Suchergebnisse

America, Europe, and the crescent of crisis / Ivo Daalder, Nicole Gnesotto, and Philip Gordon -- A common approach to Iran / Kenneth M. Pollack -- The Iranian nuclear crisis / Bruno Tertrais -- Israel-Palestine : U.S. strategy for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict / Martin Indyk -- Putting the Israeli-Palestinian peace process back on track / Yezid Sayigh -- Syria and Lebanon : different roads to Damascus / Flynt Leverett -- Promoting democracy and human rights in Lebanon and Syria / Eva Goes and Reinoud Leenders -- Iraq: from democratization to governance / James Dobbins -- Trying to reconstitute the Iraqi state: a European perspective / Toby Dodge -- Afghanistan : proposals for improved stability in Afghanistan / Barnett R. Rubin -- Afghanistan : elements of transatlantic nation-building strategy / Michael Schmunk -- Pakistan and the crescent of crisis / Stephen P. Cohen -- The case of Pakistan : a strategy for Europe / Jean-Luc Racine -- A common U.S.-European strategy on the crescent of crisis / Ivo Daalder, Nicole Gnesotto, and Philip Gordon

The profound transformations that preceded the downfall of Communism originated in Poland and Hungary, but played out in strikingly different ways. Hungary led through economic reform, Poland through open political struggle. Analysis of these transformational variants yields important insights into systemic change, marketization, and democratization. This book shows how these changes were possible in authoritarian regimes as, over time, state and society became mutually vulnerable, neither fully able to dictate the terms of engagement. For Poland this meant principled confrontation; for Hungary, innovative accommodation. This book argues that different conceptual frameworks and strategies of persuasion account for these divergences in virtually identical institutional settings. Seleny traces the different political-institutional residues which, in both Hungary and Poland, now function as constraining or enabling legacies. In particular, she demonstrates that state socialist legacies account for salient differences between these two new capitalist democracies, and now condition their prospects in the European Union

Citizenship in an Enlarging Europeconsiders the impact of economic, political and social transformation in Central and Eastern Europe in the context of EU enlargement. In a lively and engaging narrative, the author uses gender as the lens through which to examine the processes of democratization, marketization and newly emergent nationalism. She shows the centrality of gender to these processes and the ways in which rigid codes of masculinity and femininity limit people's choices. Individual chapters examine mainstream politics versus the promotion of civil society as routes to empowerment and participation. Barbara Einhorn highlights the growing public-private divide in the region, pinpointing the negative influences of the neo-liberal market model and its gendered media representations. Voices of scholars and actors from the region enliven the narrative. With great clarity, the author reveals the relevance of fully active citizenship within a vibrant civil society as a measure of democracy and gender equitable societies.

In this unique and provocative contribution to the literatures of political science and social policy, ten leading experts question prevailing views that federalism always inhibits the growth of social solidarity. Their comparative study of the evolution of political institutions and welfare states in the six oldest federal states - Australia, Austria, Canada, Germany, Switzerland, the US - reveals that federalism can facilitate and impede social policy development. Development is contingent on several time-dependent factors, including degree of democratization, type of federalism, and the stage of welfare state development and early distribution of social policy responsibility. The reciprocal nature of the federalism-social policy relationship also becomes apparent: the authors identify a set of important bypass structures within federal systems that have resulted from welfare state growth. In an era of retrenchment and unravelling unitary states, this study suggests that federalism may actually protect the welfare state, and welfare states may enhance national integration

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- Introduction: Hegemonic Declines-Present and Past -- Part I: On the Way to the Modern World-System -- 1 Escaping a Closed Universe: World-System Crisis, Regional Dynamics, and the Rise of Aegean Palatial Society -- 2 Structure, Dynamics, and the Final Collapse of Bronze Age Civilizations in the Second Millennium B.C. -- 3 Plus Ça Change? On Not Learning from History Jonathan Friedman -- Part II: Comparing Modern Hegemonic Declines -- 4 Dutch Hegemony and Contemporary Globalization -- 5 A Perspective on Ottoman Decline -- 6 Polanyi's "Double Movement": The Belles Époques of British and U.S. Hegemony Compared -- 7 Globalization, Democratization, and Global Elite Formation in Hegemonic Cycles: A Geopolitical Economy -- Part III: Hegemonic Decline and Resistance -- 8 Indigenous Peoples and Hegemonic Change: Threats to Sovereignty or Opportunities for Resistance? -- 9 Terrorism and Hegemonic Decline -- Index -- About the Contributors -- Series List.

