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The purpose of the article is to give a review of the current environment of management and the development of culture and arts in the system of cultural and creative industries in Ukraine. The methodology of research is the application of the descriptive method and definitive analysis, functional analysis, formal characterization in the process of research regarding the national field of management and development of culture and arts segment in Ukraine. The scientific novelty is the analysis of the institutional field of national development of culture and arts in Ukraine. The scientific novelty is an analysis of the institutional field of development of national culture and art in the aspects of public administration, institutions of higher education (HEI) in the indicated areas, and government mass media channels. Conclusions: Effective organization of national management of institutional field development of national forms of cultural and art interaction – that is the Ukrainian cultural need in the process of its civilizational development. The main aspects of development and support of culture and arts from the government institutions side, in our opinion, are coordination of means of the government management system in the cultural and arts industry, institutions of higher education in culture and arts industries, and mass media broadcasting channels, which are owned by the government. National artistic, cultural-and-artistic, artistic-and-technological, scientific, educational, cultural and intellectual-and-creative capable part of a human capital asset (involved in the systems of the national arts and creative production, including government management organizations in the field of cultural and creative industries) must support the organization of national arts and cultural platforms of interaction based on communicative cooperation of groups of arts and cultural production, as well as comprehensive rebroadcasting of the best-produced products by unions of arts and cultural production by informative, mass media, arts, educational governmental means (tangible and intangible). The country should unite the efforts of specialists in this sector in the field of institutional communication of cultural-and-arts interaction, should support the formation of bases for the practical production of the national arts and cultural production of all branches of the sector of cultural and creative industries of Ukraine.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

In this book, the author examines East Asian pop culture as an integrated regional cultural economy that combines Japanese and Korean pop culture with the distribution and reception networks of Chinese language pop culture. The book provides detailed analysis of the fragmented reception process of transcultural audiences and the processes of audiences' formation and exercise of consumer power and engagement with national politics. It will appeal to scholars and students as well as general readers who are interested in media and cultural studies.

Представлены основные гипотезы предстоящего политико-психологического исследования. ; The study of characteristics of formation of state image in mass political consciousness is one of the most topical trend of research in Russian politic-psychology. Such interest is fully appropriate because a state is the fundamental of society which is controlling and regulating all basic spheres of human life. Creation of this image presumes that an individual gets different signals from external environment and then cognitively processes the received information. We point out several important factors which play the key role in formation of state image in mass political consciousness of Russian citizens. First of all we are interested in the new Russian state formation as an object of perception in post soviet period. The process of transformation is combined with multiple changes both in political, social and economical spheres and in people's minds. Such processes as changing of political course, system of values, foreign-policy priorities became a part of citizen's everyday life. This created a situational context for perception of the state image. People's civil reaction to those events, acceptance or rejection of reforms and their attitude to the new state power, which was personified with the new state, can be explained with political culture which emerged in Russia for centuries. Therefore political culture and situational context create another factor of forming of state image the political context. Over the past 20 years the mass media increased its influence on public opinion. Now it is not a source of information only, but a powerful political-psychological mechanism which can seriously transform the political consciousness of citizens. For this reason the mass media is one of the most important parts of another communication factor that influences the formation of state image.

In today's "post-truth" world, concerns over political attacks on the legitimacy of expert knowledge and scientific facts are growing. Especially populist politicians frequently use their social media platforms to target science and journalism, arguing these are part of an "evil elite," deliberately misleading the public by spreading disinformation. While this type of discourse is highly concerning, thus far, we lack empirical evidence on how these accusations affect the public perceptions of scientists and journalists. To fill this gap, this study tests how politicians' attacks affect citizens' trust in journalists and scientists and the information provided by them. Furthermore, it investigates whether this discourse renders hostility towards journalists and scientists acceptable and whether there are effects on the image of politicians using such anti-science rhetoric. Findings suggest that the effects of politicians' attacks on citizens' perceptions of scientists and journalists are limited. Only individuals with strong anti-elitist attitudes are susceptible to disinformation accusations and indicate less belief in discredited scientific information. Interestingly, these individuals also perceive politicians using such attacks as more trustworthy and authentic

With the turn of the century we have seen a string of political and cultural changes that have had a deep impact on economy and technology. The "global culture" phenomenon is nowadays a common concept spread through the mass media, namely television, films and the internet. However, cultural differences persist despite globalization. As English language teachers, we are aware that language and culture are two indivisible entities, that is to say, the cultural aspects are part of foreign language learning. The main problem the learner faces is the present day development of global culture, since this seemingly international behavior makes it difficult to identify the values that lay within a society's internal culture. Given the complexity of this concept, we firmly believe that we must help our students identify more subjective cultural nuances that remain unnoticed or in the background, so we can break away from stereotypes. Television is a window into the values of a society. It is also an effective and powerful tool for language learning, both from the linguistic and cultural angle. Bearing all this in mind, we propose a pedagogical approach to carry out acultural awareness exercise that enable the students understand the values of the American society as portrayed in the situation comedy Friends.

