Suchergebnisse

South-East Asia's metropolitan areas have been facing enormous change and growth within the past three decades. Globalization and Nationalization are the bases of both political and social conflicts within these rapidly changing developing economies. This article focuses on the special situation of Indonesia, whose capital Jakarta has become the focus of internationalization in the late sixties, when President Suharto established his 'New Order' programme. Special emphasis is put on economic, social and demographic development within the metropolitan area of Jabotabek, a 24 million megalopolis developing around the core city and focus of international investment, that is heavily dependent on national stability in order to cope with growing competition within the Asia-Pacific area. In addition to increasing urban-rural linkages and the prevalence of state and islamic influence, the rapid polarization of Indonesia's society is likely to prevent Jakarta's (politically desired) rise to a global city. The findings presented are based on the results of an interdisciplinary research project ("Migration in Third World mega-cities"), which is presently being carried out by the Department of Geography at the University of Vienna.

The COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented in terms of its quasi-simultaneous global reach and its multilayered character (medical, economic, political, geopolitical and social). It is also unprecedented because it is the first pandemic of the digital age, thus offering an accelerated version of the digital eco-system: interconnectedness across countries, regions, and even continents; globalization/ trans-nationalization of the national/ local communication spaces coupled by the circulation of global polluted narratives which are strikingly similar in terms of content in spite of their appearance of being tailored, even "extremely personalized" to fit local characteristics; and the preeminence of digital platforms within the communication ecosystem, including the semi-private or downright private ones such as WhatsApp or Facebook private messaging applications. Out of these emerging features, we will focus our analysis on the last interconnected two: globalization of seemingly local narratives and the emergence of the WhatsApp or Facebook private instant messaging applications as prominent transmission/ contagion means. We will do so by carrying an in-depth case study of Romania, which may offer an insight into more generalizable trends.

When a new type of coronavirus was first reported in China in December 2019, it was not yet clear how rapidly and in what a short time frame COVID-19 would affect the entire world. In January 2020, Wuhan, the capital of Hubei, was quarantined and just two months later, the virus had spread to Central Europe; a subsequent wave of infections followed in many places, including the United States. As a result, presumed certainties began to erode: freedom of movement was restricted, entry restrictions were imposed and, paradoxically, precisely 25 years after the Schengen Agreement came into force, many EU internal borders were closed. This article focuses on these border closings, but also deals with drawing social boundaries in the wake of the pandemic. Thus, the border geographies examined range from the subject level to the global level and will be put into context with the security measures that have been introduced, the orderings and ordinances used, political re-nationalization reflexes and civil society resistance. The article ends with an outlook of some additional topics and questions from the perspective of Border Studies with and after the COVID-19 pandemic.

Abstract
Whilst Costa v. ENEL is the starting point for most accounts of the primacy of EU law, the story of that lawsuit is still relatively unknown. What drove Flaminio Costa to sue his electricity provider over a bill of as little as £1,925 (about €22 in 2019)? Why did the small-claims court of Milan decide to involve both the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice in such a 'petty' lawsuit? Why did those two courts hand down rulings going in opposite directions? How did the lawsuit end when it came back to the Milan small-claims court? Relying upon previously undisclosed court documents and interviews with some of the actors involved, this article seeks to shed some light on the less-known aspects of the Costa v. ENEL lawsuit, against the background of electricity nationalization in Italy at the height of the Cold War, and to assess the contribution of that lawsuit and of its 'architect', Gian Galeazzo Stendardi, to the development of the doctrine of primacy of European Union law.

AbstractThis article examines the Turkish Language Olympiads as a political-performative strategy that the Muslim nationalists used to communicate their ideology. I argue that to understand the rise of Muslim nationalism, we also need to understand how emotional appeal is created through spectacles like the Turkish Olympiads. The spectacle was effective in boosting people's sense of national pride and self-confidence by resolving two important tensions of Kemalist nationalism. First, it addressed the tension between Westernization and nationalization. Depicting an image of Turkish national culture that is appreciated and imitated by foreigners, it contested the imitative, Westernist character of Kemalist nationalism. Second, recasting the outside world as friendly to Turks, even Turkophile, it challenged Kemalist nationalism's emphasis on external threats. Turkish-speaking and -acting foreigners communicated a message of nationalist self-empowerment and confidence, calling into question people's sense of fear and distrust of the outside world. How Muslim nationalism was promoted, particularly the performative-symbolic strategies that were used, are important to understand because of their emotional resonance and potential for mass mobilization.

