Suchergebnisse

This article investigates the relationship between social media platforms and the production and dissemination of selfies in light of its implications for the visibility of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ) people. Applying an Actor Network Theory lens, two popular visual media apps, Instagram and Vine, are examined through a comparative walkthrough method. This reveals platform elements, or mediators, that can influence the conversational capacity of selfies in terms of the following: range, the variety of discourses addressed within a selfie; reach, circulation within and across publics; and salience, the strength and clarity of discourses communicated through a selfie. These mediators are illustrated through LGBTQ celebrity Ruby Rose's Instagram selfies and Vine videos. Instagram's use expectations encourage selfies focused on mainstream discourses of normative beauty and conspicuous consumption with an emphasis on appearance, extending through features constraining selfies' reach and salience. In contrast, Vine's broader use expectations enable a variety of discourses to be communicated across publics with an emphasis on creative, first-person sharing. These findings are reflected in Rose's Instagram selfies, which mute alternative discourses of gender and sexuality through desexualized and aesthetically appealing self-representations, while Vines display her personal side, enabling both LGBTQ and heterosexual, cisgender people to identify with her without minimizing non-normative aspects of her gender and sexuality. These findings demonstrate the relevance of platforms in shaping selfies' conversational capacity, as mediators can influence whether selfies feature in conversations reinforcing dominant discourses or in counterpublic conversations, contributing to everyday activism that challenges normative gender and sexual discourses.

Purpose: This study contributes to the emerging literature on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, and queer (LGBTQ) health disparities and tobacco use by examining the motivations for smoking among the New York City (NYC) LGBTQ population. Approach: We used grounded theory and blended methods from 3 grounded theorists—Strauss, Corbin, and Charmaz—for data collection, coding, and analysis. Setting: NYC has extensive legislation to prevent smoking; however, the current smoking prevalence of homosexuals is double that of heterosexuals. Participants: Study participants were leaders from 23 NYC LGBTQ organizations. Leaders were chosen to establish a relationship with community and to ensure cultural sensitivity. Eligibility criteria required holding a leadership position in an organization serving the NYC LGBTQ community. Methods: Interviews were transcribed verbatim and uploaded into Dedoose for analysis. An initial code list was developed from the interview guide. Key themes were identified as the themes with the most number of quotes. Results: Three key themes emerged from our interviews: image, socializing, and stress. Smoking was reported to be a socialization aid and a maladaptive coping technique for stress arising from interactions of conflicting identities. Conclusion: Future smoking cessation interventions among the LGBTQ community should equip smokers with healthy coping mechanisms that address the stressors that arise from the intersections of smokers' many identities.

Se presenta una revisión de la teoría y metodología actuales de análisis del discurso, tanto general como más concretamente de los discursos político y científico, optando por la posición postestructuralista de la "teoría del discurso" de Ernesto Laclau y la "Escuela de Essex". Tras analizar las posturas teóricas de la arqueología española actual, se hace un "análisis de contenido" cuantitativo de cuatro artículos en castellano, representativos de los paradigmas teóricos actuales más extendidos. Empleando la idea lacaniana de los "puntos nodales" (point de capiton) que dan sentido a los discursos, se advierte cómo los paradigmas más empiricistas (procesualismo, marxismo) necesitan de una mayor fijación del sentido de sus significantes (por los puntos nodales de "economía" y "producción") que los paradigmas estructuralista y posprocesual, los cuales admiten una mayor dispersión temática e indeterminación de los significantes. ; A theoretical survey is presented of the current theory and methodology of discourse analysis, focusing on the political and scientific discourses. The present paper is explicitly ascribed to Ernesto Laclau's and the Essex school's poststructuralist 'theory of discourse'. After a short introduction to the recent theoretical positions in Spanish archaeology, a quantitative 'content analysis' is made of four theoretical papers written in Spanish. The application of the Lacanian 'nodal point' (point de capiton) analysis to the texts shows that the more empiricist paradigms (processual and Marxist) need their signifiers to be more strongly fixed (through the nodal points 'economy' and 'production') than the structuralist and post-processual discourses, which allow for a greater thematic dispersion and flotation of meanings.

