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Technological advancement in automobile and infrastructure sector encourages more and longer distance travel and the way people travel to perform their daily tasks creates environmental problems. Activity-travel behavior of individual have a significant potential to be influenced to reduce environmental issues, however, the underlying factors need to be investigated. This paper investigates pro-environmental activity-travel behavior using recorded GPS-based travel-activity diaries and individual personal traits using online questionnaire and estimating a structure equation model borrowed from theory of planned behavior. The results of the study verified that individual mobility decisions were highly influenced by the attitude one has about specific travel behavior. The results are helpful in devising effective behavioral intervention. (C) 2019 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V. ; This project has received funding from the European Union Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 689954. This paper reflects the authors views. The European Commission is not liable for any use that may be made of the information contained therein. The authors would also like to thank Acadia University and Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC) of Canada for funding the publication of this paper. ; Adnan, M (reprint author), Hasselt Univ, Transportat Res Inst IMOB, B-3590 Diepenbeek, Belgium. muhammad.adnan@uhasselt.be

This book studies the history of the single, or internal, market of the European Union since its beginnings after the Second World War until the end of 2000. The perspective is multidisciplinary and incorporates several dimensions: historical, political, economic, legal and sociological. Based on several interviews and other sources, the book is the most complete synthesis of one of the major achievements of European integration. In particular, the author asks: What is the single European market (SEM) and how has it evolved over the years? How does the SEM work? Who have been the stakeholders

This book examines the potential role of European Union law in combating poverty and social exclusion in the European Union.

Anti-poverty strategies have been part of the European Union agenda for decades. Most saliently, over a decade ago, the EU's Member States pledged to lift 20 million people out of poverty. In spite of this commitment, the EU did not even meet a quarter of this target, and over 113 million people still were at risk of poverty and social exclusion by the end of 2020. This book addresses the incongruence between a quite developed EU policy strategy and a well-embedded legal objective on the one hand, and the lack of direct legal action on the other. Analysing the role of social policy instruments, fundamental rights, and the constitutional framework of the European Union, it makes a detailed case for a contribution of EU law to the policy objective of combating poverty and social exclusion.

Drawing on work in law, politics, social policy and economics, this book will interest scholars and policymakers in the areas of EU law, labour and social security, human rights, political science and social and public policy.

