Suchergebnisse

This scientific report overviews the most important results and achievements of the scientific research fulfilled by the political scientists group of the VMU cluster "European public space: politics, communication, discourse" in 2012. Within the analyzed period of time 3 important scientific groups' projects were implemented and two of them were devoted to the analysis of Lithuania's national identity construction and the influencing factors. The genesis of 9 selected political initiatives (non-electoral campaigns) of 2006-2011 in Lithuania were also examined by making media monitoring in 5 main Lithuania's internet media portals. Furthermore, in 2012 four scientific dissertations were finalized and successfully defended. Therefore the scientific group of political science researchers of the cluster made an amount and enriching research and published over 15 scientific articles in 2012.

This scientific report overviews the most important results and achievements of the scientific research fulfilled by the political scientists group of the VMU cluster "European public space: politics, communication, discourse" in 2012. Within the analyzed period of time 3 important scientific groups' projects were implemented and two of them were devoted to the analysis of Lithuania's national identity construction and the influencing factors. The genesis of 9 selected political initiatives (non-electoral campaigns) of 2006-2011 in Lithuania were also examined by making media monitoring in 5 main Lithuania's internet media portals. Furthermore, in 2012 four scientific dissertations were finalized and successfully defended. Therefore the scientific group of political science researchers of the cluster made an amount and enriching research and published over 15 scientific articles in 2012.

Once staunch advocates of international cooperation, political elites are increasingly divided over the merits of global governance. Populist leaders attack international organizations for undermining national democracy, while mainstream politicians defend their importance for solving transboundary problems. Bridging international relations, comparative politics, and cognitive psychology, Lisa Dellmuth and Jonas Tallberg explore whether, when, and why elite communication shapes the popular legitimacy of international organizations. Based on novel theory, experimental methods, and comparative evidence, they show that elites are influential in shaping how citizens perceive global governance and explain why some elites and messages are more effective than others. The book offers fresh insights into major issues of our day, such as the rise of populism, the power of communication, the backlash against global governance, and the relationship between citizens and elites. It will be of interest to scholars and students of international organisations, and experimental and survey research methods. --

Current developments of Spanish politics, such as the exponential growth of the Spanish extreme right –represented both by the recently formed radical party Vox and a radicalised Partido Popular–, have reinforced and stimulated the expansion of national-populist politics at both sides of the political spectrum. Well established left-wing nationalist parties such as EH Bildu in the Basque-speaking territories, as well as the until recently fast-growing progressive party Podemos in the rest of the Spanish State represent, on the other hand, the left-wing counterpart. This article offers new perspectives on the study of Spanish national-populism by the simultaneous analysis of its "lexical arsenals" and visual communication strategies in social media campaigns, posters and political performances. The chosen methodology aims to combine the notions of "palabras totem" –keywords with particular relevance in the discourse-building strategies of these parties–those of "purr" and "snarl" words –imbued with particularly positive-negative connotations – and that of "lexical arsenals" to face the study of the "special languages" of Spanish national-populism. ; DFG, 390608380, EXC 2020: Temporal Communities. Literatur als Praxis in globaler Perspektive

"This book explores the concept of cultural chauvinism as the sense of superiority that ethnic or national groups have of themselves relative to others, particularly in the context of international relations. Minabere Ibelema shows the various ways that academics, statesmen, and especially journalists, express their cultural groups' sense of superiority over others. The analysis pivots around the notion of "Western values" given its centrality in international relations and diplomacy. To the West, this stands for an array of largely positive political and civic values; to a significant portion of the global community, it embodies social pathos. Ibelema argues that often the most routine expressions go under the radar, even in this age of hypersensitivity. This book throws a unique light on global relations and will be of particular interest to scholars in international relations, communication studies and journalism studies"--

Cover -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Communication as Strategy -- 2 Contingency of Socialism -- 3 Present Needs -- Appendix A: Reinventing Socialism: Language, Responsibility, and the Philosophy of Hope -- Appendix B: Religion, Rhetoric, and the Left -- Index.

First published in 1999, this volume was offered as a response to an increasingly hostile and alienating political world and speaks for the vision of libertarian socialism (anarchism). Building upon James Arnt Aune's Rhetoric and Marxism and the author's The Rise of Rhetoric, this book differs by stressing the social over the communicative / theoretical. Omar Swartz presents a book of applied communication and advances social philosophy from a communication perspective rather than communication theory per se. It will find an audience amongst those in social and communication studies as well as the cultural studies movement, along with left-wing political parties.

Epistemic questions have become an important area of debate within democratic theory. Epistemic democrats have revived epistemic justification of democracy, while social scientific research has speared a significant debate on voter knowledge. An area which has received less attention, however, is the epistemic case for markets. Market advocates have developed a number of epistemic critiques of democracy which suggest that most goods are better provided by markets than democratic institutions. Despite representing important challenges to democracy, these critiques have gone without reply as democratic theorists have tended to exclude markets from consideration. This article responds to these critiques and argues that there are good epistemic grounds for granting a much greater role to democracy than its market critics have claimed. It argues that there is a broad range of goods, including important ethical goods, which are better provided by democracy than markets due to the particular epistemic burdens they create.