Why has democracy failed to take root in Russia? After shedding the shackles of Soviet rule, some countries in the postcommunist region undertook lasting democratization. Yet Russia did not. Russia experienced dramatic political breakthroughs in the late 1980s and early 1990s, but it subsequently failed to maintain progress toward democracy. In this book, M. Steven Fish offers an explanation for the direction of regime change in post-Soviet Russia. Relying on cross-national comparative analysis as well as on in-depth field research in Russia, Fish shows that Russia's failure to democratize has three causes: too much economic reliance on oil, too little economic liberalization, and too weak a national legislature. Fish's explanation challenges others that have attributed Russia's political travails to history, political culture, or to 'shock therapy' in economic policy. The book offers a theoretically original and empirically rigorous explanation for one of the most pressing political problems of our time

Can foreign donors help build new democracies? In the 1990s, public and private organizations such as USAID and the Soros Foundation poured huge amounts of money and expertise into Russia to help build the dream of a vibrant democratic society. Sarah L. Henderson argues that despite the altruistic intentions of foreign assistance agencies and domestic activists, foreign aid designed to spur civic growth has had unintended consequences. Foreign aid has made a tremendous difference, but not in altogether expected or positive ways. New Russian civic groups serve either the needs of an indigenous clientele or the demands of the foreign aid bureaucracy-but rarely both. Henderson's research and experience show that while aid has kept a fledgling civic community alive, it is a civic community that is disconnected from its own domestic audience. The book suggests that large flows of foreign aid have in some ways damaged the long-term prospects for democratization in Russia

Russians want both free elections and order, but order - a sense of predictability in everyday life and the rule of law - has been in short supply. This is the challenge that Russia presents to Vladimir Putin. This 2002 book is about Russia's attempt to achieve democratization backwards, holding elections without having created a modern state. It examines the multiplication of parties that do not hold the Kremlin accountable; the success of Vladimir Putin in offering a 'third way' alternative to the Communist Party and the Yeltsin family; the president's big but vague election mandate; the popular appeal and limits of Putin's coalition; and what the Russian people make of the combination of free elections and disorderly government. Russia is evaluated from the point of view of ordinary Russians, using clear figures and tables drawn from the rich resources of a decade of New Russia Barometer surveys of public opinion

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction to the Transaction Edition -- Preface to the Second Edition -- Preface to the First Edition -- Acknowledgments -- Part 1 Patterns in Therapeutic Innovation: Transplantation -- 1. Gift Exchange and Gatekeeping -- 2. Specialists in Uncertainty: The Problem of Rejection -- 3. The Experiment-Therapy Dilemma -- Part 2 The Courage to Fail Ethos -- 4. The Physician-Investigator and His Patients -- 5. The Heart Transplant Moratorium -- 6. The Case of the Artificial Heart -- Part 3 Patterns in Therapeutic Innovation: Dialysis -- 7. "To Give Life": A Study of Seattle's Hemodialysis Program -- 8. Patient Selection and the Right to Die: Problems Facing Seattle's Kidney Center -- 9. Ernie Crowfeather -- Part 4 Changing Perspectives on Transplantation and Dialysis -- 10. Transplantation in the 1970s: A Revised Paradigm of Therapeutic Innovation -- 11. The Democratization of Dialysis: Public Law 92-603 -- 12. The Societal Meaning of The Courage to Fail -- Notes -- Appendix: A Sociological Portrait of the Transplant Surgeon -- Bibliography -- Index

This case study is an example of qualitative research using focus group discussion to examine how the State (its institutions and officials) affects the conduct and management of elections, particularly the nexus between State's handling of elections and how this affects its integrity and credibility in Africa within the context of democratization. In this case study, I discuss my research process beginning with the choice of methodologies, the method adopted (focus group discussion), and how it guided me in answering my research questions. I bring readers into the research process, including confidence building, gaining access to stakeholders and challenges encountered, and how I dealt with them. Given that this is a pedagogical tool, this case will help other researchers and students learn how to carry out research projects related to politics and elections, choose and use methods, recognize challenges, and develop solutions as they design and carry out their projects in Africa.

