Suchergebnisse

拜登政府(Biden Administration)上台後,強調重回區域經濟整合發展的軌道,加強地緣經濟合作的方式,來與中國經濟進行區域競爭,以及降低地緣政治的不確定,緩解緊繃的美中關係。對於拜登政府發展策略採取重回多邊主義機制的區域經濟合作,勢必會影響到印太戰略和東亞區域經濟的發展。對此,台灣對於拜登政府上台後,如何面對產業斷鏈問題,以及降低對大陸生產基地與出口市場的依賴外,宜積極和主動地啟動新南向2.0計畫,並以台商企業為厚實後盾,善用台灣高科技產業人才、技術與資源優勢,讓台灣成為「印太戰略」可靠與重要的夥伴,實乃為重要的因應策略。面對新南向2.0版和區域經濟整合的發展下,本文提出台灣一些重要的具體作法和策略建議:一、台灣應該先從產業對接角度思考,配合各國關鍵性產業發展。二、政府應該將海外投資視為國力的延伸介入輔導。三、產業以區域化、全球化的角度來檢視供應鏈。四、透過「台美基礎建設融資及市場建立合作架構」平台建構印太戰略安全與經濟合作一環。五、利用美國、印度對中國的經貿對抗敵意情況下,積極成為可信賴的夥伴。六、台灣政府扮演企業的後盾,和企業一起組成更高效率的生產團隊。七、與國外分享抗疫經驗。八、固守全球科技供應鏈的地位。九、台灣利用一帶一路倡議與印太戰略在區域經濟上的競爭,提供更多新南向政策的投資與援助資源,將東南亞和南亞整合成「世界工廠」基地。 ; The Biden administration's priority is to return to the development path of regional economic integration so as to strengthen geo-economic cooperation and regional competition with the Chinese economy. Doing in this way, the Biden administration on the one hand will reduce geopolitical uncertainty and ease the strained US-China trade relations. On the other hand, reverting to multilateral mechanisms of regional economic cooperation will affect directly on the Indo-Pacific strategy and the development of the Asian regional economy. In this regard, it is necessary for Taiwan to assess and prepare for the new situation on dealing with the problem of manufacturing supply disconnection and the reduction of trade reliance on the Mainland China, under actively and proactively initiating the New Southbound Policy 2.0. It is based on the support of Taiwan's businesses, the high-tech talents as well as high-level productive technology capacity under the New Southward Policy 2.0 that is compatible with the development of Indo-Pacific strategy alliance. As discussed and proposed, some available opportunities and strategy advices for Taiwan's regional development can be raised as following: (1) Taiwan should first think of industrial linkages to complement the development of key industries in various countries. (2) The government should regard overseas investment as an extension of national power and provide guidance and financial support. (3) The industry development should be examined the supply chain from the perspective of regionalization and globalization. (4) Thru "Taiwan-US Infrastructure Finance and Market Building Cooperation Framework" would help construct an India-Pacific strategic security and economic cooperation for Taiwan. (5) To take advantage of the economic and trade confrontation between the US and India with China, Taiwan would become a reliable partner for Indo-Pacific strategy alliance. (6) The Taiwan's government will act as a back-up role to enterprises and work with them to form more efficient production teams. (7) Sharing experience with foreign countries would contribute methods to control the epidemic expansion. (8) Taiwan should maintain her superior position and status in the global technology and supply chain. (9) Taiwan should make use of competition between the Belt-and-Road Initiative and the Indo-Pacific Strategy in the regional economy that will be conducive to the implementation of New Southward Policy 2.0 on providing more resources for investment and assistance. It will be good for the New Southbound Policy 2.0 to integrate Southeast Asia and South Asia into a base for "world factory."

