perdagangan 'Uthmaniyyah ke atas rantau tersebut. Walau bagaimanapun, tindakan 'Uthmaniyyah itu dilihat sebagai sebuah provokasi kepada Bani Funj yang menguasai kesultanan Sinnar di Nubia. Keadaan ini telah membawa kepada perseteruan lebih daripada dua abad. Objektif artikel ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti hubungan dinamik 'Uthmaniyyah dengan komuniti Muslim di timur laut Afrika terutama di dua wilayah utama iaitu Nubia dan Ethiopia. Kajian kualitatif ini dijalankan melalui kaedah kepustakaan dan analisa sejarah bagi melihat persamaan, membuat perbandingan serta menghasilkan interpretasi terhadap peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah yang terkait dalam hubungan tersebut. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa sepanjang abad ke-16M hingga ke-18M, hubungan antara 'Uthmaniyyah dan kesultanan Sinnar serta kerajaan Ethiopia menjadikan status lawan dan kawan sering kali berubah. Manakala, komitmen 'Uthmaniyyah terhadap nasib Muslim Ethiopia tidak berubah walaupun setelah kekalahan gerakan jihad kesultanan 'Adal. Kata kunci: Uthmaniyyah, Komuniti Muslim, Kesultanan Sinnar, Ethiopia

With limited time to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, progress towards improving women's and children's health needs to be accelerated. With Africa accounting for over half of the world's maternal and child deaths, the African Union (AU) has a critical role in prioritizing related policies and catalysing required investments and action. In this paper, the authors assess the evolution of African Union policies related to women's and children's health, and analyze how these policies are prioritized and framed.The main method used in this policy analysis was a document review of all African Union policies developed from 1963 to 2010, focusing specifically on policies that explicitly mention health. The findings from this document review were discussed with key actors to identify policy implications.With over 220 policies in total, peace and security is the most common AU policy topic. Social affairs and other development issues became more prominent in the 1990s. The number of policies that mentioned health rose steadily over the years (with 1 policy mentioning health in 1963 to 7 in 2010).This change was catalysed by factors such as: a favourable shift in AU priorities and systems towards development issues, spurred by the transition from the Organization of African Unity to the African Union; the mandate of the African Commission on Human and People's Rights; health-related advocacy initiatives, such as the Campaign for the Accelerated Reduction of Maternal Mortality in Africa (CARMMA); action and accountability requirements arising from international human rights treaties, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), and new health-funding mechanisms, such as the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.Prioritization of women's and children's health issues in AU policies has been framed primarily by human rights, advocacy and accountability considerations, more by economic and health frames looking at investments and impact. AU policies related to reproductive, maternal, newborn and child health also use fewer policy frames than do AU policies related to HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria.We suggest that more effective prioritization of women's and children's health in African Union policies would be supported by widening the range of policy frames used (notably health and economic) and strengthening the evidence base of all policy frames used. In addition, we suggest it would be beneficial if the partner groups advocating for women's and children's health were multi-stakeholder, and included, for instance, health care professionals, regional institutions, parliamentarians, the media, academia, NGOs, development partners and the public and private sectors.

Infrastructure contributed 0.6 percentage points to Ethiopia's annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) growth over the last decade. Raising the country's infrastructure endowment level to that of the region's middle-income countries could lift annual growth by an additional 3 percentage points. This will represent a significant boost over the growth performance of the mid-2000s, which averaged around 5 percent. The Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic (AICD) has collected and analyzed extensive infrastructure data for more than 40 Sub-Saharan countries, including Ethiopia. The results are presented in reports on various infrastructure sectors Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), irrigation, power, transport, water and sanitation and policy areas, including investment needs, fiscal costs, and sector performance. This country report presents the key AICD findings for Ethiopia. This will allow its infrastructure situation to be benchmarked against that of other African nations that, like Ethiopia, are low-income countries, with particular emphasis on immediate regional neighbors in East Africa. Several methodological issues should be borne in mind. First, the cross country nature of the data collection creates an inevitable time lag. The period covered by the AICD runs from 2001 to 2006. Most technical data are presented for 2006 (or the most recent year available), while financial data typically are averaged over the available period to smooth out the effect of short term fluctuations. Second, cross country comparisons require standardization of the indicators and the analysis to ensure consistency. Therefore, some of the indicators may be slightly different from those that are routinely reported and discussed at the country level. During the 2000s, Ethiopia's annual economic growth has averaged 4.8 percent, compared with only 0.5 percent in the previous decade. Notwithstanding this improvement, current annual growth levels still fall short of the sustained 7 percent needed to meet the Millennium Development Goals. Improved structural and stabilization policies generated an estimated 4.2 percent of Ethiopia's improved per capita growth performance during the 2000s, and improvements in the country's infrastructure platform over that period contributed up to 0.6 percentage points to growth. This was due almost entirely to the introduction of mobile telephony in Ethiopia. Simulations suggest that if Ethiopia's infrastructure platform could be improved to the level of the African leader, Mauritius, annual per capita growth rates could increase by 3.8 percent. This potential impact would come equally from improvements to transport, power, and ICT infrastructure.

