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Given the diversity of passengers, public transport has hitherto been described as a public space of encounters, conviviality, or conflict. However, other dimensions of publicness, such as codes of conduct, deviance, visibility, or resistance, have received less attention. Based on qualitative interviews with transport users whose physical or financial abilities, or mobility needs differ from default passengers, this article outlines daily experiences and practices of negotiating differences through situational and societal deviance. In particular, I examine the daily struggles of passengers travelling in Brussels during the Covid-19 pandemic or without a valid ticket, along with people who rely on public transport in Tallinn due to care responsibilities. By describing quotidian practices and experiences of deviance, I argue that understanding publicness as a process of ongoing negotiation and appropriation promotes more equitable and inclusive planning practices.

School-age youth of low-income, urban communities frequently experience systemic inequities, such as limited access to healthy foods, lack of space for physical activity, higher drop-out rates, lower academic performance, and escalating rates of neighborhood violence. These inequities are often exacerbated for girls of color. After-school programs hold great potential for countering these issues, particularly when guided by a positive youth development (PYD) model. This qualitative study examined girls' experiences in one after-school PYD program called REACH (Reflective Educational Approach to Character and Health). The authors discuss the ways in which the co-creation of a participant-centered space and interrelated connections between participants and program elements contributed to the girls' experiences of the program in particular ways. These findings enhance understandings on how girls' experiences shape relational dimensions of the PYD model, particularly PYD through sport. The authors conclude with implications for future research, suggesting enhancing the PYD through sport framework through activist-based research as a particularized means for further researching girls' experiences in after-school PYD programs seeking interdisciplinary integration.

This article investigates the painted miniatures of manuscripts and early printed books of the second half of the 15th century performed in the art workshops of the Renaissance Venice and Padua. The author determines the main development stages of the principles of space depicting in the picturesque design of manuscripts and printed books. The relevance of study of this topic is caused by the fact that it has been on the periphery of research attention for a long time, obscured by other historical and artistic problems. The scientifi c novelty of the research revealed the new principles of constructing spatial composition and formation of new typology of landscape in Venetian art. For the main research method, the author uses the formal-style analysis and structural analysis. It demonstrates how simultaneously with the change of the sheet decoration structure there appeared the new opportunities for the placement of spatial composition. At an early stage, the manuscript sheet decoration consisted of the depiction of painted architecture treated in the guise of triumphal arch or classical altar with inscription, which gradually has been getting form of imaginary façade with ornaments and fragments of text upon it (the so-called architectural frontispiece type). The next faze consists in the emergence of natural motifs near it and its progressive development in the form of autonomous landscape, which one can see in the works of leading Venetian illuminator in the time circa 1500 Benedetto Bordon. The author investigated the basic types of manuscript decoration that included the depiction of landscape as well as its basic iconographical formulae. The signifi cance of the study lies in that fact which helps to explore the new sources of Venetian mythological painting, going back to the stylistic features and compositional principles of the Late Quattrocento miniature.

The work is an announcement on the current state of the research project implementation. The study presents the results of an analysis of the project's research area. On this basis, the two-stage micro-satellite launch system was selected. The system, a space-kit is based on an adopted combat aircraft carrying a satellite-laden rocket that is fired at the maximum altitude. As a potential transport platform, two withdrawn supersonic aircraft were selected: the MiG-29 and the Su-22. A dedicated mission-laden rocket is to be carried under the fuselage. Preliminary analyses have shown that the aircraft indicated with the proposed mission profile will successfully carry out the task of launching a hypothetical rocket with a payload of at least 10 kg into low earth orbit. This confirmed the merits of the basic thesis of the research project. For the analysis of the aeromechanical properties of the kit, both 3D digital models for computer simulations and physical models scaled for tunnel tests were developed. Laser scanners were used to map aircraft geometry, and measurements were made on Su-22 and MiG-29 aircraft in the aviation laboratory of the Military University of Technology. Using three-dimensional scaled models generated in a CAD environment, physical solid models were printed for wind tunnel investigations. Preliminary computer simulations conducted in the ANSYS Fluent system did not point out any negative impact of the rocket on aerodynamic characteristics and stability of the both carrier aircraft. Keywords: air-launch satellite system, air-launch platform, microsatellite.

