Suchergebnisse

Wie kann die Verhandlungsmacht der Beschäftigten in Bangladeschs Bekleidungsindustrie gestärkt werden? Inwiefern ist relevant, dass über 80 Prozent von ihnen Frauen sind? Elisabeth Fink analysiert die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Mobilisierungsstrategie Transnational Social Movement Unionism im Kontext der Bekleidungsindustrie Bangladeschs erstmals unter Berücksichtigung der Beschäftigtenstruktur dieses Sektors. Mithilfe postkolonial-feministischer Theorien weist sie sowohl auf Fallstricke im Rahmen des gegenwärtigen transnationalen Aktivismus hin als auch auf das Potenzial geschlechtertheoretisch sensibler Studien für die Mobilisierung und die Kooperation.

Wie kann die Verhandlungsmacht der Beschäftigten in Bangladeschs Bekleidungsindustrie gestärkt werden? Inwiefern ist relevant, dass über 80 Prozent von ihnen Frauen sind? Elisabeth Fink analysiert die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen der Mobilisierungsstrategie Transnational Social Movement Unionism im Kontext der Bekleidungsindustrie Bangladeschs erstmals unter Berücksichtigung der Beschäftigtenstruktur dieses Sektors. Mithilfe postkolonial-feministischer Theorien weist sie sowohl auf Fallstricke im Rahmen des gegenwärtigen transnationalen Aktivismus hin als auch auf das Potenzial geschlechtertheoretisch sensibler Studien für die Mobilisierung und die Kooperation.

Abstract
While studies show that public opinion and educational workshops promoted by nonprofits affect judicial behavior, it remains unclear whether and how social movements affect judges' decision-making through disruptive actions. I develop a framework to explain the conditions under which and the mechanisms through which social movement mobilization affects the decision-making of judges, drawing on a mixed-methods study of anti-corruption protests in Brazil. I constructed an original dataset of decisions of corruption cases at the Brazilian Superior Court of Justice (2003–2016). Results showed that actions that target judicial cases (case-focused protests)—but not protests that simply put the issue on the public agenda—are associated with higher chances that judges will decide in ways that are aligned with the movements' demands. I supplemented this data with a qualitative analysis of appeals on two investigations of similar crimes and some of the same defendants but with different outcomes in appellate courts: Sandcastle (Castelo de Areia) and Car Wash (Lava Jato). Drawing on 110 interviews with prosecutors and judges and document analysis of criminal charges and judicial decisions, I show that case-focused protests affect judicial behavior through two mechanisms: by threatening the personal reputation of judges and the legitimacy of courts.

Prepared under the auspices of the Bureau of Industrial Research. cf. Introd. ; Introduction, by Prof. C. A. Beard.--Trade unionism.--The cooperative movement.--Proposed experiments in industrial democracy: Co-partnership. National industrial councils. The Plumb plan.--The single tax.--Socialism.--Guild socialism.--Syndicalism.--Bolshevism.--Anarchism. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests. ; Gruzińskie Marzenie dochodząc do władzy w 2012 r. było obietnicą zmian, których oczekiwało społeczeństwo gruzińskie, rozdarte pomiędzy dążeniami do pokoju i dobrobytu wzorem państw zachodnich, a zarazem ustabilizowania stosunków z Rosją. Po siedmiu latach okazało się, że ta obietnica nie spełniła się, a obywatele są rozgoryczeni prowadzeniem polityki zarówno wewnętrznej, jak i międzynarodowej przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego. Na potrzeby artykułu sformułowano hipotezę badawczą zakładającą, że w czerwcu 2019 r. doszło do protestów społecznych w stolicy Gruzji, ponieważ działania podejmowane przez ugrupowanie kierowane przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do tej formacji. Autorzy artykułu podjęli się próby analizy działań podejmowanych Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego, które mogły doprowadzić do niepokojów społecznych oraz wskazania czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do rządzących Gruzją w ostatnich latach. Ponadto przedstawili wydarzenia z dnia 20 czerwca 2019 r., kiedy to wielotysięczny tłum zgromadził się pod budynkiem gruzińskiego parlamentu, by wyrazić niezadowolenie z pojawienia się na sesji parlamentu deputowanego rosyjskiej dumy, Siergieja Gawriłowa, co w rezultacie wywołało ogólnopaństwowe protesty.

Coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream promised changes expected by Georgian society that was torn between striving for peace and prosperity, following the example of Western countries, and stabilizing relations with Russia. After seven years, this promise was not fulfilled, and the citizens were bitter about the internal and international policies of Bidzina Ivanishvili. For the purpose of this article, the research hypothesis was formulated that in June 2019 social protests broke out in the capital of Georgia, because the activities of the party headed by Bidzina Ivanishvili resulted in decreased social confidence in this formation. The authors of the article analyzed the activities of Bidzina Ivanishvili which might have sparked social unrest and identified the internal and external factors that resulted in the shrinking social confidence in Georgian authorities in recent years. The authors presented also the events of June 20, 2019, when thousands of people gathered in front of the Georgian parliament building to express their discontent with the presence of the deputy of Russian Duma, Sergei Gavrilov, at the parliamentary session, which resulted in nationwide protests. ; Gruzińskie Marzenie dochodząc do władzy w 2012 r. było obietnicą zmian, których oczekiwało społeczeństwo gruzińskie, rozdarte pomiędzy dążeniami do pokoju i dobrobytu wzorem państw zachodnich, a zarazem ustabilizowania stosunków z Rosją. Po siedmiu latach okazało się, że ta obietnica nie spełniła się, a obywatele są rozgoryczeni prowadzeniem polityki zarówno wewnętrznej, jak i międzynarodowej przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego. Na potrzeby artykułu sformułowano hipotezę badawczą zakładającą, że w czerwcu 2019 r. doszło do protestów społecznych w stolicy Gruzji, ponieważ działania podejmowane przez ugrupowanie kierowane przez Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do tej formacji. Autorzy artykułu podjęli się próby analizy działań podejmowanych Bidzinę Iwaniszwilego, które mogły doprowadzić do niepokojów społecznych oraz wskazania czynników wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych, które doprowadziły do spadku zaufania do rządzących Gruzją w ostatnich latach. Ponadto przedstawili wydarzenia z dnia 20 czerwca 2019 r., kiedy to wielotysięczny tłum zgromadził się pod budynkiem gruzińskiego parlamentu, by wyrazić niezadowolenie z pojawienia się na sesji parlamentu deputowanego rosyjskiej dumy, Siergieja Gawriłowa, co w rezultacie wywołało ogólnopaństwowe protesty.

This open access book deals with contestations "from below" of legal policies and implementation practices in asylum and deportation. Consequently, it covers three types of mobilization: solidarity protests against the deportation of refused asylum seekers, refugee activism campaigning for residence rights and inclusion, and restrictive protests against the reception of asylum seekers. By applying both a longitudinal analysis of protest events and a series of in-depth case studies in three immigration countries, this edited volume provides comparative insights into these three types of movement in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland over a time span of twenty-five years. Embedded in concepts of political change, limited state sovereignty, and migration control, the findings shed light on actors, repertoires, and the effects of protest activities. The contributions illustrate how local contexts, national political settings, issue specifics, and social ties lead to distinctly different forms of protest emergence, dynamics, and strategies. Additionally, they give a profound understanding of the mechanisms and constellations that contribute to protest success, both in terms of preventing deportations of individuals as well as changing policies. In sum, this book constitutes a major contribution to empirically informed theoretical reflections on collective contestation in the fields of refugee studies and social protest movements.

The paper is essentially a background study of two controversial urban-based Buddhist movements which appeared since the beginning of the seventies, Santi Asok and the Thammakai Foundation. Both religious movements developed as a consequence of rapid changes in the macro-social milieu involving an articulate aspiring new Thai bourgeoisie. Both "urban cults", on their own ways, are predicating a radical critique of the enduring social order; a call for collective "innerwordly" activism and "individualistic" reflexive response to normative institutional paradigms. (DÜI-Sen)

Comunicació presentada a: The Tenth International AAAI Conference on web and social media (ICWSM 2016), celebrat del 18 al 20 de maig de 2016 a Colònia, Alemanya. ; Social media has become a key mechanism for the organization of grassroots movements. In the 2015 Barcelona City Council election, Barcelona en Com´u, an emerging grassroots party, was the most voted one. This candidacy was devised by activists involved in the Spanish 15M movement in order to turn citizen outrage into political change. On the one hand, the 15M movement is based on a decentralized structure. On the other hand, political science literature postulates that parties historically develop oligarchical leadership structures. This tension motivates us to examine whether Barcelona en Com´u preserved a decentralized structure or adopted a conventional centralized organization. In this article we propose a computational framework to analyze the Twitter networks of the parties that ran for this election by measuring their hierarchical structure, small-world phenomenon and coreness. The results of our assessment show that in Barcelona en Com´u two well-defined groups co-exist: a cluster dominated by the party leader and the collective accounts, and another cluster formed by the movement activists. While the former group is highly centralized like traditional parties, the latter one stands out for its decentralized, cohesive and resilient structure. ; This work is supported by the EU project D-CENT (FP7 CAPS 610349). We would like to thank DatAnalysis15M Research Network and the #GlobalRevExp Forum for their valuable discussions and suggestions that helped to improve this study. Yana Volkovich is supported by the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions, from the FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement no.600388 managed by REA and ACC1O´ .