In the current global world, where human movements and permanent interconnection blur the traditional concept of culture linked to the nation, the development of multicultural education policies that offer students the possibility of critically thinking about the cultural diversity in which they are immersed is necessary. The official curriculum constitutes one of the spaces from which this transition can be approached, particularly with regard to music education, which is frequently used to transmit nationalist ideologies and legitimation of the dominant political order. The goal of this research is to study the cultural treatment that music receives in the primary music education curriculum in Spain. To do this, the curricular developments that have been implemented in the context of the Valencian Community as a concretion of the three educational reforms that have taken place during the last 30 years have been analyzed. The methodology used has been mixed content analysis. The results indicate that the culturalist approach to music has a secondary role, the formalist being the predominant one. Furthermore, when it is used it comes with a nationalistic and ethnocentric orientation of music, emphasizing the genuineness of the local identity, articulated around an us, and reducing non-Western music to the category of other music. Faced with this, an approach that recognizes the cultural diversity of the students' realities while expanding their knowledge from a critical point of view that treats the different musical manifestations present in the world equally is proposed. ; En el actual mundo global, donde los movimientos humanos y la permanente interconexión desdibujan el concepto tradicional de cultura vinculado a la nación, se hace necesario el desarrollo de políticas educativas multiculturales que ofrezcan la posibilidad de pensar críticamente la diversidad cultural. El currículum oficial constituye uno de los espacios desde donde abordar dicha transición, especialmente en lo relativo a la educación musical, la cual es frecuentemente utilizada para transmitir ideologías nacionalistas y de legitimación del orden político dominante. El objetivo del presente trabajo es el estudio del tratamiento cultural que recibe la música en el currículum de educación musical primaria en España. Para ello, se han analizado, mediante una metodología de análisis de contenido mixto, los desarrollos curriculares implementados en el contexto de la Comunidad Valenciana, como concreción de las tres reformas educativas que han tenido lugar durante los últimos 30 años. Los resultados indican que el enfoque culturalista de la música ocupa un plano secundario, siendo el formalista el predominante. Además, cuando es utilizado se emplea una orientación nacionalista y etnocéntrica de la música, enfatizando la genuinidad de la identidad local, articulada en torno a un nosotros, y reduciendo a las músicas no occidentales a la categoría de otras músicas. Frente a esto, se propone un enfoque que reconozca la diversidad cultural de las realidades próximas de los estudiantes a la vez que amplíe sus conocimientos desde un punto de vista crítico que trate de forma igualitaria a las diferentes manifestaciones musicales presentes en el mundo. ; В современном глобальном мире, где человеческие движения и постоянная взаимосвязь размывают традиционную концепцию культуры, связанную с государством, необходимо разработать поликультурную образовательную политику, которая давала бы возможность критического осмысления культурного разнообразия. Официальная учебная программа является одним из пространств, из которых можно подойти к этому переходу, особенно в отношении музыкального образования, которое часто используется для передачи националистических идеологий и легитимизации доминирующего политического порядка. Цель настоящего документа - изучение культурного отношения к музыке в учебной программе начального музыкального образования в Испании. С этой целью мы проанализировали, с помощью методологии смешанного контент-анализа, разработки учебных программ, осуществленные в контексте Валенсийского сообщества, как конкрецию трех реформ в области образования, которые произошли за последние 30 лет. Результаты показывают, что культурный подход к музыке занимает второстепенную плоскость, причем преобладающим является формальный. Более того, при ее использовании используется националистическая и этноцентрическая направленность музыки, подчеркивающая подлинность местной идентичности, артикулируемой вокруг "нас", и сводя незападную музыку к категории другой музыки. На этом фоне мы предлагаем подход, который признает культурное разнообразие реалий, близких студентам, и в то же время расширяет их знания с критической точки зрения, которая одинаково относится к различным музыкальным проявлениям, присутствующим в мире. ; 在当今世界中,人口流动以及人与人之间的相互联系让和国家相关的传统文化概念变得模糊。 为了可以从批判角度考虑文化多样性,有必要制定多元文化的教育政策。官方教学大纲构成了实现这种转变的空间之一。尤其是音乐教育,经常被用来传播民族主义意识形态和对主流政治秩序的认可。本文旨在研究西班牙小学音乐课程教学大纲中音乐部分受到的文化待遇。为此,我们使用混合内容分析方法分析了瓦伦西亚大区制定的教学大纲发展情况,总结过去30年中实行了的三次教育改革。结果表明,音乐教育中对文化主义的关注居于次位,形式主义占主导地位。此外,音乐教育中文化主义的表现为采用以民族主义和民族中心主义的音乐为导向,强调与我们周遭相关的而当地身份,减少非西方音乐,并将其归为其他音乐的范畴。面对这样的情况,我们建议让学生认识到与其周遭生活密切相关的文化多样性,同时学会从批判的角度以平等的方式认识世界上其他不同的音乐表现形式。

楊希. ; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 155-169). ; Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. ; Abstract in Chinese and English. ; Yang xi.