The article presents in abstract form the results of the initial historical analysis of the Belarusian protests of 2020 in the context of similar processes in the post-Soviet space. The preconditions and reasons for the mass demonstrations are shown: structural problems and the Ukrainian events of 2014 led to the stagnation of the Belarusian economy; confidence in the election results in society declined with each election campaign; the new generation of Belarusians had incomprehensible values, which were preserved and imposed on the society by the authorities. There were also several triggers of protests: the peculiarities of the strategy of the Belarusian leadership in the context of the cavid virus pandemic Kavid19 reduced the authority of the government; and the inconsistency of the official and actual results of the vote, the brutality of the dispersal of the first post-election protests caused mass outrage. Authorities considered and still consider the foreign factor to be the main reason for the protests. Many politicians and experts support the theory of Russian interference in Belarus. Solidarity of Belarusians is a new phenomenon of Belarus in recent history. In many respects it was able to manifest itself thanks to new forms of communication in society and fresh creative forms of activity: a chain of solidarity, walks and marches on avenues and streets, actions in residential areas, etc. The activity of women, pensioners and workers shows a change in their role in the political life of post-Soviet countries. And the support of the protests of other traditional and new professional groups testifies to the nationwide nature of the demonstrations. The lack of obvious socio-economic demands makes it possible to classify the Belarusian protests as political democratic revolutions, which can be conditionally called "Revolutions of Dignity". The most important result of the Belarusian protests is the discovery of the world of the Belarusian political nation. Despite the polarization and a certain division in society, there is a clear general demand for the sovereignty of Belarus by supporters of S. Tikhanovskaya and A. Lukashenko. Now all political forces will have to reckon with the factor of existence and active participation in the political process of the Belarusian political nation.

This article offers an empirically driven critical consideration of the idea of transnationalising Europe's voting space, which would mean allowing European citizens to vote for a party from any member state at the European Parliament elections. We argue that such a move would reduce the second-order problem in European elections, as it would force political parties to move away from campaigning solely on national issues. We also claim that it would improve the extent to which Europeans are represented in their parliament and would be particularly welcomed by citizens currently dissatisfied with the state of their national democracy. We offer evidence to back up these claims, based on data on the political preferences of almost half a million Europeans and 274 European parties.

Land grabbing has transformed rural environments across the global South, generating resistance or political reactions "from below". In authoritarian countries like Laos, where resource investments are coercively developed and insulated from political dissent, resistance appears absent at first glance. Yet, it is occurring under the radar, largely outside transnational activist networks. In this article, we examine how resistance can protect access to rural lands in contexts where it is heavily repressed. Resistance here occurs with, rather than against the state by foregrounding the contradictions of land use and ownership within state spaces, such as competing goals of large-scale industrial plantations versus smallholder agriculture and national forest conservation. Such contradictions are engaged by using historical, place-based political connections to exploit the scalar frictions of a fragmented state and occupying plantation clearance sites to highlight contested lands in situ. Nonetheless, such strategies remain spatially and socially uneven amongst the Lao peasantry.

AbstractUsing rockets to launch communications satellites and other spacecraft poses risks to the uninvolved public, including persons and property under the flight path of the launch vehicle. The federal government plays a pivotal technical role during the actual launch by carrying out certain risk‐related procedures, thus causing third‐party risk to be jointly produced by the company and the government. In addition, under the Commercial Space Launch Act, the government partially indemnifies commercial launch companies for third‐party damages. We compare the indemnification policy to optimal liability rules under public‐private co‐production of risk. Under modest assumptions, shared liability created by the indemnification rules decreases the incentive of both parties to take care relative to the optimum. If care were observable, it would be preferable for the government to fully indemnify companies that take due care. The role of the government as an agent for third parties may qualify these findings.

