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"Serial no. 110-103." ; Shipping list no.: 2009-0012-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper presents an explanation of the recent escalation of violent crime in Colombia. The author considers three implicit models, that isolate different types of externalities among criminals. He shows that a myriad empirical evidence - both statistical and anecdotal - lends support to these models in general and to the congestion-in-law-enforcement model in particular. (DSE/DÜI)

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The article traces the rise of
Mosireen, a non-profit media collective, within the parameters of revolutionary and post-revolutionary Egypt's public sphere. It highlights how the
Mosireen Collective strategically co-opted the infrastructure of the internet during critical periods of the Egyptian revolution as a tool of resistance to fight injustice, expose human rights violations and restore some semblance of accountability. Moreover, it explores
Mosireen's innovative online/offline digital activism which enabled formerly marginalized publics to access new modes of information and challenge elite-driven discourses, thereby contributing to the "democratization" of the public sphere. The article further investigates
Mosireen's emancipatory use of technology where the creation of an oppositional framework not only sustained "resistance from below" movements but also seemed to open up new potentialities for counter-hegemonic spaces and alternative discursive frameworks of society. The article provides a rich case study in how ideological struggles and questions of power are interpreted within the broader realm of Egyptian civil society with a particular focus on the power of visual production and its effect on the development of digital counter-publics. Finally, the limitations of the public sphere under neo-liberal capitalism are contextualized and critiqued within the context of the
Mosireen Collective and broader digital resistance movements.

The 2014 Euromaidan revolution, which started as a non-violent demonstration for European integration, eventually gave rise to a nation-wide movement against the usurpation of power, corruption, and human rights violations. One of the main demands of Euromaidan protesters to the new government was to launch a comprehensive personnel reform that would cleanse the state apparatus from public officials of the Communist era (1919–1991) and those affiliated with the Yanukovych regime (2010–2014). This article examines the lustration process in post-Euromaidan Ukraine through the prism of earlier personnel reforms, mainly in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), and discusses the similarities and differences between them. The analysis focuses on two key features that make the Ukrainian case stand out across CEE lustrations. First, Ukraine's lustration reconciled transitional justice with socio-economic imperatives, such as the fight against corruption, not only as a discursive practice but also a legal matter. Second, unlike CEE lustrations the Ukrainian government implemented lustration 23 years after the fall of Communism and during the ongoing military confrontation in eastern Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbas). The article contributes to the literature on the evolution of transitional justice which has expanded far beyond the conventional redress for past human rights violations and may now incorporate peacebuilding and structural justice agendas.

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The civil war in Syria has been raging for over almost six years now. Since 2011, several armed groups have been fighting government forces and each other for control over portions of Syrian territory. The most well-known of these groups proclaimed itself as the 'Islamic State' (IS). Under the leadership of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, IS controls substantial parts of the territory of Syria and Iraq. It has been documented that IS perpetrated and perpetrates international crimes (war crimes, crimes against humanity, possibly even genocide) against the population living in the territories they control, notably against the ethnic-religious group of the Yezidis. This contribution focuses on crimes of sexual violence committed against Yezidi women and girls. IS controls every part of life of Yezidi women and girls, dictating them what to wear and with whom they may enter public life. Violations of IS regulations result in physical and psychological punishments. Women and girls are killed, tortured, raped, and traded or held as slaves. The international community has concentrated its efforts on militarily defeating IS. The question remains, however, whether and how IS and its members could be held accountable for their transgressions. We assess a number of criminal and non-criminal accountability mechanisms that could be envisaged or have already been implemented: international and national criminal proceedings (Sections 3 and 4), national tort (civil) proceedings (Section 5), and international administrative sanctions (Section 6). It also inquires briefly whether and how compliance of IS with international (humanitarian) law could be furthered (Section 7). First, however, any remaining doubts as to the applicability of international humanitarian law to IS will be dispelled (Section 2).

Le Comité central de la Croix-Rouge italienne a fait, au mois d'août 1895, une grande perte en la personne de M. le Dr Galassi, qui depuis 1874 avait été appelé, en raison de ses éminentes qualités, à la vice-présidence du Comité central. Il fut pendant longtemps le doyen des professeurs de l'Université de Rome et le Recteur de la Faculté de médecine et de chirurgie. Il fut également président de l'Académie de médecine à Rome et vice-président du Conseil supérieur de santé du royaume. Le coup mortel lui a été porté moins par l'âge que par la mort de son fils, qui l'avait atteint dans ses plus chères affections, sans cependant affaiblir en rien son intelligence ni diminuer son activité.

M. le professeur Dr Albert, de Vienne, a publié, dans le journal autrichien: Das rothe Kreuz, une étude sur le traitement antiseptique, destinée principalement à enseigner aux profanes ce que c'est que ce mode de traitement et en quoi il consiste. Nous reproduisons ici la conclusion de ce travail, qui nous parait être d'un intérét assez actuel:« Pendant que j'écrivais cette étude, que je viens de terminer, le traitement antiseplique était appliqué, pour la première fois en temps de guerre, d'une manière étendue et décisive, car, alors que je composais mon premier article, la chirurgie antiseptique entrait en activité sur le théâatre de la guerre serbo-bulgare; ses résultats sont aujourd'hui devant nous.