This chapter examines the evolution of communication research in Latin America and North America, and discusses the most influential researchparadigms in each region. A central assumption guiding this review stresses the role played by research agendas in the legitimation of prevailing political agendas. The review of research paradigms is followed by a critical evaluation of underlying assumptions and methods in the two regions. The second section of the chapter posits the framework for an analysis of youth cultural identity as an issue in the study of popular cultures. In this context, special attention is given to the ways popular culture approaches have effected the agenda and methods of communication research. Most of the comparative reviews asses the evolution of communication research focus on mass media. These reviews have compared U.S. and Britdish Studies, as well as American and European approaches to mass media reseach and to critical communication research. However comprehensive comparisons of research traditions between Latin America and North America have only- appeared in the middle of the 1980. Although this review deals with research traditions in the study of popular culture, it refers largely to reviews on mass media and critical communication that have included popular culture as an issue of interest. Although the study of popular culture or "cultura popular" has involved very different disciplines, for the purpose of the present study, this review concentrates on studies within the field of communications that have influenced or have had an impact on the study of popular culture. ; El artículo de Riaño examina la evolución de la investigación sobre comunicación en América Latina y América del Norte. Discute los paradigmas más influyentes en la investigación en cada región. Una suposición central que guía su análisis es el papel primordial que juegan los programas de investigación en la legitimación de programas politicos vigentes. Al repaso de los paradigmas sigue una evaluación crítica de las suposiciones subyacentes en la investigación. Luego la autora presenta un análisis de la metodología empleada en cada región.En la segunda sección del artículo, Riaño presenta el marco para analizar la identidad cultural de los jóvenes como un elemento importante en el estudio de culturas populares. En este contexto se presta especial atención a la manera como los acercamientos a la cultura popular han afectado la programación y los métodos de investigación en la comunicación. La mayoría de los análisis comparativos reseñados en el artículo evalúan la evolución del foco de la investigación en comunicación y medios masivos. Se comparan tanto las investigaciones en los Estados Unidos e Inglaterra como los acercamientos en América y Europa de los medios masivos y la investigación a la comunicación crítica. Sinembargo, comparaciones comprehensivas de las tradiciones entre América Latina y América del Norte sólo aparecen hacia la mitad de la década de los ochenta.Aunque el análisis de Riaño trata de las tradiciones de investigación en el estudio de cultura popular, se refiere en gran parte, a los análisis de medios masivos y comunicación crítica que incluyen la cultura popular como área de interés. Si bien el estudio de cultura popular integra diferentes disciplinas, en el artículo de Riaño el análisis se concentra en estudios dentro del campo de comunicaciones que han influido o impactado el estudio de cultura popular.

The Spanish Citizen Security Law or Civil Protection Act was reformed throughout the parliamentary period from 2011 to 2014. It was widely known as the "gag law." Supportive and opposing arguments were presented regarding both civil liberties and security. According to the point of view of political agents and media, they were either guaranteed or at risk. The aim of this content analysis is to reveal the media frames the citizens were exposed to in trying to be informed. The main conclusions from this study of the coverage of the eight most-read newspapers in Spain are: 1) critical discourse against the reform (because of its restrictive and repressive nature) was not marginal, but even the predominant one; 2) the law and order discourse was only predominant among the rightist newspapers; 3) the two main frames are more covered in similar quantitative terms the more the newspaper is far from the ideological extremes, and 4) that general scheme was stable along the period. ; Durante la legislatura española 2011/2014 se reformó la ley de seguridad ciudadana, popularmente conocida como ley mordaza. A favor y en contra se esgrimieron argumentos relativos a la libertad y la seguridad garantizada o amenazada, según el punto de vista. En este análisis de contenido se estudian los enfoques mediáticos a que fue expuesta la ciudadanía a la hora de informarse al respecto. Para ello se ha analizado la cobertura del proceso legislativo por los ocho periódicos de información general con más lectores diarios. Se concluye 1) que la crítica a la reforma, por restrictiva y aun represiva, no solo no fue marginada del discurso mediático, sino que de hecho tuvo algo más de presencia en el cómputo global; 2) que solo en los medios de derecha primó el enfoque securitario; 3) que la presencia de los dos enfoques estuvo más equilibrada cuanto más alejados de los extremos ideológicos, y 4) que el patrón general se mantuvo estable a lo largo de todo el período.

