Suchergebnisse

Globalisation, as a phenomenon of the introduction of the various innovative structures in different spheres of life, enriches the postmodern reality; it expands the boundaries of national economic and politic systems; it creates a qualitatively new stage in the development of modern society. The basic features of the transformational trends in the modern economic system are highlighted. Globalization is defined as an objective process that is associated with a gradual and unavoidable increasing of interdependence and relationships between states, nations and regions. All this is manifested first of all in economic relations. The current global economy is a kind of a single mechanism, all elements of which are spread across all countries and continents. Economic dependence entails many consequences, the most obvious of them to society is an existing division of labor with the trend of increasing differentiation. The economic system of the world is increasingly globalized. State boundaries and differences between world markets lost its former importance. The globalization of the financial system covers the internationalization of three components: domestic currencies, banking, capital markets.In the policy reduced the role of national states. Structural and functional characteristics of the global world are emergined by neo-liberal system. Implementation of market principles in all areas of life becomes all-embracing. The author of the article focuses on the essential changes in a such concepts as liberalism and democracy. The polarity effects of the globalization process are analyzed, but not only in the sphere of politics and economics, also in the sphere of culture and anthropological dimension of existence. Particular attention is paid to the concept of «risk society», its meaning and implications.Different types of threat, uncertainty, and fear is the main indicator and the main fact of risks society. As a conclusion, it is proposed alternative vision of contemporary global processes within the framework of globalization itself. ; Глобализация как явление введения в различные сферы бытия инниовацийних струткурних элементов, обогащает постмодерную действительность, расширяет границы национальных экономических и политичнисх систем, создает качественно новый этап развития современного общества. Выделены основные черты трансформационных тенденций современной экономической системы. Автор статьи делает акцент на сущностном изменении таких понятий как либерализм и демократия. Анализируется полярность последствий глобализационного процесса не только в сфере политики и экономики, но и в сфере культуры и антропологического измерения бытия. Особое внимание обращено на концепт «общество рисков», его значение и последствия. Как вывод, предлагается видение альтернатив развития современных мировых процессов в рамках самой глобализации. ; Глобалізація як явище введення у різні сфери буття інноваційних структурних елементів, збагачує постмодерну дійсність, розширює межі національних економічних та політичнисх систем, витворює якісно новий етап розвитку сучасного суспільства. Виділено основні риси трансформаційних тенденцій сучасної економічної системи. Автор статті ставить наголос на сутнісній зміні таких понять як лібералізм та демократія. Аналізується полярність наслідків глобалізаційного процесу не лише у сфері політики та економіки, але й у сфері культури та антропологічного виміру буття. Особлива увага звернена на концепт «суспільство ризиків», його значення та наслідки. Як висновок, пропонується бачення альтернатив розвитку сучасних світових процесів у межах самої глобалізації.

Sanctions are becoming increasingly central to shaping strategic outcomes in the XXI century. They afford great powers, like the European Union, a means by which to seek to influence the behavior of states, to demonstrate international leadership, to express common values for the benefit of the international community at large. Moreover, they often serve as an appropriate tool to prevent deadly conflicts in different geopolitical regions. In this light, it is getting more important for analysts in international relations around the world to research one of the most salient crises of the current world politics – the Sudan conflict in the context of the sanctions diplomacy of the EU.The EU's sanctions diplomacy against Sudan is specific in three respects. First, it exemplifies how sanctions fatigue sets in where they fail to produce results for a long period of time. Second, sanctions policy highlighted the fact that the suspension of aid was not only failing to deliver the right foreign policy results, but was actually aggravating the situation by fuelling the war economy. In addition, the case of Sudan presents a complicated interplay between sanctions imposed by the EU and the UN.Analysis of the legal framework of the EU sanctions policy in Sudan leads author to conclusion that it was designed by the suspension of the development aid, arms embargo and embargo on dual-use goods. As it's defined in the official documents, the EU sanctions diplomacy in Sudan was aimed to cease fire and in this way to resolve conflict among North and South, to support democracy and to provide human rights and freedoms.Assessment of the efficiency of the EU sanctions diplomacy in Sudan proves that it is not enough appropriate tool to Sudan conflict resolution. Among factors, that impact negatively on the EU sanctions policy in Sudan, are non-compliance of sanctions by international community, for example, countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea amply supplied Sudan with arms; abnormal political circumstances, with part of the territory under the control of the rebel forces. ; Рассмотрена эффективность дипломатии санкций Европейского Союза (ЕС) на примере Судана.