Rome, home of the Vatican, counts on a wide presence of street sex workers, self-organized in a complex and deep-rooted archipelago. My research focused on the articulation of the spaces of sex work, investigating their changes in relation to urban policies and the transformations of the city environment. Italy do not consider prostitution itself to be a crime while criminalising anyone taking advantage of it. At the same time, via spatial government (decrees, orders, and patrols) it thinks up escamotages to contain and control its visible features. These attempts can be ascribed to the set of measures that aim to achieve the chimeric concept of decorum, pursuing an idea of the city where both diversity and marginality are not seen. Prostitution is thus accused of offending public decency and order, and the more explicit and visible it is, the deeper the conflict it generates. Obviously, this kind of jurisdictions are double standard positions: they focus on the good citizen, without considering the interests of the population working in the practise of sex work. Politics of coercion, expressed or implied, do not induce profound changes in activity, but rather a shift towards more peripheral areas, and the corresponding adaptation of clients. The urban geography of sex workers is thus perpetually becoming, constantly pushing against the limits of its confinement and adopting tactics of mobility and resistance. In street sex work the transgression of sexualized bodies in the public space becomes explicit, and their insolent and "excessive" visibility is confined to the outside of the purified spaces of residency and consumption. Queer and gender studies turn therefore out to be interesting interpretation filters of a phenomenon that draws a moral geography: a geography that seems to reflect, once again, features of the heteronormativity and to deny the right to the city to certain categories of inhabitants. The physical presence of these bodies thus assumes a clear political significance. Through the lens of psychoanalysis, the measures inspired by the concept of decorum could be read as a collective removal of perturbing bodies. Freud theorised the mechanisms of removal: the psychic contents that are source of conflict, such as desires, impulses or representations that are unbearable for some reason, are removed from the conscious sphere and dormant in that of the unconscious. Despite this, they keep a trace, a weak and latent signal that brings back to light what have been removed, triggering a complex conflict. It is thus defined unheimlich, uncanny, the anguish and disorientation generated by what could remain hidden, and which instead has emerged. The contribution I would like to propose for Konesh issue intends to build a reflection on the removal of sex workers' bodies from the public space of Rome. Starting from some photos of the traces left by sex workers in the places they have crossed, for any reason (work, residence, leisure), the contribution wants to suggest how, despite the absence of the removed bodies, a faint trace of their passage continues to exist (and resist?), as a silent witness of a denied right to the city.

The objective of this research was to evaluate the green open space policy of Bekasi City in achieving development indicators (sustainable settlements). It was a qualitative research with evaluation method conducted in the City of Bekasi, West Java in 2018. The data were collected through participant observation using interview, observation, and document study. The data was analysed and interpretated through (1) Data reduction, sorting, concentration and simplification of "rough" data, abstracting, and information that emerge from written records in the field: (2) Display data, try to present data and the whole picture and certain parts of the research; (3) Conclusions and verification, search and find meaning for the data collected by looking for patterns of relationships, similarities, differences and the systems. The findings of the implementation have been carried out but must be revised to adapt the development of the central government, named the National Strategic Project. Green open space in the City of Bekasi will be increased every year to 0.15% in a sustainable manner so that green open space can be consistently distributed throughout the City of Bekasi.

Social media and its impact especially on the young generation has challenged political and social norms in the conservative Gulf monarchies. In the past, shaping news and initiating social innovation and civic participation were, to a great extent, controlled and determined by centralised governments and their affiliated media systems within a framework of rules and regulations. Social media, on the other hand, has crafted a new virtual space, where young people can create platforms to exchange ideas beyond the boundaries of the traditional patterns of physical space and conventional social interaction. In the Sultanate of Oman, where ca. 70% of the 2.2 million citizens are under the age of 30, this new space led – at least temporarily – to an accelerated transformation of society, especially in the aftermath of the protest wave of 2011. Young Omanis used it to test the limits that the strict laws imposed on public space. In response, authorities tried to counter this development from within, both by expanding the legal framework to the online world, and by using the virtual space to spread their own normative discourse. Moreover, virtual interaction led to a transformation of social norms within the traditional space as well. Not only did the awareness of political developments and the call for more participation rights gain momentum, but also the citizens developed a new civic awareness, which transcended the traditional norms and values of their tribal society. Based on Habermas' model of the "public sphere", this chapter examines how Omani citizens have used virtual and non-virtual public space to make their voices heard. It assesses to what extent social media has turned into a new platform of dialogue and debate by opening new channels of participation and creating new challenges to conventional social patterns. The analysis focuses on opportunities and limitations of how virtual space impacts life beyond the virtual sphere in a conservative society, and how it affects social patterns and the political awareness of the young generation.