Modern scholarship has noted that the Kangxi emperor's patronage of scholars is a form of "soft power" that assisted the Qing ruler during the Kangxi reign to achieve success in conquering the minds and hearts of Han Chinese, especially those eminent scholars who remained loyal to the fallen dynasty. This "soft power" emerged after the Kangxi government had decisively quelled the revolt of the Three Feudatories (San fan三藩) (1673–1681). In 1679 the boxue hongru 博學鴻儒 special examination signalled a significant moment in which the Kangxi emperor adopted a more diplomatic and personal approach to scholars under his rule. This paper examines several examples of scholars' presenting (jin cheng 進呈)their scholarly works to the emperor/government. By analysing the Kangxi emperor's tactics for fostering this particular scholarly phenomenon, this study reveals the key elements behind his successful use of soft power in shaping the intellectual milieu of the time. 康熙皇帝在平定三藩之亂(1673–1681)有望之時,開博學鴻儒科(1679)以網羅抗清的明末遺儒為清政權服務。此制科之舉標誌著康熙皇帝新文化政策之始,顯示其欲以懷柔與高壓兼施之手段,從學者鴻儒入手而達到其征服漢人民心之目的。如此懷柔政策,套之於今天的術語,即軟實力。本文圍繞康熙朝之初至鼎盛時期學者們向康熙皇帝進呈他們學術著作的現象, 探討此種軟實力之實質及功效。通過以仇兆鰲(1638–1717)、萬斯同(1638–1702)和李顒 (1627–1705)三個案例為中心的考察,本文展示了康熙懷柔策略的諸方面,揭示其如何收攬漢族名儒學者參與清帝國的諸項社會、文化工程,期望在思想文化這個層面上建立清朝統治的合法性,從而進一步在政治上確認、穩固大清帝國的根基。 ; 康熙皇帝在平定三藩之亂(1673–1681)有望之時,開博學鴻儒科(1679)以網羅抗清的明末遺儒為清政權服務。此制科之舉標誌著康熙皇帝新文化政策之始,顯示其欲以懷柔與高壓兼施之手段,從學者鴻儒入手而達到其征服漢人民心之目的。如此懷柔政策,套之於今天的術語,即軟實力。本文圍繞康熙朝之初至鼎盛時期學者們向康熙皇帝進呈他們學術著作的現象, 探討此種軟實力之實質及功效。通過以仇兆鰲(1638–1717)、萬斯同(1638–1702)和李顒 (1627–1705)三個案例為中心的考察,本文展示了康熙懷柔策略的諸方面,揭示其如何收攬漢族名儒學者參與清帝國的諸項社會、文化工程,期望在思想文化這個層面上建立清朝統治的合法性,從而進一步在政治上確認、穩固大清帝國的根基。

国际安全治理是中国学界近年推出的一种新的国际政治理念、国际政治话语。国际安全治理又与"人类命运共同体"、"新型国际关系"、"一带一路倡议"等密切关联。中国提出的国际安全治理理念与新型国际关系,较之经典国际政治与国际关系理论有四点不同,包括坚持相互尊重原则、平等原则,在重大国际事务上坚持"共商、共建、共享",坚持摒弃传统的"弱肉强食"法则;坚持公平正义原则,反对富国剥削穷国、主张按公平公正原则解决各种全球性问题;坚持和平、合作、共赢原则,维护世界和平与可持续安全,反对冷战思维、反对扩军备战和结盟活动;坚持开放原则,在开放中实现"五通",包括政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通等。中国之所以倡导"新型国际关系"、"人类命运共同体"理念以及倡导国际安全治理理念,是因为全球化时代产生了各种全球性问题,需要站在全球高度解决之,而西方倡导的经典国际关系理念和安全理念已不足以解决这些问题。同时,中国长期受经典国际政治与国际关系理论之害,寄望于新型国际关系理论与国际安全治理理论。 International security governance is a new international political concept and international political discourse coined by Chinese academics in recent years. This term is closely related to "a community of a shared future for mankind", "a new form of international relations", "the Belt and Road Initiative", etc. There are four different points between China's view on international security governance, its new form of international relations and the classical theories on international political and international relations. China's view includes the principles of mutual respect and equality, it adheres to the principle of "achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration",to abandon the traditional "law of the jungle". China adheres to the principles of fairness and justice, opposes the rich countries in their exploitation of the poor ones, and stands for the idea of solving global problems in a fair and just way. China stands for peace, cooperation and win-win, the maintenance of world peace and sustainable security, opposes cold war mentality, arms race and military alliance. China sticks to its opening-up policy and promotes policy coordination, facilities connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration and people-to-people bonds. China is advocating the ideas of "a new form of international relations", "a community of a shared future for mankind" and promoting the concept of international security governance due to the fact that globalization has produced various world-wide problems. These problems call for global solutions. The classical philosophies of international relations and security of the West are not enough to offer solutions to these problems. At the same time, China has long been confined by the classical international political and international relations theories, so it has to look forward to the theories on a new form of international relations and international security governance.