В ходе исследования установлено, что основными целями, которые обусловили применение санкций против Судана, стали поддержка демократии и защита прав и свобод человека. Анализ основных документов ЕС по политике санкций против Судана позволяет утверждать, что конфигурация санкций ограничивалась сокращением программ оказания помощи в развитии, а также эмбарго на поставки вооружений и товаров двойного назначения. Изучение факторов, определяющих эффективность политики санкций ЕС, позволило автору сделать вывод о ее низком потенциале в разрешении суданского кризиса. ; Розглянуто ефективність дипломатії санкцій Європейського Союзу (ЄС) на прикладі Судану. У ході дослідження виявлено, що основними цілями, які обумовили застосування санкцій проти Судану, стали підтримка демократії і захист прав і свобод людини. Аналіз основних документів ЄС з політики санкцій проти Судану дозволяє стверджувати, що конфігурація санкційних заходів обмежувалась скасуванням надання допомоги з розвитку, а також ембарго на поставки озброєнь та товарів подвійного призначення.На підставі вивчення основних чинників, які обумовлюють ефективність політики санкцій ЄС, автор робить висновок про її низький потенціал у вирішенні суданської кризи

Актуальность и цели. Перспективы экономического развития России в ближайшие годы будут определяться ее способностью привлекать ресурсы для модернизации. Для России одним из способов преодоления отставания от развитых стран является формирование инновационной экономики, обеспечение ее инновационно-технологического развития. Цель работы – на основе выявления основных характеристик и особенностей инновационнотехнологического развития России определить его проблемы и перспективы. Материалы и методы. При написании работы в зависимости от особенностей решаемых задач использовались различные методы экономического исследования: абстрактно-логический – при постановке цели и задач исследования; сравнительный анализ – при выявлении особенностей, подходов к понятию «инновационно-технологическое развитие»» и другим проблемам, рассматриваемым в работе; индукция и дедукция – при определений основных характеристик, проблем и перспектив инновационно-технологического развития России. Теоретическую базу составили исследования экономистов, философов, социологов по проблемам инновационного и технологического развития, статьи отечественных и зарубежных ученых в ведущих экономических журналах, материалы международных и отечественных научных конференций. Информационно-эмпирическую базу исследования составили законодательные материалы, действующие документы федеральных и органов власти, данные федеральных статистических органов Российской Федерации, материалы периодической печати и Интернета. Результаты. В ходе исследования выявлены основные характеристики и особенности инновационно-технологического развития России, определены его проблемы и перспективы. Выводы. Таким образом, под инновационно-технологическим развитием следует понимать сложный процесс создания новых технологий на основе использования инноваций как решающего фактора роста инклюзивного потенциала устойчивости страны и, следовательно, благосостояния общества. ; Background. Prospects of economic development of Russia in the coming years will be determined by its ability to attract resources for modernization. For Russia one of the ways to overcome the gap from the developed countries is the formation of innovation economy and ensuring innovation and technological development. The purpose of the work is to determine on the basis of the identification of the main characteristics and features of the innovation-technological development of Russia its problems and perspectives. Materials and methods. In the work, depending on specificity of the tasks, the author used different methods of economic research: abstract-logical when setting the goals and objectives of the research; comparative analysis at revealing of features, approaches to the notion of «innovation and technological development and other issues addressed in the work; the induction and deduction when determining the characteristics, problems and perspectives of innovation-technological development of Russia. Theoretical base of the research consists of the ideas of economists, philosophers, sociologists, on the problems of innovation and technological development, articles of domestic and foreign scientists in the leading Economics journals, materials of the international and national scientific conferences. Information and the empirical base of the research consists of legislative material, the valid documents of the Federal authorities, the data of the Federal statistical agencies of the Russian Federation, materials from periodicals and the Internet. Results. The research identified the main characteristics and features of the innovation-technological development of Russia, its problems and prospects. Conclusions. Thus, under the innovative-technological development we should understand the complex process of creation of new technologies on the basis of innovation as a crucial factor of growth of inclusive sustainability potential of the country and, consequently, the welfare of society.