Towards the end of his philosophical and political theorizations, the Greek-born French philosopher and thinker Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-1997) turned his attention to artistic representation, in particular to Greek, or to use a term he preferred, "Athenian" tragedy. The aim of this article is to analyze the role played by his interpretation of tragedy in his understanding of democracy as a tragic regime. In order to address this interrogation, the article will be divided in three parts. The first part is devoted to what Castoriadis deems the "Greek creation". The second part offers an interpretation of Castoriadis' formulation of tragedy as both a public institution and a "window to chaos", emphasizing its connection to democracy, autonomy and judgement. In the final remarks, we critically assess his original conception of tragedy and its political implications for Castoriadis' idea of democracy. ; En sus últimos trabajos filosófico-políticos, el filósofo y pensador grecofrancés Cornelius Castoriadis (1992-1997) dirigió su atención hacia la representación artística, en particular la tragedia griega, o ateniense, como prefería llamarla. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el lugar que ocupa la interpretación de la tragedia en la definición de Castoriadis de la democracia como un régimen trágico. Para abordar este interrogante, el artículo estará dividido en tres partes. La primera se centrará en lo que Castoriadis denominaba la creación griega. En la segunda se ofrece una lectura de la tragedia como institución pública y como ventana al caos, enfatizando sus vínculos con los conceptos de democracia, autonomía y juicio. En los comentarios finales, evaluaremos críticamente su original concepción de la tragedia, así como las implicaciones políticas de la idea de democracia que propone Castoriadis. Concluiremos sugiriendo que Castoriadis no idealiza la democracia ateniense, como le acusan sus críticos, sino que su noción de la democracia como régimen trágico contiene la idea de que la acción política está siempre al borde del abismo, que es siempre intrínsecamente radical y trágica.

Abstract
Geopolitics describes the interaction of states, civilizations, peoples, and economies within geographical spaces. Geopolitical dynamics assume that there is a universal pattern of state behavior, based on the Westphalian state system of rules. However, recent developments in international relations theoretical discourses highlight the universalism and particularism in geopolitics, especially with respect to foreign policy approaches. The following is a discussion on Malaysian foreign policy and perceptions of geopolitics. It suggests that non-Western states formulate policy that is conditioned by their historical and cultural traditions. These determine how state power and threat are perceived, as well as how leadership responds to them. Therefore, Malaysian foreign policy formulation is not only conditioned by what is universally understood within the Westphalian state system, but also reveals a particularism external to what is considered normative West-centric state behavior.
La géopolitique décrit l'interaction des États, des civilisations, des peuples et des économies au sein d'espaces géographiques. Les dynamiques géopolitiques présupposent qu'il existe un modèle universel de comportement des États fondé sur le système westphalien de règles étatiques. Toutefois, de récentes évolutions des discours théoriques de relations internationales mettent en évidence l'universalisme et le particularisme en géopolitique, en particulier pour ce qui est des approches de la politique étrangère. Ce qui suit est une discussion sur la politique étrangère et les perceptions de la géopolitique en Malaisie. Elle suggère que les États non occidentaux formulent une politique qui est conditionnée par leurs traditions historiques et culturelles. Celles-ci déterminent la manière dont le pouvoir et la menace d'un État ainsi que la façon dont les dirigeants y réagissent. Par conséquent, la formulation de la politique étrangère malaisienne est non seulement conditionnée par ce qui est universellement compris dans le système étatique westphalien mais révèle également un particularisme extérieur à ce qui est considéré comme un comportement étatique normatif centré sur l'occident.
La geopolítica describe la interacción de estados, civilizaciones, pueblos y economías dentro de espacios geográficos. La dinámica geopolítica asume que existe un patrón universal de comportamiento estatal, basado en el sistema estatal de reglas de Westfalia. Sin embargo, la evolución reciente de los discursos teóricos en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales pone de manifiesto el universalismo y el particularismo en la geopolítica, especialmente en lo que respecta a los enfoques de la política exterior. La siguiente es una discusión sobre la política exterior de Malasia y las percepciones de la geopolítica. Sugiere que los estados no occidentales formulan una política condicionadas por sus tradiciones históricas y culturales. Estas determinan cómo se perciben el poder y la amenaza del estado, al igual que la manera en que el liderazgo responde a ellos. Por lo tanto, la formulación de la política exterior de Malasia no solo está condicionada por lo que se entiende universalmente dentro del sistema estatal de Westfalia, sino que también revela un particularismo externo a lo que se considera un comportamiento normativo del Estado centrado en Occidente.