晚清時局亟變,新事物、新思想不斷湧現,傳統文體為了回應時代變化,各自作出相應的調整,唯獨詞體仍然固守舊貌。朱祖謀素有詩名,四十歲後棄詩而專注填詞,稱其詩作「不足傳世」。詩詞的美感特質各異,這種刻意的「滯後」說明朱祖謀認為詞體更能切合末代士人與遺民的表達需要。朱氏於同儕中學詞最晚而造詣最深,國變後歷任詞社社長,其詞於當時極具典範意義。然而,清末民初的政治與文化急劇轉型,傳統文學不再位居主流,由封建王朝到現代國家的過渡亦為士人帶來各種思想上的衝擊,「士」已失去了其倫理與制度上的基礎,而朱祖謀則透過在不同情境下的政治、文學抉擇將「士」的內涵重新予以彰顯。 ; 本文將以詩詞之辨的角度來分析《彊村語業》中的藝術特色及其政治意涵。第三、四章討論清遺民所面臨的倫理困境與朱氏如何以詩詞回應近代世變。第五章處理朱氏擬仿金朝遺民元好問〈鷓鴣天〉宮詞八首的互文意義。鑑於純粹的文本細讀未必能夠完整地理解詞旨,第六章將以歷時角度討論庚子事變之際的四印齋詞聚與漚社詞聚中的「雅集」詞課,並將嘗試回置詞課的創作情境。本文最後指出朱氏以矢志填詞的初衷及其如何以詞體撫平歷史創傷。 ; The catastrophic changes of political situation in late Qing China had brought in myriad of ideological trends and accessories. As a stimulus, the traditional literary forms had themselves fine-tuned so as to react with the social and cultural forces while ci poetry retained its old style and seemingly exempted itself from literary reforms of all sorts. Zhu Zumou was a shi poet of repute of his time. At the age of 40, he abandoned shi and dedicated to ci writing. Meanwhile, Zhu had it asserted that his shi would be no worth of posthumous circulation. Given that ci differs from shi in their aesthetic sense, the strong-willed demarcation in artistic creation illustrated that ci fitted in with Zhu's pursuit in literary articulation as a Confucian in late Qing, and later as a Confucian loyalist after The 1911 Revolution. Zhu, among his associates, acquainted with ci the latest yet his expertise was of the highest attainments and had been reappointed the head of ci poetry society consecutively. His works was then revered as the paradigm in its field. However, in early Republican China, classical literature was not in the prestigious main stream. The sharp transformation from imperial dynasty to modern nation state had casted manifold cultural shocks upon the loyalists, thus causing the word Confucianistlost its ethical and institutional ground. In view of this, Zhu, with the circumstantial factors he engaged in, redefined the essence of Confucianist by the political and literary courses he proceeded on. ; Critical attention of this essay will ...

自20世纪90年代起,金融及法律界学者逐渐提出到境外发达资本市场上市可以发挥其 "捆绑"作用:企业可以通过跨越本国薄弱的法律机制,受制于发达国家的法律以及监管,实现公司治理的提高。"捆绑理论起源于美国, 但随后也被运用于全球市场的其他角落。 问题关键在于本国市场与境外市场之间是否存在一个"质量差距", 因为只有在"质量差距"存在的情况下,"捆绑"的作用才有可能产生。 ; 源于"香港"英文拼写中的第一个字母H,到香港上市的中国企业被统称为H-股公司。自"青岛啤酒"于1993成功于香港上市,至今香港联交所已有169 间H-股公司。其中,2002至2006 是到港上市的高峰期. 此期间,中国资本市场混乱,难以发挥为企业融资的作用。鉴于此,中国政府鼓励国内企业到香港上市,寄予通过香港更好的治理机制,实现对本土企业治理实践的提高。 ; 当前,人们普遍认为香港上市可以顺利提高中国企业的治理实践。如若事实如此,我们有理由相信中国本土市场与香港市场之间存在明显的"质量差距"。也就是说香港市场的治理体系优于国内市场。此文以中小股东保护为出发点,于以下几个方面探讨两地之间是否存在"质量差距":信息披露,独立董事,金融中介机构的"看门人"作用,证券法的公力救济,以及公司法,证券法的私力救济。 ; In the 1990s, finance and legal scholars gradually proffered the view that cross-listing in a developed market functions as a "bonding" mechanism: a firm may improve governance practices in spite of the home country's weak legal institutions by subjecting itself to the legal and regulatory regime of the developed market. Initially developed in the context of overseas companies listed in the US, this bonding effect has been applied to other places of the global market as well. Critical to this scenario is the existence of a "quality gap" between the home and the foreign markets, which must exist for generating the bonding effect. ; Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong are known as H-share companies for the first letter of the listing locality. Since the birth of the first H-share company, Tsingtao Beer, in 1993, a total of 168 H-share companies have floated on the Stock Exchange of Hong Kong. A majority of these companies were listed between 2002 and 2006. Around this period, the two domestic exchanges were highly volatile and failed to provide an efficient fund-raising device for Chinese companies. Against this backdrop, the Chinese government adopted the strategy of encouraging domestic companies list in Hong Kong, which is perceived to be a better governance regime, thereby bonding the governance practices of Chinese companies to a superior standard. ; It is current conventional wisdom that the governance practices of Chinese companies can be enhanced indeed through ...

