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Argues that there is a link between the neoliberal model in the global economy & the deterioration of political & economic rights in Latin America, especially in Venezuela. There, the decline of political legitimacy & the growing impoverishment of the population are explained in part by the globalization process, but more so by its conjunction with state capital accumulation. Accumulation was at work prior to 1989 at the expense of increasing citizen participation in political decision making & redistributing economic resources. With globalization in the 1990s, the earlier state capital accumulation model was threatened, & the state unable to deal with internal violence. Living conditions deteriorated because of a predatory state & global predators, as evidenced by income & budget statistics. 4 Tables, 67 References. M. Pflum

Факультет международных отношений ; The paper focuses on the specificity of extraterritorial applicability of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It states that throughout practice of judicial and quasi-judicial bodies extraterritorial application of the Covenant is expanding, depending on the special character of power over the enjoyment of human rights, which is exercised by State Parties outside national territory. This expansion is clearly shown in the paper, giving a coherent view on the issue and determining key problem areas.

AbstractThis research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged.Keywords: Muslim's thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخصيسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءًا مهمًا من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا يُنظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير ...

In March 2019, the United Nations Human Rights Council finalized its periodic review of China's human rights record just as human rights in China were under intensified attack. As during prior reviews, China was criticized for its human rights practices. And, once again, China was urged to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which China signed over twenty years ago. It is time to reevaluate this approach. This Article argues that the international community should change tack and instead call on China to remove its signature from this foundational human rights treaty. While this would be a brash and unusual strategy, it is sound as a matter of both law and politics. The anticipated upsides of confronting China about its failure to meet even the minimal obligations as a signatory outweigh the possible downsides of scaling back from the goal of universal participation. This Article recognizes that China's signing of the ICCPR has provided a justification for domestic actors to promote human rights protective reforms. The strength of this argument has, however, faded in recent years. A better path is to pursue a forthright approach whereby the international community rebukes the Chinese leadership's retrograde motion on civil and political rights while supporting those within China who have looked to the ICCPR for inspiration.

1. Introduction / Alex Conte and Richard Burchill -- 2. Procedure under the optional protocol / Alex Conte -- 3. Limitations to and derogations from covenant rights / Alex Conte -- 4. Democratic and civil rights / Alex Conte -- 5. Security of the person / Alex Conte -- 6. The judicial process / Alex Conte -- 7. Privacy, honour and reputation / Alex Conte -- 8. Rights of the family and the children / Richard Burchill -- 9. Self-determination / Richard Burchill -- 10. Minority rights / Richard Burchill -- 11. Equality and non-discrimination / Richard Burchill.

Shipping list no.: 94-0316-P. ; S/N 044-000-02417-9 (GPO) ; "July 1994." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Most cross-national datasets of civil and political rights practices have relied on internationally distributed English language secondary sources as the core source of information for their metrics. This approach has yielded data that are highly reliable, but also suffer from the fact that their information sources under-represent the overall level of abuse internationally and do so in a way that is biased across countries. The combined knowledge of the individual human rights practitioners working to directly monitor the abuses occurring within a country would likely serve to overcome much of this biased under-reporting, but it is difficult to compare that knowledge across country and cultural contexts. In this article, we discuss how we overcome these problems in the Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI) civil and political rights data. Using an expert survey that contains anchoring vignettes in concert with Bayesian scaling techniques, we present a new methodology for collecting and aggregating data on the intensity and distribution of respect for eight separate civil and political rights.

How do international norms travel, via statebuilding efforts, into post-conflict settings, and how do international and national actors interact in this process? These are the main questions addressed in this thesis. The empirical focus is the spreading and rooting of the norm of women's political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, two countries in which international actors have played a significant role in statebuilding efforts. Although statebuilding has increasingly become a part of UN peacebuilding missions, we still lack a thorough understanding of how much, and in what ways, the international community can successfully promote change. This is important in view of the fact that the key to success ultimately depends on how the receiving community responds to the presence and efforts of international actors to promote new social norms. This study analyzes the interaction between international and national actors engaged in the promotion of women's political rights as part of the effort to advance democracy. Three institutional developments are examined in detail – electoral rules and regulations, the establishment of a national gender equality/women's machinery and the strengthening of the local government structure. The study uses a modified norm diffusion approach and makes two theoretical contributions to the literature. First, I place the norm diffusion process in a post-conflict context. Second, I add the concept of capability to function in order to conceptualize and study the internalization of the norm. The thesis is based on both an analysis of written material and semi-structured interviews. A total of 65 interviews were conducted during three research trips to each of the countries between 2007 and 2009. In general, the four empirical chapters reveal that the interaction between international and national actors has predominantly been characterized by international actors setting the agenda, with varying degrees of consultation and collaboration with national actors. While norm institutionalization has been rather high in both countries, norm inter­nalization lags behind. This is explained by discriminating ways of life and attitudes, lack of resources and time. Norm internalization is higher in Timor-Leste, in part because national actors have adapted the norm of women's political rights to fit the local setting, but also due to their openness to international influences. The empirical study underscores that international actors can push for change and norm adherence, but their efforts are not enough. In the end, national actors have to buy into the message that international actors try to convey. The strengths and weaknesses that have been uncovered in the Cambodian and Timorese case studies presented here should be carefully considered as international actors, led by the UN, embark upon future statebuilding missions around the globe.