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1. Theorising Political Compassion / Maureen Whitebrook 21. - 2. Compassion and the Problem of Invisibility in Arendt's Public Space / Gudrun von Tevenar 37. - 3. Compassion as Risk / Lola Frost 51. - 4. Towards a Sociology of Compassion in World Affairs / Andrew Linklater 65. - 5. Motivating Support for Cosmopolitan Political Institutions: The Role and Limits of Compassion / Terry Macdonald 82. - 6. Compassion in the Practices of International Relations / Mervyn Frost 97. - 7. The effect of guilt and anger on compassionate helping / Nicholas Faulkner 107. - 8. The New Social Politics of Pity / Iain Wilkinson 121. - 9. Compassion and the Lure of Suffering / Joanne Faulkner 139. - 10. Unconditional Compassion: Wounded Subjects and the Politics of Rescue / Paul Muldoon 158. - 11. Pity, Compassion, and Forgiveness: The Moral Terrain / David Konstan 179. - 12. Compassion and Terror / Martha Nussbaum 189. - 13. The Sublime Threshold: Compassion, Scale, and Attention in the Theater of Clemency / Dorothy Noyes 208. - 14. Sympathy and Antipathy in the Extra-Moral Sense / Michael Ure 230

Cover -- Contents -- Introduction Feminism, Multiculturalism, and Human Equality -- Part 1: Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women? -- Part 2: Responses -- Whose Culture? -- Liberal Complacencies -- "My Culture Made Me Do It" -- Is Western Patriarchal Feminism Good for Third World / Minority Women? -- Siding with the Underdogs -- "Barbaric" Rituals? -- Promises We Should All Keep in Common Cause -- Between Norms and Choices -- A Varied Moral World -- Culture beyond Gender -- Liberalism's Sacred Cow -- Should Sex Equality Law Apply to Religious Institutions? -- How Perfect Should One Be? And Whose Culture Is? -- Culture Constrains -- A Plea for Difficulty -- Part 3: Reply -- Notes -- Contributors

Iris' written work has been very widely admired; she has
obviously helped shape the field of democratic political theory; she has
deeply influenced students. The discussion of this work will go on in
books and articles until her ideas have been fully absorbed. Here I will
say a little about my particular experience of her collegiality. I was
Iris' junior colleague at Chicago for six years. I met Iris eight
years ago this week, under a portico outside a large hotel like the one in
which you are all gathered, not too long after I had first read
Democracy and Difference and shortly before my first APSA paper
presentation on, as it happened, deliberative democracy. I had no way of
knowing then how directly and deeply she would affect my intellectual
life. She was already for me a standard, even before I met her. But how
that fact deepened over time is what I want to render here.

Last fall, we invited a number of prominent American intellectuals who are not editors of Dissent to participate in a forum about the culture and politics of our country. It seems a good time for such a discussion. Both U.S. politics and culture are arenas of great tension-whether the strains portend national renewal, decline, or more of the same. Conservatives no longer dominate U.S. politics, but a new liberal era has not yet begun; digital technology has altered the ways most Americans inform and entertain themselves and communicate with others, but many worry that it also trivializes all forms of expression; for the first time, capitalism has become an entirely global system, but its fruits are, as always, distributed unequally, in the United States as well as abroad. It is far from clear what part American intellectuals-in and outside academia-play, or wish to play, in understanding and dealing with these issues. In 1952, Partisan Review, then near the apex of its influence, held a similar symposium, entitled "Our Country and Our Culture." Its purpose, wrote the magazine's editors, was "to examine the apparent fact that American intellectuals now regard America and its institutions in a new way." Most writers who advocated socialism during the 1930s no longer saw themselves as "rebels and exiles"; in the early years of the cold war, many even agreed that America had "become the protector of Western civilization, at least in a military and economic sense." But few intellectuals extended their new optimism about the nation to mass culture. "Its tendency," the editors of PR complained, "is to exclude everything that does not conform to popular norms; it creates and satisfies artificial appetites...[and] has grown into a major industry which converts culture into a commodity." In our own uncertain era, it is useful for women and men with a reputation for thoughtfulness and creativity to reflect on issues that bear profoundly on both their craft and their country. We asked four questions: 1. What relationship should American intellectuals have toward mass culture: television, films, mass-market books, popular music, and the Internet? 2. Does the academy further or retard the engagement of intellectuals with American society? 3. How should American intellectuals participate in American politics? 4. Do you consider yourself a patriot, a world citizen, or do you have some other allegiance that helps shape your political opinions? Each writer could choose to respond to one or all of them. We expect to run additional essays in a forthcoming issue. Adapted from the source document.