A review of Clare Hemmings, Why Stories Matter: The Political Grammar of Feminist Theory (Duke 2011) and Janet Halley & Andrew Parker (eds.) After Sex? On Writing Since Queer Theory (Duke 2011).

En los EE. UU., los campus universitarios son testigos de un número cada vez mayor de graduados con problemas emocionales. Los estudiantes se enfrentan a un mundo cada vez más inestable e incierto debido a la creciente discordia política, el terrorismo, las tensiones entre las potencias mundiales, y más. Factores adicionales están afectando aún más la salud emocional de los estudiantes universitarios. Las investigaciones muestran que el compromiso excesivo con la tecnología digital –como la alta frecuencia de los mensajes electrónicos– afecta negativamente la sensación de bienestar de los usuarios. Los volúmenes extremos de textos y tweets enviados y recibidos evitan que la gente se sienta "desconectada" y presente durante cualquier situación dada; la multitarea se ha convertido en un comportamiento normativo, tanto para profesionales como para estudiantes. Con el tiempo, estas tensiones debilitan el pensamiento cognitivo y emocional, así como la salud física, y contribuyen al número récord de estudiantes de pregrado que buscan servicios por problemas de salud mental. En respuesta a toda esta problemática, muchas universidades de EE. UU. están adoptando técnicas pedagógicas dirigidas a la salud mental de los estudiantes. Conocida como "Pedagogía Contemplativa", estos métodos simples pero altamente efectivos apuntan a disminuir los niveles de estrés, mejorar la sensación de bienestar y aumentar la "atención plena" para que los estudiantes se sientan más presentes en el aula. Al adoptar estos métodos pedagógicos, el desarrollo emocional y cognitivo de los estudiantes se fortalece. Este documento tiene como objetivo proporcionar a los educadores una conciencia de los crecientes desafíos emocionales experimentado por estudiantes universitarios y también proporciona a los educadores métodos prácticos para incorporar técnicas de pedagogía contemplativa en sus aulas para el éxito académico y personal de los estudiantes.

Because governmental structures put in place to mitigate disaster risks and aid communities in the disaster recovery process have, at times, proven to be inadequate, reliance on other types of organizations is necessary for some communities to survive. Although there are a number of different actors that played a role in the reestablishment of communities within New Orleans since Hurricane Katrina took place, the Mary Queen of Vietnam (MQVN) Catholic Church is a prime example of how a community‐based organization stepped in to address the needs of its community. This article examines how MQVN garnered social capital within its surrounding community to pursue successful community development in the absence of and opposition to governmental support and political resistance. This article will first review the government failure and decrease in civic trust that fostered a robust third‐sector response in disaster recovery and redevelopment. Then, using social capital theory, the article supports the notion that civic distrust and confidence is derived from government and institutional performance, rather than increasing individualism or declining social trust. Finally, implications for federal disaster policy and third‐sector disaster interventions are proposed.