本书旁征博引, 涉猎引用古今中外史料, 几乎将关乎中古闽南泉州的材料搜罗殆尽. 作者将所有涉及闽南研究的文献划分为四大类 : 一是涉外关系资料, 包括与闽南有关的涉外纪录, 外交关系, 外国人活动, 居住区域,对外贸易等 ; 二是高雅艺术资料, 包括闽南地区的艺术理论, 民间传说, 文化遗产中的技术资料等 ; 三是地方史资料, 包括与闽南地方史有关的各种文献, 当地学者的著述等 ; 四是社会经济史资料, 包括近期围绕宋元泉州社会经济, 政治经济的各种研究成果. 作者搜集和使用资料史料, 完全超出了一般经济史或地方史研究的范畴, 所以, 本书资料翔实, 论述缜密, 考证可信. 此外, "刺桐梦华录"还绘制了不同历史时期与闽南泉州有关的数十幅资料表格和大小地图, 为读者提供了详尽而直观的图例 ; 书后所列的参考书目,差不多成为研究宋元时期经济, 社会, 法律, 建筑, 中外关系等方面的资料指南

Preliminary Material /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio -- Introduction /H.-C. Günther -- Chapter I. Haben die Wörter "人 (ren, Mensch)\' in der Frühlings- und Herbstzeit/im Zeitalter der Kämpfenden Reiche (770–221 volumes Chr) sowie "homme\' im neuzeitlichen und modernen Französischen stets die umfassende Bedeutung "Mensch" im Sinne der Universalen Erklärung der Menschenrechte vom 10. Dezember 1948? /Harro von Senger -- Chapter II. Der Mensch Zwischen Selbsterkenntnis und Erkenntnis des Selbst in buddhistisch-christlicher Perspektive /Michael Fuss -- Chapter III. Gottesebenbildlichkeit und Gottesstellvertreterschaft in islamischen Menschenrechtsbegründungen /L. Richter-Bernburg -- Chapter IV. Das stoische Gesetz der Natur und seine Rezeption bei Cicero /Robert Bees -- Chapter V. La donna romana, fra vita reale e letteratura /Paolo Fedeli -- Chapter VI. Enea e Turno: il duello finale /Paolo Fedeli -- Chapter VII. Das Leiden der Liebe: Zur Unveränderlichkeit und Leidensfähigkeit des christlichen Gottes /Markus Enders -- Chapter VIII. Humanization In Late Antique And Byzantine Philosophy /Dominic J. O' Meara -- Chapter IX. Individual Rights And Common Good: Henry Of Ghent And The Scholastic Origins Of Human Rights /Pasquale Porro -- Chapter X. Aristotelian \'Scientia\' And The Medieval \'Artes\' /Charles Lohr -- Chapter XI. Nicholas Of Cusa And The Anthropology Of Peace /Paul Richard Blum -- Chapter XII. Giordano Bruno's Criticism Of Globalization /Elisabeth Blum -- Chapter XIII. La dignité de l'homme chez Dante: une question preliminaire /Andrea A. Robiglio -- Chapter XIV. Figuren des Menschen bei Dante: Ulisse /Ruedi Imbach -- Chapter XV. Dante's Commedia And Goethe's Faust. Similarities And Differences /Vittorio Hösle -- Chapter XVI. A Jesuit Comedy On The Morality Of Soldiers /Paul Richard Blum -- Chapter XVII. Kunst und Technik Bei Martin Heidegger /Friedrich-Wilhelm von Herrmann -- Chapter XVIII. Martin Heideggers Auslegung des Menschen als Zoon logon echon bei Aristoteles /Bodgan Minca -- Chapter XIX. Sein Zum Tode: Tolstoj Versus Heidegger /Tatiana Shchyttsova -- Chapter XX. Europe Between Agony And Hope: Christianity, History And Violence In María Zambrano /Giusi Strummiello -- Chapter XXI. Intergeneratives oder gemeinschaftliches Leben? Eine radikalphänomenologische Skizze /Rolf Kühn -- Chapter XXII. Brain-Computer-Interface (BCI) In Paralysis /Niels Birbaumer , Ander Ramos Murguialday , Moritz Wildgruber and Leonardo G. Cohen -- Chapter XXIII. Intelligent Technical Systems: Can They Surpass Human Skills? /Dieter Roller -- List Of Contributors /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio -- Index /H.-C. Günther and A.A. Robiglio.

