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Analyzing law enforcement data on corruption incidents for a panel of 79 Russian regions for the period 2004-2007, we find that the relative salaries of bureaucrats determine corruption levels: Corruption declines as relative salaries rise up to a turning point, beyond which corruption rises again. Other important determinants are the strength of law enforcement, available rents through government budgets and natural resources, education levels, unemployment rates, and income inequality.

Issues for 1920-1922 published in New York; issues for 1923-1924 published in Chicago, Ill. ; Title from caption. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Official organ of: Russian Soviet Government Bureau, June 1919-Jan. 1921; Friends of Soviet Russia, Feb. 1922-Oct. 1924. ; Absorbed by: Workers monthly, which later became: Political affairs.

One of the Cold War's commonplaces about Russia was its abiding embrace of authoritarianism. Across the centuries, successive regimes, whether Tsarist or Communist, have been characterised by Western scholars as highly centralised, personalised power structures, with an intolerance of dissidence that too easily descended into barbaric brutality. Living on Europe's farthest edge, Russia's peoples are said to have been bypassed by Enlightenment modernity, the rise of liberal constitutionalism and the gradual entrenchment of individual rights and democratic freedoms. For those commentators inspired by such Cold War thinking, it is a legacy that continues to shape contemporary politics. The assumption is that Putin's reclaiming of the presidency in 2012 is emblematic of an inevitable reversion to authoritarianism. Drawing on research in Russia during the March 2012 election, this article takes a critical look at the plethora of global statistical surveys that point to authoritarian trends under the current regime. It concludes that the conceptual framework underpinning the West's revelations about the descent into authoritarianism in contemporary Russia is neither clear nor convincing.

One of the Cold War's commonplaces about Russia was its abiding embrace of authoritarianism. Across the centuries, successive regimes, whether Tsarist or Communist, have been characterised by Western scholars as highly centralised, personalised power structures, with an intolerance of dissidence that too easily descended into barbaric brutality. Living on Europe's farthest edge, Russia's peoples are said to have been bypassed by Enlightenment modernity, the rise of liberal constitutionalism and the gradual entrenchment of individual rights and democratic freedoms. For those commentators inspired by such Cold War thinking, it is a legacy that continues to shape contemporary politics. The assumption is that Putin's reclaiming of the presidency in 2012 is emblematic of an inevitable reversion to authoritarianism. Drawing on research in Russia during the March 2012 election, this article takes a critical look at the plethora of global statistical surveys that point to authoritarian trends under the current regime. It concludes that the conceptual framework underpinning the West's revelations about the descent into authoritarianism in contemporary Russia is neither clear nor convincing.

It is widely recognized that broadband is of fundamental importance to the social and economic development of a nation. The focus of the paper is on infrastructure-related actions; measures to stimulate demand for broadband are, therefore, only marginally addressed. This paper aims to provide a platform for debate with the Russian counterparts in the sector, and to discuss the measures needed to develop broadband in support of actions aimed at economic growth. This paper examines the broadband market in Russia and preconditions for its sustainable development. It begins by presenting arguments demonstrating the importance of broadband to the overall economic development of Russia, including from the perspective of diversification of the economy and new job creation. The paper benchmarks Russia s broadband performance with Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) comparators, as well as with other nations leading the way in broadband diffusion. The paper takes stock of the existing broadband market structure in Russia and its main players as they stand today, including the regulatory and legal environment of the market for both fixed and mobile broadband. Finally, the paper provides a set of recommendations that addresses the issue of sustainability in Russian broadband delivery, and how it can continue its acceleration in the years to come.

Perle, R.: Lessons of the Cold War. - S. 5-13 Salmin, A.: Russia in the new world order: a historical overview. - S. 14-21 Lukin, A.: NATO and Russia after the Kosovo crisis. - S. 22-30 Coker, C.: The postmodern world and Russia. - S. 31-41 Pipes, R.: What Russians should do in the twenty-first century. - S. 42-54 Jean, C.: Globalisation and the new geopolitics. - S. 55-65 Skidelsky, R.: Kosovo and Russia's place in international relations. - S. 66-79 Rostowski, J.: National power: an economic perspective. - S. 80-89 Trenin, D.: Russia-EU partnership: grand vision and practical steps. - S. 90-97

Efforts to reframe, restore and establish relations between Russia and African countries are discussed. Russia has a vital role to play in African geopolitics as it is not ideologically affiliated or motivated and has vital security interests on the continent. Adapted from the source document.

Ukraine-Russia: From crisis to effective partnership. Analytical Report of Razumkov Centre. - S. 1-42. Section 1: Political factors of bilateral cooperation. - S. 3-14 Section 2: Bilateral economic cooperation of Ukraine and Russia. - S. 15-23 Section 3: Relations of Ukraine and Russia in the Energy sector. - S. 24-27 Section 4: Humanitarian aspect of Ukraine-Russia relations. - S. 28-32 Section 5: State and prospects of Ukraine-Russia cooperation in the miliary sector. - S. 33-36 Section 6: Conclusions and proposals. - S. 37-42 Yushchenko, V.: Problems and prospects of Ukraine-Russia partnership. - S. 43-45 Tymoshenko, Y.: Establish effective cooperation between Ukraine and Russia. - S. 45 kostenko, Y.: Good-neighbourliness, mutual trust and respect for national interests of each party are the cornerstone of bilateral relations. - S. 46 Danylyshyn, B.: Intensification of bilateral relations with the Russian Federation is one of the main tasks of the foreign economic policy of the state. - S.47-49 Bilorus, O.: Strenghten trust between our states. - S. 49-50 Grytsenko, A.: We should part with vain promises, clearly formulate our position and begin practical action. - S. 51-52 Tarasyuk, B.: Task of politicians and authorities of both countries - to use potential of constructive cooperation. - S. 52 Yatseniuk, A.: Ukraine-Russia relations should be clear, pragmatic, effective and positively competitive. - S. 53-54 Hryshchenko, K.: Strengthen potential of bilateral cooperation. - S. 54-55 Loskutov, V.: Emphasis should be made on gains in bilateral relations. - S. 55-56 Bunin, I.: Russia and Ukraine : Possibilities of a dialogue. - S. 56-58 Adamishin, A.: Draw up a roadmap to lead Russia-Ukraine relations out of crisis. - S. 59 Muzykantskiy, A.: Encourage improvement of Russia-Ukraine cooperation. - S. 60 Ukrainian and Russian experts about the state, problems and prospects of bilateral relations : Expert Poll. - S. 61-71 Ukraine-Russia relations in assessments of Ukraine's citizens : Nation Wide Poll. - S. 72-84