В статі розглядаються особливості застосування у другій половині XVIІ століття амністії до українських козаків з боку Речі Посполитої, що звільняло їх від несення відповідальності за воєнні злочини, вчинені під час численних збройних конфліктів. У той час, польський король і його магнатів виявилися розривається між бажаннями знищити козаків і перетворити цих важливих солдатів у вірних слуг. Козаки розуміли таке ставлення і спробували отримати з цього користь. Саме на цьому політичному тлі, амністія, як це передбачено у відповідних договорах, розцвіла у відносинах між козаками та поляками. У галузі міжнародного права, такі дослідження в основному сфокусовані на питаннях міжнародної правосуб'єктністю, договору і, зокрема, дипломатичного права. Тим не менш, не слід забувати, що основна соціальна функція козаків була війна і є багаті емпіричні дані для вивчення їх внеску у розвиток міжнародного гуманітарного та кримінального права. Таким чином, автор зосереджує свій аналіз на положеннях договору, спрямованих на забезпечення амністії для козаків і виділяє три типи таких амністії. ; The article discusses the issue of amnesty for Ukrainian Cossacks as applied by the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the second half of XVII century. Amnesty allowed Cossacks to escape responsibility for war crimes committed in the course of numerous armed conflicts. Ukrainian Cossacks is one of the most popular subjects for scholar and fiction researches. In the realm of international law such studies are mainly focused on the issues of international legal personality, treaty and, in part, diplomatic law. However, one should not forget that the primary social function of the Cossacks was warfare and there is a rich empirical data for the study of their contribution to the development of international humanitarian and criminal law. Regrettably, the issue of amnesty as applied to the Cossacks by the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth has never been in the spotlight of scholars, though it had held critically important place in the Cossack treaty practice, especially in the second half of the XVII century. This century provides us with rich facts about the Cossack input to the evolution of individual criminal responsibility under international law, and its second half, due to historic circumstances, is particularly plentiful of the attempts to condone crimes, which today would be identified as war crimes committed by the Cossacks. At that time, the Polish king and his magnates found themselves torn between the desires to wipe out the Cossacks and turn these essential soldiers into faithful servants. Both desires were equally sincere. The Cossacks were perfectly aware of such attitude and tried to benefit from it. It is against this political background that amnesty, as envisaged in relevant treaties, had blossomed in the relations between the Cossacks and the Poles. The author therefore focuses his analysis on the treaty provisions aimed at securing amnesty for Cossacks and identifies three types of such amnesty. The article wraps-up with the conclusion that the Cossack contribution to the development of the institute of amnesty for international crimes is in the specification of the general rules of amnesty known to their contemporaries.

Стаття присвячена тeopeтикo-мeтoдoлoгiчним aспeктaм інституту стaтутнoгo пpaвa в мiсцeвoму сaмoвpядувaннi Укpaїни. Рoзкpито cутнicнi ознаки та обґрунтовано структурні, змicтoвні та функцioнaльні хapaктеpиcтики інституту cтaтутнoгo пpaвa в місцевому самоврядуванні України. Встановлено джерела та форми статутного права в місцевому самоврядуванні України та обгрунтовано основні організаційно-правові закономірності його розвитку. ; The article is devoted to theoretical and methodological aspects of statutory law in the local government of Ukraine. Grounded structural, content and functional characteristics of the statutory law of the local community as a universal system of norms of self-control community. Detected the sources and forms of statutory law. Solved the essence of statutory law as an institution of state law. Found organizational and legal trends in statutory law and outlines directions for law-making process, the adoption, amendment and cancellation of the statute of the local community. The article analyzes the following stages of the rulemaking procedures of the Charter as a municipal comprehensive document and explains new methodology developed by the author of the authorized rule-making process: create conditions for the adoption of the Charter of the Territorial Community by sharing common understanding of problems and solutions and specific responsibility for both the local authorities and the community. develop a plan for the future of the local Constitution, the concept of a territorial community legal procedure. decide on relevant local authority and local government regarding the establishment of the draft Statute of the Territorial Community. involve the public to collaborate on the project of the Constitution. published the draft Charter for demonstration and public discussions of the future of the project document. Organize a public hearing to assemble the views of experts on municipal law and offer members of the public to reconcile indifferences on the regulation of local activity. discussions in the media with the aim of collecting and processing proposals from the community. agree a development plan for the draft of the Charter of the Territorial Community. implement awareness of the public discussion of the draft of the Charter directly with the residents of the community: Public hearings, meeting in the community, local referendum and local initiatives. arrangement discussion and debate the proposals and comments, approval of proposals and comments on the content of the Charter of the Territorial Community. adopt the final plan of the Charter of the Territorial Community representative's body and take it to a local referendum. Adopt it with a majority of the votes. Include it in the Charter of the Territorial Community by the justice authorities. published the Statute of the Community and display it on the official website of the local authority and other media. apply the standards of the Charter in practice, litigation and statutory rights. control by public supervision governed by community residents, local authorities a d compliance reports with the statutory rules and judicial review of compliance with the rules of conduct in the community. The use of the judicial function and the ability to review by the local mayor, a referendum is required in case of breaches of statutory law.