Abstract Whilst Costa v. ENEL is the starting point for most accounts of the primacy of EU law, the story of that lawsuit is still relatively unknown. What drove Flaminio Costa to sue his electricity provider over a bill of as little as £1,925 (about €22 in 2019)? Why did the small-claims court of Milan decide to involve both the Italian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Justice in such a 'petty' lawsuit? Why did those two courts hand down rulings going in opposite directions? How did the lawsuit end when it came back to the Milan small-claims court? Relying upon previously undisclosed court documents and interviews with some of the actors involved, this article seeks to shed some light on the less-known aspects of the Costa v. ENEL lawsuit, against the background of electricity nationalization in Italy at the height of the Cold War, and to assess the contribution of that lawsuit and of its 'architect', Gian Galeazzo Stendardi, to the development of the doctrine of primacy of European Union law.

Pattani Province in southern Thailand is the only province with the majority of the Muslim population. Besides Pattani the majority of Thai residents (67 million people) are Buddhists. Only 10% of Thai people are Muslims, including Pattani's Muslim Malay minority. Some data suggest that the Thai government made policies that often discredited and did not accommodate the interests of Malay Muslims. This became one of the reasons for the emergence of opposition to Thai government and ethnicity. For example, must use the Thai language (thaification Program) reinforced by the prohibition of the use of Malay language and nationalization of Thai society culture through language and customs. The cultural policies relating to the use of Thai language and customs are intended to promote Thai nationalism, while they erode the identity (religion and culture) of Pattani Malay. The Malay minority resistance was led by the scholar Tuan Guru Haji Sulong Al-Fathani. He also acted as negotiator with the Thai government in order to fight for Malay Muslim aspirations. His negotiations resulted in a policy of the enactment of Malay language education as a curriculum material at Pattani National School.

The role and development of the public sector in the main sectors of the transport infrastructure of the new Bulgarian state up until the nationalization at the end of 1947 are analyzed. The particular significance of the public sector in them stems from the "poor inheritance" as well as the lack of capital in the hands of the Bulgarian bourgeoisie and its individualism. Experience shows that the alternative – subordinating developments in these areas to foreign capital – is less favorable, especially in the long run. The improvement of the transport infrastructure is a necessary prerequisite for the progress of agriculture and industry, as well as for the creation of the internal market and its linkage to external markets. Investments in it are several times higher than those in the industry, and it holds 40% of its employees. The economic efficiency of these investments is not only direct but also indirect. It is also realized in the private sector as well as in the social, state and political spheres. The development of transport infrastructure is a prerequisite for the development of more significant industrialization on the eve of, during and especially after the Second World War.

This paper examines the question of why the countrywide 1920 parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia was postponed in its eastern borderland, Podkarpatská Rus, by putting this event into a context of simultaneous processes of democratization and nationalization, described here as the "double transformation." The territory in question was inhabited by a Ruthenian majority, who received the support of the government in Prague; a Jewish population without clear preferences regarding their loyalties and aims; a still-influential Hungarian minority; and finally, a Czech-dominated state administration. The aim of the state administration was to let the ethnically mixed population of Ruthenia vote for its parliamentary representatives in the most democratic way possible. However, this intention clashed with the realities in place: old loyalties of the local population toward the Hungarian elites, Hungarian revisionism, a lack of governance, and security issues. Complicating the situation, Romanian troops still occupied the eastern part of Ruthenia as a result of the war among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania in 1919; Romanians claimed part of the territory for their own nation-state. Faced with these thorny issues, the Czechoslovak state administration felt constrained to postpone the elections until 1924.

Since the outburst of the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, the people of the latter have widely and quite light-heartedly been depicted as refugees and it is no coincidence that such depictions often result in simply calling for Myanmar's responsibility to protect (R2P). At a closer look though, the sole status of refugees is debatable and there appears to be much more than the mere R2P (ICISS 2001). Actually, what is happening at the Bangladesh-Burmese border is the recurrence of Hannah Arendt's 1943 scenario, in which it was not possible to be simply a refugee. In Agamben's words, a refugee's temporary state of exception has to be resolved through either nationalization or repatriation. But how come that a WWII's allegedly resolved situation still haunts us, notwithstanding even the most thorough legislative attempts to tackle the issue? Has the Universal Declaration of Human Rights really brought any improvement of the matter and what might be its drawbacks? Is it a void tautology? This paper aims at some responses also by examining whether the state of exception is actually the possibility of each and every sovereignty (Derrida 2009).