Abstract
Since the 18th CPC National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core has put forward new thoughts, new ideas and new measures to guide the Party's international work. The Communist Party of China (CPC) takes the construction of the Belt and Road Initiative ("一带一路"倡议) as the starting point and the construction of 'Community with Shared Future for Mankind' ("人类命运共同体") as the strategic goal to carry out the party's diplomacy. At the same time, the proposal for a 'China-Africa Community with a Shared Future' ("中非命运共同体") also puts forward new requirements for Sino-African political party exchanges. As a political party with the longest ruling time in Africa, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) has a long history of friendly exchanges with the CPC. The long-standing inter-party relations between CPC and CCM is the political guarantee of Sino-Tanzanian friendship as well as an important part of Sino-Africa political party cooperation. Even before the CCM was founded, the CPC has started exchanges with TANU, CCM's predecessor, after that, relations between CCM and CPC have gone through different stages, with some new contents and features appearing in each stage. From Mao Zedong's Three Worlds Theory to Deng Xiaoping's judgment on the theme of 'Peace and Development' and then to Xi Jinping's 'Community with Shared Future for Mankind'. In 2017, with Xi Jinping's announcement at the 19th National Congress of the CPC that Socialism with Chinese Characteristics has entered a new era, the CPC's foreign exchanges has also entered a new era, so has the inter-party exchanges between the CPC and CCM. In view of the fact that the initiator and advocate of world party diplomacy is the CPC, this article will take the perspective of the CPC and the Chinese official narrative to analyze the new tasks and opportunities facing the cooperation between CPC and CCM in the new era, especially in the complicated international context of a world undergoing changes unseen in a century.

Uemura Shōen (1875-1949) was a renowned Japanese artist specialist in bijinga. Her dedication to art is reflected in her paintings and in her memoirs. This artist is presented here through a complete analysis of Flame, a painting from 1918 that represents the vengeful spirit of Lady Rokujō. My objective here is to provide a new reading of this work because the figure has been misunderstood by numerous art critics as a simple representation of jealousy. However, listening to the artist, it is understood that in fact her work is far from the patriarchal artistic imaginary that defines this deviant femininity. In this way, it will be demonstrated how Shōen uses this painting as a political language where she expresses her own gaze, with which she dismantles the stereotypes imposed by the androcentric imaginary and shows her feminist commitment through her art. ; Uemura Shōen (1875-1949) fue una reconocida artista japonesa especialista en bijinga.[1] Su dedicación al arte se refleja en sus pinturas y en sus memorias. Aquí se presenta a esta artista por medio de un análisis completo de La llama, pintura de 1918 que encarna el espíritu vengativo de la dama Rokujō. El objetivo que persigo es aportar una re-lectura de esta obra, y pretendo demostrar que ha sido malentendida por numerosos críticos como una simple representación de los celos. Sin embargo, escuchando a la artista, se entiende cómo verdaderamente su obra dista del imaginario artístico patriarcal que define esta feminidad desviada. Así, se demostrará cómo Shōen emplea esta pintura como un lenguaje reivindicativo donde expresa su propia mirada, con la que desarticula los estereotipos impuestos por el imaginario androcéntrico y muestra su compromiso feminista a través de su arte. [1] VV.AA. (1990): 534; bijinga (美人画) o representación de mujeres bellas (bijin) constituye un género dentro de la tradición del nihonga o pintura japonesa. Tiene su origen en las estampas ukiyo-e. Sin embargo, el problema de la belleza externa o interna es a menudo un tema de discusión.