The article deals with the media coverage of memorial initiatives in Kharkiv during the era of Ukrainian independence. The study focuses on print and electronic media coverage of around 100 monuments and sculptural compositions constructed in the city between 1991 and 2019. When analyzing the body of publications, the author pays attention to the thematic spectrum and architectonics of messages about monumental sites of memory. The study finds that the intensity of the coverage of the installation and unveiling of monuments is not determined by the memorial value or merits of the commemorated historical figures. Other factors are more important – such as the participation of authorities in commemorative events. Furthermore, mass media rarely report the opinions of experts and city residents regarding sites of memory. It is often representatives of the authorities who are given the opportunity to voice the motives for commemoration and talk about the significance of memorial sites, rather than the immediate initiators, especially if the latter are not state institutions but public bodies. However, there have been positive changes in this area: independent and opposition media have begun to propose different practices for covering the opening of monuments, centering precisely on the agents of memory and their motives. They are also expanding the thematic range of messages, more fully covering the process of decision-making and related discussions. In the author's view, these developments should be thought of not only as a counterweight to pro-government practices of covering memorial initiatives, but also as an important tool for shaping a culture of memory and building a civil society. In addition, broad public dialogue on memorial initiatives in the city between representatives of various political and professional communities is becoming more essential in the current climate. After all, there is a growing need and demand for seeing monumental sites of memory not only as an ideological resource or a tool for symbolic marking of territory, but also as a means of creating a positive and competitive image of the city. ; У статті йдеться про висвітлення засобами масової інформації меморіальних ініціатив у м.Харкові доби незалежної України. У центрі дослідження перебувають новинні повідомлення друкованих та електронних періодичних видань, присвячені близько 100пам'ятникам і скульптурним композиціям, спорудженим у місті впродовж 1991–2019років. Під час аналізу масиву публікацій було звернено увагу на тематичний спектр та архітектоніку повідомлень про монументальні місця пам'яті. У результаті з'ясовано, що широкий інформаційний резонанс щодо встановлення певних пам'ятників був зумовлений не так заслугами історичних осіб, які вшановувалися, як визначався іншими чинниками, зокрема участю представників влади у комеморативних заходах. При цьому повідомлення ЗМІ зрідка містять думку експертів та містян щодо таких місць пам'яті. На сторінках медійних публікацій часто саме представники влади висловлюються з приводу мотивів увічнення та говорять про значення певного місця пам'яті замість безпосередніх ініціаторів, особливо якщо ними є не державні інституції, а громадські організації. Водночас фіксується й інша тенденція: незалежні та опозиційні владі ЗМІ звертають більше уваги саме на мотиви агентів пам'яті, а також розширюють тематичний спектр повідомлень, більш докладно висвітлюючи процес ухвалення рішення та дискусії, пов'язані з цим. На нашу думку, останнє може бути осмислене не тільки як протидія усталеним практикам здійснення та висвітлення у ЗМІ комеморативних заходів, але й як важливий інструмент вироблення нової культури пам'яті та побудови громадянського суспільства. Крім того, на сучасному етапі зростає важливість широкого суспільного діалогу щодо меморіальних ініціатив у місті між представниками різних політичних і професійних співтовариств. Зрештою, затребуваним стає сприйняття монументальних місць пам'яті не лише як ідеологічного ресурсу чи інструменту символічного маркування території, але також засобу створення позитивного і конкурентного образу міста.

In the networked twenty-first century, digital platforms have significantly influenced capital accumulation and digital culture. Platforms, such as social network sites (e.g. Facebook), search engines (e.g. Google), and smartphones (e.g. iPhone), are increasingly crucial because they function as major digital media intermediaries. Emerging companies in non-Western countries have created unique platforms, controlling their own national markets and competing with Western-based platform empires in the global markets. The reality though is that only a handful of Western countries, primarily the U.S., have dominated the global platform markets, resulting in capital accumulation in the hands of a few mega platform owners. This book contributes to the platform imperialism discourse by mapping out several core areas of platform imperialism, such as intellectual property, the global digital divide, and free labor, focusing on the role of the nation-state alongside transnational capital.