El presente trabajo se centra en las interrelaciones entre sistema colonial, viaje y fenómeno turístico, analizando al viaje como proceso socio-histórico desde le punto de vista de la turismología. Se sitúa, fundamentalmente, en el viaje colonial que se desarrolla desde mediados del siglo XIX hasta el final del proceso de descolonización, entre el Africa del Norte francesa y el estado francés. El análisis parte de la observación, dentro del sistema colonial, de la idealización del escenario del destino desde el punto de vista de los viajeros coloniales, tanto del colonizador como del residente metropolitano, tomándose como referencia el "Retrato del colonizado" de Albert Memmi. Para posteriormente realizar un análisis comparativo respecto a lo que sucede, ya durante la era turística, con las relaciones entre los antiguos estados coloniales y su metrópoli y la correspondiente idealización del destino. Se observa como la situación colonial genera imágenes de tipo ideal en las mentes de las sociedades, tanto en el colonizador cuyo destino se encuentra en la metrópoli, como en el ciudadano de la metrópoli que decide trasladarse hacia el sitio colonial; y el modo en que el hecho también se repite durante las relaciones turísticas internacionales. ; This work focuses on the interrelationship between the colonial system, travels and the touristic phenomenon, travels being analyzed as a social-historical process from the point of view of the tourismology. It addresses, essentially, the colonial travels developed from the second half of the 19th century until the end of the decolonization process between French North Africa and the French government The analysis starts from the observation, within the colonial system, of the idealization of the destination scenery from the point of view of colonial travelers, both the colonizer and the metropolitan resident, taking as a reference "Portrait of a Colonized/Portrait of a Colonizer" book by Albert Memmi. Subsequently, a comparative analysis is made to describe what happens in the tourist era with the relationship between the ancient colonial governments and their metropolises and the corresponding idealization of the destination. It can be seen how the colonial situation creates idealized images in the society mind, both in the colonizer whose destination is the metropolis and the metropolis inhabitant who decides to travel to the colonizer's place, and the manner in which this fact is repeated through the international tourist relationships. ; Fil: Beltrami, Mauro. Universidad Argentina de la Empresa; Argentina.

Introduction : understanding American social politics / Margaret Weir, Ann Shola Orloff, and Theda Skocpol -- Institutional limits and patterns of policy. The political origins of America's belated welfare state / Ann Shola Orloff -- Redefining the New Deal : World War II and the development of social provision in the United States / Edwin Amenta and Theda Skocpol -- Blurring the boundaries : how the federal government has influenced welfare benefits in the private sector / Beth Stevens -- The federal government and unemployment : the frustration of policy innovation from the New Deal to the Great Society / Margaret Weir -- Transformations within the New Deal system. Agriculture and the politics of U.S. social provision : social insurance and food stamps / Kenneth Finegold -- From old-age assistance to supplemental security income : the political economy of relief in the South, 1935-1972 / Jill Quadagno -- Postwar capitalism and the extension of social security into a retirement wage / John Myles.

The article reviews key aspects of the Italian presidents' activity under A. Pertini, F. Kossiga, O.L. Scalfaro, C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of Carlo Azeglio Ciampi's and Giorgio Napolitano's presidency results, as well as of external factors correlating with these politicians' ratings, considering their significant influence on the head of state institute transformation during the period of their tenures. The aim of the paper is to review the examples of initiatives taken by C.A. Ciampi and G. Napolitano, which is necessary for highlighting new trends of the presidency development in Italy. Systematization and sequencing of popular approaches in the research allow to sort out distinctive characteristics of relations among three political actors: the head of state, political parties and the government. The author conducts comparative analysis of the two presidents' tenures results. The study of C.A. Ciampi's and G. Napolitano's ratings is carried out to determine a decision-making pattern. In the article, the examples of an informal instruments usage are considered, and their effectiveness is evaluated. In this respect, it is possible to review the transformation of the role of a president as an actor responsible for the country's political system stability. Relations between the prime-minister and the head of state are the subject for a separate consideration. In this article, the system analysis method together with other universal scientific approaches (comparative historical, institutional and structural-functional) are used. The contribution of this research consists of defining the role of informal instruments in the decision-making process. Unfortunately, in Russian bibliography, only limited attention is paid to domestic policy issues of the Second Italian Republic. However, the research conducted by the author should elucidate the specificity of presidency and its relations with other public institutes. This paper is addressed to scientists devoting themselves to the South Europe political research, particularly Italy, as well as to anyone interested in the Italian domestic policy issues. Additionally, it may be used in further comparative politics investigations, for the analysis of presidential activities in other European states.