Two approaches to the theory of international relations at present compete for our attention. The first of these I shall call the classical approach. By this I do not mean the study and criticism of the "classics" of international relations, the writings of Hobbes, Grotius, Kant, and other great thinkers of the past who have turned their attention to international affairs. Such study does indeed exemplify the classical approach, and it provides a method that is particularly fruitful and important. What I have in mind, however, is something much wider than this: the approach to theorizing that derives from philosophy, history, and law, and that is characterized above all by explicit reliance upon the exercise of judgment and by the assumptions that if we confine ourselves to strict standards of verification and proof there is very little of significance that can be said about international relations, that general propositions about this subject must therefore derive from a scientifically imperfect process of perception or intuition, and that these general propositions cannot be accorded anything more than the tentative and inconclusive status appropriate to their doubtful origin. The original version of this article was published as Bull, Hedley, "International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach" in World Politics, vol. 18, no. 3, 1966, pp. 361-377. Copyright Trustees of Princeton University. Published by Cambridge University Press. Reproduction permissions granted. ; En la actualidad, dos enfoques de la teoría internacional llaman nuestra atención. Al primero de estos lo denominaría el enfoque clásico. Con esto no hago referencia a la crítica y estudio de los "clásicos" de la Relaciones Internacionales, esto es, los escritos de Hobbes, Grocio, Kant y otros grandes pensadores del pasado que dirigieron su atención a los asuntos internacionales. Ciertamente, este estudio ejemplifica el enfoque clásico y provee un método particularmente fructífero e importante. Lo que tengo en mente, sin embargo, es algo mucho más amplio que esto. Se trataría de un enfoque que teorice desde la filosofía, la historia y el derecho, y que esté caracterizado sobre todo por una explícita dependencia en cuanto al ejercicio del juicio y por la asunción de que si nos limitamos a estrictos estándares de verificación y de prueba quedan muy pocas cuestiones relevantes que puedan ser dichas acerca de las Relaciones Internacionales. Se trataría también de que las proposiciones generales sobre esta materia deben por tanto provenir de un proceso de percepción o intuición científicamente imperfecto, y que estas proposiciones generales no pueden ser acordadas más que con una apropiada condición, tentativa e inconclusa, de su incierto origen. La versión original de este artículo fue publicada como Bull, Hedley, "International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach" en World Politics, vol. 18, no. 3, 1966, pp. 361-377. Copyright Trustees of Princeton University. Publicado por Cambridge University Press. Permisos de reproducción otorgados.

Abstract.For much of the post-war period of welfare state formation, T.H. Marshall's idea of shared entitlement to universal social rights of citizenship formed the theoretical foundations of social democratic political reforms and legitimacy. This approach has been updated by contemporary egalitarian theorists, such as John Rawls. The ongoing politics of restructuring have led to a growing number of arguments against the motivational capacity of an institutional account of social unity. This paper examines a particular argument against rights-based citizenship—David Miller's theory of nationality. Miller argues that "pure" citizenship rests on self-interest, and thus when differences in risk are explicit it can only legitimate minimal redistribution. Strong welfare states require pre-political ties and must be embedded in the ethical relations of shared nationality. Against Miller's position, it is advanced that shared citizenship has both effective motivational and moral dimensions. It can also address the problems the nationality thesis faces in reconciling its account of motivation with the moral diversity that is constitutive of pluralist societies.Résumé.Dans l'après-guerre, au moment de la formation des Etats-providence, la mise en place et la justification des politiques social-démocrates s'appuyèrent en grande majorité sur la théorie de T.H. Marshall à propos du rôle joué par les droits sociaux dans l'intégration civique. Cette approche a été actualisée par des théoriciens égalitariens tels que John Rawls. Les politiques actuelles de restructuration de l'Etat-providence ont provoqué la multiplication d'un certain type de critiques soulignant les insuffisances de cette approche institutionnelle du lien social en termes de ressources motivationnelles. Cet article examine l'une ces critiques, formulée par David Miller dans sa théorie sur la nationalité. Miller soutient que la citoyenneté "pure" repose sur l'intérêt personnel et qu'elle ne peut justifier qu'une redistribution minimale, lorsque les différences engagées sont manifestes. Pour affirmer leur autorité, les Etats-providence ont besoin d'être fondés sur des liens prépolitiques et soutenus par les rapports de solidarité d'une nationalité commune. A l'encontre de la position défendue par Miller, on avancera que la citoyenneté possède de façon effective une dimension qui est à la fois morale et motivationnelle. En outre, elle est à même d'affronter les problèmes que soulève la thèse sur la nationalité, en réconciliant sa conception de la motivation avec la diversité morale inhérente aux sociétés pluralistes.