The ink of the Lisbon Treaty"s signatories was not yet dry before the financial crisis, which took a serious turn for the worse in 2010, called that Treaty into question. The financial bankruptcy of Greece and Ireland and the serious financial difficulties of Portugal and Spain have, in fact, determined the need for us to reconsider the "EU institutional arrangement", which was so painstakingly constructed in the course of the first decade of the century. Under the pressure, on one hand, of domestic electoral and constitutional constraints and, on the other, of the financial threat of the collapse of the euro, the EU heads of state and government have finally ended up radically reforming the EU system of economic governance. At the crucial European Council held on 24-25 March 2011, fundamental decisions were adopted, such as: the reinforcement of macroeconomic surveillance, the strengthening of the stability and growth pact, a corrective mechanism for macroeconomic imbalances, the European semester, the Euro Plus pact and the European Stability Mechanism (ESM). This new economic governance system mainly concerns the EU member states who have adopted the euro. The most striking of these innovations, the ESM, implies the establishment of a new treaty by the euro-area member states "as an intergovernmental organisation under public international law", a treaty located outside the EU"s institutional framework, though justified by a proposal of an amendment to Article 136 of the TFEU. Are these decisions a challenge to the integrity of the treaty-based system of the EU or do they represent a radical step forward in the integration process? This paper tries to answer this question, with a critical discussion of the two main paradigms interpreting the EU (the sui generis and the parliamentary options). It reaches the conclusion that those paradigms are unsatisfactory for explaining those decisions, thus proposing a new paradigm, defined as unionist, for interpreting the latter and fine-tuning their implications.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; In the hope of regulating migratory flows, the European Council endorsed a "global approach" to migration in December 2005, an approach which is based on the correction of the "deep causes of migration": poverty, unemployment and development gaps between North and South. Besides liberalising economies and trade systems, a set of measures are advocated in order to enhance home countries' development by using "migration [as a] medicine against migration": stimulating the remittance of funds back to the country of origin; expanding the role of diasporas settled in member states; reinforcing circular migration schemes and facilitating return movements; and improving the management of the emigration of the highly-skilled in order to curb "brain drain". The paper focuses on the Arab South and East Mediterranean (SEM) countries. It challenges the views, implicit in EU migration policies, that migration is entirely rooted in economics and that migrants' agency alone is able to spur development in the origin country. Using the theoretical background of political economy with a neo-institutional approach to migration, it explores the stakes, the outreaches and the outcomes of the migration and development nexus. By so doing, it re-politicizes migration and development and emphasises the structural and contextual dimension of factors pushing on migration and hampering development: unemployment and high professional turn over; economic liberalisation and deregulation policies, and socio-political "blockages" (gender inequalities, patronage, clientelism and corruption, lack of public expression). Moreover, the analysis of SEM country practices in the field of migration management and engineering migration for development shows how the design of policies and the channelling of flows respond to political and demographic stakes in the various national contexts. Migration patterns act as a political shield for regimes in the region that: allows these regimes to monitor political opposition; renews socio-cultural elites; and decreases the economic opportunities in national economies, due to corruption and patronage. Current policies also reconstruct state-society/expatriates relations, through (controlled) economic participation and socio-cultural solidarity. They do not, however, lead to political participation. The paper thus concludes that amendments to macro-political contexts in the SEM countries are more likely than liberalisation policies to curb emigration flows, by engineering global social and political development. As a matter of fact, the onset and patterns of the Arab revolutions since December 2010 aptly confirm the need for political reform in the region. ; Adoptée par le Conseil européen en décembre 2005, l'Approche globale des migrations est axée sur la correction des « causes profondes de la migration » (la pauvreté, le chômage, les écarts de développement entre nord et sud) afin d'en réguler les flux. Parmi les mesures préconisées figurent la facilitation de l'envoi de fonds vers les pays d'origine (transparence des coûts, développement de l'accès aux services financiers), l'encouragement du rôle des diasporas implantées dans les États membres (aider les pays en développement à identifier leur diaspora et à établir des liens), le renforcement de la migration circulaire et la facilitation du retour, une meilleure gestion des migrations de personnes hautement qualifiées afin de limiter la « fuite des cerveaux ». Cette étude traite des pays arabes du sud et de l'est de la Méditerranée (SEM). Elle met en question les représentations, contenues dans les politiques migratoires de l'UE, de la migration comme facteur purement économique, mais aussi des migrants comme agents d'un développement à grande échelle dans leurs pays d'origine. Le cadre théorique de l'économie politique et les approches néo-institutionnelles des migrations, utilisés ici, permettent de dégager les enjeux et la portée du lien entre migration et développement sur le terrain arabe. L'étude 're-politise' ces deux processus. Elle met en relief la dimension structurelle des facteurs déclenchant l'émigration et entravant les processus de développement : les caractéristiques du marché du travail, les politiques de libéralisation des économies et les « blocages » sociopolitiques (inégalités hommes-femmes, clientélisme et corruption, obstacles à l'expression publique). En outre, l'analyse des politiques migratoires menées dans les pays du SEM montre que ces mesures répondent aux enjeux politiques et démographiques particuliers aux divers contextes nationaux de la région. Elles permettent aux régimes en place de contrôler l'opposition politique, le renouvellement des élites socioculturelles et les conséquences de la contraction des opportunités économiques, due à la corruption et au clientélisme. Les politiques migratoires participent également d'une restructuration des relations États-sociétés-expatriés autour d'une participation économique (étroitement contrôlée) et d'une solidarité socioculturelle, mais excluant toute participation politique. L'étude conclut donc que des réformes des contextes sociaux et politiques dans les pays du SEM seraient plus à même d'agir sur les flux migratoires que les réformes néolibérales. Le déclenchement des révoltes arabes en décembre 2010 confirme d'ailleurs l'urgence de ces réformes politiques.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Introduction -- The Major Distinctive Traits of This Study -- Guide to the Chapters -- Who Is This Book for? -- Chapter 1: The Strategic State and Public Governance in European Institutions -- 1 The Need for a Strategic State -- 1.1 A Synthesis of Two Doctrines -- 1.2 The Institution of a Strategic State Means Moving Away from the Traditional Bureaucratic State -- 2 The European Union and Its Problems -- 2.1 The Need to Modernize the Economies -- 2.2 The Europe 2020 Strategy -- 3 Economic Governance Arrangements -- 3.1 A Stronger Economic Governance -- 3.2 How New Was This New Economic Governance? -- 3.3 Governance Institutions in Europe -- 3.4 How Well Was Europe 2020 and the New Economic Governance Working? -- 4 Chapter Summary -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Public Governance in Member States -- 1 Government Effectiveness and Economic Growth -- 1.1 Economic Growth -- 1.2 Strategic Management in Government: Capabilities -- 2 Government Credibility -- 2.1 Credibility and Effectiveness -- 2.2 Capabilities and Leadership -- 2.3 A Typology of Members States in Terms of Effectiveness and Credibility -- 3 Summing Up -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Member States' Outcomes and Desirable Societies -- 1 Public Attitudes About Life, Democracy, and Public Services -- 2 Virtuous Circles and Social Cleavages -- 3 The Trend to Populism-A Challenge for Europe -- 4 Summary and Conclusions -- Bibliography -- Chapter 4: The Governance System for the Europe 2020 Strategy -- 1 The Mechanisms Installed in 2010 -- 1.1 The European Semester as a 'Generalist' Top-Down Mechanism -- 1.2 The Europe 2020 Strategy in the European Semester but Also as Part of a Wider Governance System -- Top-Down Steering Through the European Semester -- The Targeting of Funding