The essays in this volume present versions of feminism that are explicitly liberal, or versions of liberalism that are explicitly feminist. By bringing together some of the most respected and well-known scholars in mainstream political philosophy today, Amy R. Baehr challenges the reader to reconsider the dominant view that liberalism and feminism are 'incompatible.'

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Contributors -- Chapter one. Introduction: The Conceptual Foundations of Poverty and Inequality Measurement -- Chapter two. Conceptualizing and Measuring Poverty -- Chapter three. Poverty and Human Functioning: Capabilities as Fundamental Entitlements -- Chapter four. From Income to Endowments: The Difficult Task of Expanding the Income Poverty Paradigm -- Chapter five. Social Theory and the Concept "Underclass" -- Chapter six. Race, Class, and Markets: Social Policy in the 21st Century -- Chapter seven. Dependency and Social Debt -- Notes -- References -- Index

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Introduction -- PART I. JUSTIFICATIONS OF PUNISHMENT -- Marxism and Retribution -- The Paradox of Punishment -- The Right to Threaten and the Right to Punish -- A Consensual Theory of Punishment -- The Moral Education Theory of Punishment -- PART II. PROBLEMS OF PUNISHMENT -- Equity and Mercy -- Harm and Retribution -- Locke and the Right to Punish -- PART III. CAPITAL PUNISHMENT -- Capital Punishment and Deterrence: Some Considerations in Dialogue Form -- Justice, Civilization, and the Death Penalty: Answering van den Haag -- Does It Matter if the Death Penalty Is Arbitrarily Administered? -- Refuting Reiman and Nathanson

Of the many challenges facing liberal democracy, none is as powerful and pervasive today as those posed by religion. These are the challenges taken up in Obligations of Citizenship and Demands of Faith, an exploration of the place of religion in contemporary public life. The essays in this volume suggest that two important shifts have altered the balance between the competing obligations of citizenship and faith: the growth of religious pluralism and the escalating calls of religious groups for some measure of autonomy or recognition from democratic majorities. The authors--political theorists, philosophers, legal scholars, and social scientists--collectively argue that more room should be made for religion in today's democratic societies. Though they advocate different ways of carving out and justifying the proper bounds of "church and state" in pluralist democracies, they all write from within democratic theory and share the aim of democratic accommodation of religion. Alert to national differences in political circumstances and the particularities of constitutional and legal systems, these contributors consider the question of religious accommodation from the standpoint of institutional practices and law as well as that of normative theory. Unique in its interdisciplinary approach and comparative focus, this volume makes a timely and much-needed intervention in current debates about religion and politics. The contributors are Nancy L. Rosenblum, Alan Wolfe, Ronald Thiemann, Michael McConnell, Graham Walker, Amy Gutmann, Kent Greenawalt, Aviam Soifer, Harry Hirsch, Gary Jacobsohn, Yael Tamir, Martha Nussbaum, and Carol Weisbrod

Written at the height of the philosopher's intellectual powers, Friedrich Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morals has become one of the key texts of recent Western philosophy. Its essayistic style affords a unique opportunity to observe many of Nietzsche's persisting concerns coming together in an illuminating constellation. A profound influence on psychoanalysis, antihistoricism, and poststructuralism and an abiding challenge to ethical theory, Nietzsche's book addresses many of the major philosophical problems and possibilities of modernity.In this unique collection focusing on the Genealogy, twenty-five notable philosophers offer diverse discussions of the book's central themes and concepts. They explore such notions as ressentiment, asceticism, "slave" and "master" moralities, and what Nietzsche calls "genealogy" and its relation to other forms of inquiry in his work. The book presents a cross section of contemporary Nietzsche scholarship and philosophical investigation that is certain to interest philosophers, intellectual and cultural historians, and anyone concerned with one of the master thinkers of the modern age