Along this work, the author reflects on the foreign aid, its necessity and opportunity ?or not?, and whether it has value by itself. With this purpose, he defines six modalities of foreign aid, as well as their respective consequences and political contents, among them the humanitarian, the foreign aid oriented to economic development ?equivalent currently to development cooperation?, the military or the prestige aid. One of his main conclusions is that the foreign aid, as part of the political weaponry of a nation, must fall into the domain of political action, criticizing the primacy of economists and their protagonist role regarding the management of this aid, to the extent that the ultimate goals of this policy must be the political reinforcement of the donor. In the view of Hans Morgenthau, who doubts about the efficacy in terms of progress and modernization of the economic aid, even being a successful one, the results of this aid are unforeseeable and could be potentially counterproductive, to the extent that they would change necessarily the statu quo ?even provoking a revolution?, being preferable then the prestige aid for its immediate political effects and benefits for the donor. ; En este fragmento el autor hace una reflexión sobre la ayuda exterior, su necesidad y oportunidad o no, su justificación, y si tiene sentido en sí misma o no. Define para ello seis tipos de ayuda exterior, así como sus consecuencias y contenidos políticos, entre ellas entre ellas la humanitaria, la de desarrollo económico ?que hoy conoceríamos como de cooperación al desarrollo?, la ayuda militar o la ayuda de prestigio. Su conclusión es que la política exterior, como parte del arsenal político de una nación, debe caer en el dominio de la acción política, criticando la preponderancia de los economistas y su papel principal en la gestión de la misma, en la medida en que los objetivos últimos de dicha política deben ser el refuerzo político del país donante. Para Hans Morgenthau, que duda de la eficacia en términos de progreso y modernización de la ayuda económica, incluso en caso de éxito, los resultados de esta ayuda son inciertos y podrían ser potencialmente contraproducentes, en la medida en que cambiarían necesariamente el statu quo ?incluso provocando una revolución?, siendo preferible la ayuda al prestigio por sus efectos políticos inmediatos y beneficios para el donante.

Using diverse theories and methods including analysis of on-line data, feminist critical discourse, fieldwork, grounded theory, and queer theory, this volume explores gender panic and policy in the United States and beyond.

International audience ; Urban theory, produced in North Atlantic centres, has been perpetrated as universal and recent urban studies have pointed to the limits of this theory, calling for a Southern turn. The Southern call is to dislocate the concentration of power and knowledge in the metropolis. Owing to this concentration, concerns of the metropolis often become (or are made to become) concerns of the periphery. Taking informality as a practice, not embedded in people (marginalised) or places (settlements), I will outline how the study of informality has assured the lineage of metropolitan concerns. Moving away from informal-formal dichotomy, the paper mobilises informal-urban dialectic to identify and dislocate the metropolitan concerns of urban theory. Discussing empirical cases from Delhi and Colombo, I build a narrative of academic theorisation of informality and juxtapose it with everyday narrative of its practitioners (food vendors), arguing towards the need for a plural and radically non-global knowledge production politics. R esum e: La th eorie urbaine, produite dans les «centres» du «Nord», a et e impos ee comme universelle; or des etudes urbaines r ecentes ont montr e les limites de cette th eorie, appelant a un «tournant vers le Sud» (Southern turn) afin de d econstruire la concentration du pouvoir et du savoir dans la m etropole. En effet, du fait de cette concentration, les pr eoccupations de la m etropole deviennent souvent les pr eoccupations de la p eriph erie. En prenant l'informalit e comme une pratique (donc non li ee a des personnes ou a des lieux), je montrerai comment l' etude de l'informalit e a donn e la primaut e a des pr eoccupations m etropolitaines. S' eloignant de la dichotomie informel/formel, l'article mobilise la dialectique informel/urbain pour identifier et d econstruire les pr eoccupations m etropolitaines de la th eorie urbaine. En discutant de cas empiriques, provenant de Delhi et de Colombo, je construis un r ecit de la th eorisation acad emique de l'informalit e, que ...