"The Lisbon Strategy and Europe 2020" published on by Oxford University Press.

The purpose of this study is to examine some aspects of personal data protection in the social network, a comparative analysis of the protection of personal data in the social network under Ukrainian and European legislation, namely the General Data Protection Regulation of the European Union. The methods used in this work are: dialectical, comparative-legal, formal-logical, analysis and dogmatic interpretation. Each of these methods was used in the study to understand and qualitatively explain to the audience categories the individual aspects of personal data protection on the social network. This article reveals the notion of: personal data in the social network, the features of their collection, storage and protection in accordance with European legislation and the development of proposals aimed at improving these processes in Ukraine. The research also addresses the following issues: Features of managing consent to the processing of personal data that have already been obtained; who can act as an "operator" under EU law and what actions he can take; who can act as "controller" and what functions it performs. The article concludes that there is an urgent need to streamline Ukrainian domestic legislation in line with EU law, which should result in a new law on personal data protection that complies with GDPR norms. As a result, a new law on personal data protection may soon emerge in Ukraine, replacing the outdated Law of Ukraine "On Personal Data Protection" of 01.06.2010, which is a "mirror" of the repealed Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council.

The subject of analysis in this paper is to review the institutional aspects of coordination mechanisms for economic policy in the European Union. In this context, the first part of the article defines the concept of coordination, the benefits versus the competition, the goals and the principles on which mechanisms are placed. In the second part of paper points to the impact of the mechanism for coordination of economic policy in Serbia, costs and benefits of the coordination process, i.e. primarily in the light of the new wave of coordination which started with the new model of economic governance during the global crisis embodied in the provisions of the European semester, the European Stabilisation Mechanism and the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union. The central hypothesis is based on the fact that Serbia its economic policy must shape according to European coordination mechanisms in the broadest sense, and not only in the field of monetary and fiscal policy, but also other segments of structural macroeconomic policies (labour market, as well as in the new areas such as environmental policy and cohesion policy) to achieve sustainable economic development. Although the domestic economic policymakers have done a lot on that plan, there is still a practical and logical need for the harmonisation of specific segments of economic policy and reducing the time lag in the implementation of the actions of economic policy.

The abilities of countries to take advantage of global technological progress is currently the main growth determinant. It is especially important in the case of developed economies and the countries that concentrate on closing a development gap. As a result, there is a scientific need to make an international comparisons of countries' technological potential, which can be useful in pointing the economies that can be considered as the leaders and the economies that make especially quick progress in the field. Thus, the main purpose of the research is the identification of the variables that influence countries' technological potential at macroeconomic level, which can be used in its measuring. The second aim of the article is the evaluation of progress obtained by "new" European Union member states. It is assumed that technological potential can be treated as a latent variable. Thus, it can be measured with application of Structural Equation Models (SEM). In the research, the hypothetic SEM model was proposed for the European Union countries in the years 2008-2012. The model was estimated with application of seven variables sugested by Eurostat as the potential measures of technological potential of the EU economies. The research confirmed significant influence of five of the given variables. Additionally, the research showed some progress in the field obtained by Central European countries that joined the EU after the year 2004.