In the wake of global competition with greater economic and regional integration, a country's economic growth is largely determined by industrial efficiency. Operating and staying within market under cut throat competition appears as an unprecedented challenge for exporting and non-exporting firms. A data of 403 firms from World Bank Enterprise Survey 2013 is used for estimation of technical and scale efficiencies between and within exporting and non-exporting firms. Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) is applied for constant returns to scale (CRS) and variable returns to scale (VRS) efficiency scores. It has been found that the average technical efficiency scores for non-exporting firms is slightly greater than the exporting firms. But majority of the firm's technical efficiency remained the same for both type of firms. Industries with highest technical efficiency comprise of chemicals, food, garments and non-metals. Efficiency scores of some firms depict interesting results and found efficient in either of exporting and non-exporting firms. The efficiency analysis can help to identify potential changes which industry may require for its consistent growth in current surge of global competition and nationalization.

This article examines the context in which firms reflect on their own history in order to help form their organizational identity. By undertaking research in business archives, it shows that external change is as important as an internal transition in understanding shifts in the way an organization understands its past. We trace the messages communicated internally through paintings of past chairmen and senior staff when they were displayed inside the head office of Lloyds Bank during the 1960s and 1970s. These portraits generated interest and were an effective means of non-verbal communication which provoked a discussion about the purpose, values and norms in the firm's past, present, and future. The objects retold the story of the bank's success as a privately owned family firm in the midst of on-going political debates inside the Labour party about the nationalization of large banking companies. With the portraits in place, they recognized the bank's history as a capitalist enterprise. The pictures legitimized the tradition of private ownership, helped to form organizational identity, and set future obligations that would see its continuation in what was a period of potential change.

This article concerns two national museums in Croatia during the socialist period, the Museum of the Revolution of the Peoples of Croatia and the Historical Museum of Croatia. Both state-developed institutions were intimately tied to the process of nationalization as they helped articulate the place of the Croatian nation within the ideology of supranational Yugoslavism founded on the ideas of socialist patriotism, brotherhood and unity, self-management, national assertion, and South Slavic culture and community. This paper therefore traces the development and collapse of Yugoslavism in Croatia's national narrative by analyzing how these museums adapted the mythology of socialist Yugoslavism for a particularly Croatian context. Specifically, this paper investigates the ways in which these museums operated in an often ambiguous national-supranational discourse in order to reinforce the historical precedents of Croatia as part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. I argue that these museums were envisioned by party elites and museum curators alike as essential to the project of building socialist Yugoslavism by adapting and altering Croatia's previous national pantheon of heroes, places, objects, and events to fit into a larger and distinctly supranational Yugoslav framework.

This paper examineshow Ujamaa and traditional patriarchal ideologies influence the (de)construction and (re)definition of masculinities in Gamba la Nyoka, particularlyin the process of the implementation of nationalization and villagization policies. The paper adopts Judith Butler and Robert Connell theories of masculinity as well as Louis Althusser's concept of interpellation to read and understand how Ujamaa and patriarchal ideology influence men's masculinity. Through the portrayal of male characters, the novel reveals that political and cultural ideologies play a significant role in the construction of masculinity. The novel indicates that masculinity is a social construct that is subject to constant changes. Through this novel, Kezilahabi emphasizes that for a society to build a new nation, changes are inevitable. The novel dismantles conventional gender relations and complements them with modern ones; the state that allows emergence of new masculinities. From this emergence, Gamba la Nyoka emphasizes that masculinity is a mutable subject. It changes over time, within contexts, and in response to various changes in the individuals as well as in a wider community.

Abstract
This article addresses the re-negotiation of national belonging among Yugoslav immigrants in (West) Berlin before and during the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. By analysing the content of a radio show produced for Yugoslavs living in Berlin, I discuss the context and changing nature of representations of ethnic solidarities. I aim to debunk approaches that — in accordance with the concept of 'long-distance nationalism' — argue that Yugoslav immigrants were rapidly nationalized while living abroad. Instead, I suggest a rather ambiguous picture that accounts for the conflicting and often contradictory discourses of belonging as well as the various actors involved. By the end of the 1980s matters of national belonging had become intertwined with questions of democratic legitimacy, gradually leading to an endorsement of an ethnic framing of the Yugoslav crises. The 'nationalization' of the 'Yugoslav community', I argue, was a contested process that gained a foothold as violence raged in Yugoslavia. Coping with the consequences not least the massive influx of refugees into Germany, the radio programme became complicit in the making of national diaspora communities.