International audience ; The project of Mediterranean Union launched by the President of the French Republic is clearly inspired for the moment from the strategic and political point of view. Its announcement comes "top down". That approach sets its ambitions and limits from the start. The reflexion based on the paradigm of the territorial intelligence can be used for examining it under another angle and contributing to its success. Indeed, one of the barriers to the success of this project would be the hostility or even the indifference of the populations concerned. The failure of the process of Barcelona is here to testify. To make again the same thing 10 years later would undoubtedly lead to the same result. The project of Mediterranean Union is for the moment a Utopia. The participative democracy on the scale of a union of territories must be freed from the traditional schemes of territorial confrontations to form part of the movement of Mondiality. In present day Europe, the concept of nation is evolving and regions take an increasingly notable place. On the planet Earth, the great areas are those of North compared to those of the South. The mechanisms of the participative democracy then implement not only forms of collaboration but also of the principles of reasoning which we place under the sign of the Territorial Intelligence. ; Le projet d'Union méditerranéenne lancé par le Président de la République française est clairement situé pour le moment dans une perspective stratégique et politique. Son annonce vient « d'en haut ». Cette démarche en fixe d'emblée les ambitions et les limites. La réflexion fondée sur le paradigme de l'intelligence territoriale peut servir à l'examiner sous un autre angle et contribuer à son succès. En effet, l'un des freins à la réussite de ce projet serait l'hostilité ou même l'indifférence des populations concernées. L'échec du processus de Barcelone est là pour en témoigner. Refaire la même chose 10 ans plus tard conduirait sans doute au même résultat. Le projet d'Union ...

International audience ; The project of Mediterranean Union launched by the President of the French Republic is clearly inspired for the moment from the strategic and political point of view. Its announcement comes "top down". That approach sets its ambitions and limits from the start. The reflexion based on the paradigm of the territorial intelligence can be used for examining it under another angle and contributing to its success. Indeed, one of the barriers to the success of this project would be the hostility or even the indifference of the populations concerned. The failure of the process of Barcelona is here to testify. To make again the same thing 10 years later would undoubtedly lead to the same result. The project of Mediterranean Union is for the moment a Utopia. The participative democracy on the scale of a union of territories must be freed from the traditional schemes of territorial confrontations to form part of the movement of Mondiality. In present day Europe, the concept of nation is evolving and regions take an increasingly notable place. On the planet Earth, the great areas are those of North compared to those of the South. The mechanisms of the participative democracy then implement not only forms of collaboration but also of the principles of reasoning which we place under the sign of the Territorial Intelligence. ; Le projet d'Union méditerranéenne lancé par le Président de la République française est clairement situé pour le moment dans une perspective stratégique et politique. Son annonce vient « d'en haut ». Cette démarche en fixe d'emblée les ambitions et les limites. La réflexion fondée sur le paradigme de l'intelligence territoriale peut servir à l'examiner sous un autre angle et contribuer à son succès. En effet, l'un des freins à la réussite de ce projet serait l'hostilité ou même l'indifférence des populations concernées. L'échec du processus de Barcelone est là pour en témoigner. Refaire la même chose 10 ans plus tard conduirait sans doute au même résultat. Le projet d'Union ...

International audience ; The project of Mediterranean Union launched by the President of the French Republic is clearly inspired for the moment from the strategic and political point of view. Its announcement comes "top down". That approach sets its ambitions and limits from the start. The reflexion based on the paradigm of the territorial intelligence can be used for examining it under another angle and contributing to its success. Indeed, one of the barriers to the success of this project would be the hostility or even the indifference of the populations concerned. The failure of the process of Barcelona is here to testify. To make again the same thing 10 years later would undoubtedly lead to the same result. The project of Mediterranean Union is for the moment a Utopia. The participative democracy on the scale of a union of territories must be freed from the traditional schemes of territorial confrontations to form part of the movement of Mondiality. In present day Europe, the concept of nation is evolving and regions take an increasingly notable place. On the planet Earth, the great areas are those of North compared to those of the South. The mechanisms of the participative democracy then implement not only forms of collaboration but also of the principles of reasoning which we place under the sign of the Territorial Intelligence. ; Le projet d'Union méditerranéenne lancé par le Président de la République française est clairement situé pour le moment dans une perspective stratégique et politique. Son annonce vient « d'en haut ». Cette démarche en fixe d'emblée les ambitions et les limites. La réflexion fondée sur le paradigme de l'intelligence territoriale peut servir à l'examiner sous un autre angle et contribuer à son succès. En effet, l'un des freins à la réussite de ce projet serait l'hostilité ou même l'indifférence des populations concernées. L'échec du processus de Barcelone est là pour en témoigner. Refaire la même chose 10 ans plus tard conduirait sans doute au même résultat. Le projet d'Union ...