International audience ; Urban theory, produced in North Atlantic centres, has been perpetrated as universal and recent urban studies have pointed to the limits of this theory, calling for a Southern turn. The Southern call is to dislocate the concentration of power and knowledge in the metropolis. Owing to this concentration, concerns of the metropolis often become (or are made to become) concerns of the periphery. Taking informality as a practice, not embedded in people (marginalised) or places (settlements), I will outline how the study of informality has assured the lineage of metropolitan concerns. Moving away from informal-formal dichotomy, the paper mobilises informal-urban dialectic to identify and dislocate the metropolitan concerns of urban theory. Discussing empirical cases from Delhi and Colombo, I build a narrative of academic theorisation of informality and juxtapose it with everyday narrative of its practitioners (food vendors), arguing towards the need for a plural and radically non-global knowledge production politics. R esum e: La th eorie urbaine, produite dans les «centres» du «Nord», a et e impos ee comme universelle; or des etudes urbaines r ecentes ont montr e les limites de cette th eorie, appelant a un «tournant vers le Sud» (Southern turn) afin de d econstruire la concentration du pouvoir et du savoir dans la m etropole. En effet, du fait de cette concentration, les pr eoccupations de la m etropole deviennent souvent les pr eoccupations de la p eriph erie. En prenant l'informalit e comme une pratique (donc non li ee a des personnes ou a des lieux), je montrerai comment l' etude de l'informalit e a donn e la primaut e a des pr eoccupations m etropolitaines. S' eloignant de la dichotomie informel/formel, l'article mobilise la dialectique informel/urbain pour identifier et d econstruire les pr eoccupations m etropolitaines de la th eorie urbaine. En discutant de cas empiriques, provenant de Delhi et de Colombo, je construis un r ecit de la th eorisation acad emique de l'informalit e, que ...

International audience ; Urban theory, produced in North Atlantic centres, has been perpetrated as universal and recent urban studies have pointed to the limits of this theory, calling for a Southern turn. The Southern call is to dislocate the concentration of power and knowledge in the metropolis. Owing to this concentration, concerns of the metropolis often become (or are made to become) concerns of the periphery. Taking informality as a practice, not embedded in people (marginalised) or places (settlements), I will outline how the study of informality has assured the lineage of metropolitan concerns. Moving away from informal-formal dichotomy, the paper mobilises informal-urban dialectic to identify and dislocate the metropolitan concerns of urban theory. Discussing empirical cases from Delhi and Colombo, I build a narrative of academic theorisation of informality and juxtapose it with everyday narrative of its practitioners (food vendors), arguing towards the need for a plural and radically non-global knowledge production politics. R esum e: La th eorie urbaine, produite dans les «centres» du «Nord», a et e impos ee comme universelle; or des etudes urbaines r ecentes ont montr e les limites de cette th eorie, appelant a un «tournant vers le Sud» (Southern turn) afin de d econstruire la concentration du pouvoir et du savoir dans la m etropole. En effet, du fait de cette concentration, les pr eoccupations de la m etropole deviennent souvent les pr eoccupations de la p eriph erie. En prenant l'informalit e comme une pratique (donc non li ee a des personnes ou a des lieux), je montrerai comment l' etude de l'informalit e a donn e la primaut e a des pr eoccupations m etropolitaines. S' eloignant de la dichotomie informel/formel, l'article mobilise la dialectique informel/urbain pour identifier et d econstruire les pr eoccupations m etropolitaines de la th eorie urbaine. En discutant de cas empiriques, provenant de Delhi et de Colombo, je construis un r ecit de la th eorisation acad emique de l'informalit e, que ...