Intro -- Contents -- Figures and Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Principal Acronyms -- CHAPTER 1 Introduction Conservative Parties, Elite Representation, and Democracy in Latin America -- PART I Established Conservative Parties and the Challenge of Democracy -- CHAPTER 2 Atavism and Democratic Ambiguity in the Chilean Right -- CHAPTER 3 The Conservative Party and the Crisis of Political Legitimacy in Colombia -- CHAPTER 4 Venezuelan Parties and the Representation of Elite Interests -- PART II Democratization, the Right, and New Conservative Parties -- CHAPTER 5 Ruling without a Party Argentine Dominant Classes in the Twentieth Century -- CHAPTER 6 Conservative Parties, Democracy, and Economic Reform in Contemporary Brazil -- CHAPTER 7 Civil War and the Transformation of Elite Representation in El Salvador -- CHAPTER 8 The Irrelevant Right Alberto Fujimori and the New Politics of Pragmatic Peru -- CHAPTER 9 Conclusion Conservative Politics, the Right, and Democracy in Latin America -- STATISTICAL APPENDIX National Election Results, 1980s and 1990s, for Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, Peru, and Venezuela -- Notes -- Contributors -- Index.

AbstractThis article addresses the puzzle of why the European Union (EU) struggles to learn from ineffective attempts to support democratization in the Arab world but instead continuously (re‐)produces democracy support malpractices. To better understand this phenomenon, we draw from practice theory and conceptualize EU democracy support as practices performed by a community of insiders who act within a complex constellation of communities of practice. Due to the way in which communities function, decision‐makers do not critically reflect on the background knowledge on which they base their practices and thus do not learn how to improve them. This constellation model offers a unique take on non‐learning within the EU and in (policy‐making) groups more generally. We illustrate the proposed conceptual framework through an empirical analysis of EU democracy support in Egypt, showing that the EU performs practices similar to those before the 2011 Revolution due to its inability to learn.

We introduce a global dataset on education policies and systems across modern history (EPSM), which includes measures on compulsory education, ideological guidance and content of education, governmental intervention and level of education centralization, and teacher training. EPSM covers 157 countries with populations exceeding 1 million people, and time series extend from 1789 to the present. The new dataset opens up for studying several questions concerning political control and the politicized nature of education systems. In addition to describing the measures, we detail how the data were collected and discuss validity and reliability issues. Thereafter, we describe historical trends in various education system characteristics. Finally, we illustrate how our data can be used to address key questions about education and politics, replicating and extending recent analyses on the (reciprocal) relationship between education and democratization, the impact of education on political attitudes, and how rural inequality interacts with regime type in influencing education systems.

Abstract
This paper draws lessons from security and populism studies to theorize how radical right-wing populism (RRWP)
utilizes borders as a symbolic resource in crisis narratives to clearly frame an "Us" and a threatening "Them". By analyzing the
Hungarian Orbán regime's evolving rhetoric on borders, the paper illustrates how populists employ crisis narratives not to
mitigate, but exacerbate ontological insecurities, and thereby facilitate de-democratization by (re)shaping voter attitudes (cf.
Homolar & Scholz 2019; Steele & Homolar
2019). The paper suggests that populists-in-power rely on crisis and bordering narratives beyond voter mobilization:
such narratives are in fact designed to legitimize and affirm illiberal practices that undermine liberal democracy itself, and
contribute to regime building. Border crises, and crisis politics, hence become a template for the manipulation of individuals'
security-of-being, and thereby a tool in the politics of reassurance and control at the broader, societal level.

Turkey's neoliberal authoritarian regime poses increasing challenges against unionization processes. While the decline of workers' rights under this regime created a renewed impetus to unionize, barriers to unionization equally increased and diversified. Taking three recent unionization experiences as case studies, this paper explores the dynamics between class organization and authoritarian statecraft. It proposes that barriers against unionization are not consequences of authoritarian consolidation but part and parcel of its making in the Turkish context. However, they have the contradictory effect of weakening such consolidation at the everyday level by engendering a working-class politicization and desire toward democratization within unionization struggles. This paradoxical relation also reveals how unionization efforts inevitably incorporate political demands in addition to economic ones under the Turkish authoritarian circumstances and become a space of struggle against the authoritarian logic at large, whether that be the anti-democratic practices of the regime or the top-down bureaucratic attitudes of unions.