This article analyses the problems of defining the concept of domestic violence in Lithuania from the perspective of international law, focusing on the problem of delimitation of domestic violence and gender-based violence against women. The article provides an analysis of the concept of domestic violence under international legal documents (UN and CoE Conventions), and in relevant Case Law and the Lithuanian national legislation: i.e. the recently adopted Law on Protection Against Domestic Violence, which entered into force on 15 December 2011. The paper provides an assessment of the national law in consideration of international law. The author considers whether the law could and should be completely gender-neutral (the model chosen now in Lithuania). In addition, the need to consider the perpetrator's rights (property interests, presumption of innocence, and victim's opposition to criminal sanction) is analysed in the context of the relevant international human rights cases. ; Šiame straipsnyje apžvelgiami probleminiai klausimai, apibrėžiant smurto šeimoje ar artimoje aplinkoje (angl. domestic violence) sąvoką Lietuvos Respublikos apsaugos nuo smurto artimoje aplinkoje įstatyme, atsižvelgiant į tarptautinę teisę ir gilinantis į lyties aspekto reikšmę. Straipsnyje bandoma atskirti sąvokas "smurtas artimoje aplinkoje prieš moteris" ir "smurtas prieš moteris lyties pagrindu". Autorė nagrinėja praktiką pagal Konvenciją dėl visų formų diskriminacijos panaikinimo moterims (toliau – CEDAW konvencija), kuri nustato valstybės pareigas šiuo atžvilgiu. Konvencijos kontekste sąvokos praktiškai neatsiejamos, kadangi Konvencija skirta kovoti su diskriminacija, o smurtas lyties pagrindu (įskaitant smurtą šeimoje) yra viena jo formų. Valstybės taip pat kartais (tačiau ne visada) pripažįstamos pažeidžiančios Konvencijos 5 straipsnį dėl lyčių vaidmenų stereotipų, pavyzdžiui, kai nacionaliniai teismai, atsisakydami priimti nutartį dėl pareiškėjos apsaugos, remiasi siaura ir stereotipine smurto artimoje aplinkoje samprata, taiko nelanksčius ir griežtus įrodinėjimo standartus.Be to, byloje Opuz v. Turkey Europos Žmogaus Teisių Teismas (toliau – EŽTT) pirmą kartą tokių bylų kategorijoje nustatė Europos žmogaus teisių konvencijos 14 straipsnio (draudimo diskriminuoti) pažeidimą. EŽTT sutiko, kad pareiškėja įrodė, jog dėl netyčinio valstybės institucijų pasyvumo egzistavo ne tik 2 straipsnio (teisė į gyvybę) ir 3 straipsnio (nežmoniško ir žeminančio elgesio uždraudimas), bet ir 14 straipsnio pažeidimas – taigi, diskriminavimas dėl lyties. Teismas rėmėsi statistika, pagal kurią smurtą dažniau patirdavo moterys nei vyrai. Pažymėtina, kad statistiniai duomenys buvo pateikti nevyriausybinių organizacijų, buvo netikslūs, o šiuo metu apie Lietuvą pateikiami smurto prieš moteris skaičiai yra didžiausi ES ir netgi galimai didesni, nei buvo pateikti apie Turkiją. Nagrinėdama Apsaugos nuo smurto artimoje aplinkoje įstatymo atitiktį tarptautinei teisei, autorė teigia, kad sąvoka "smurtas artimoje aplinkoje" įstatyme gali būti neutrali lyties aspektu. Tai yra siūloma ir 2011 m. Europos Tarybos konvencijoje dėl prevencijos ir kovos su smurtu prieš moteris ir smurto šeimoje (Stambulo konvencija), kuri atsieja "smurto artimoje aplinkoje" ir "smurto lyties pagrindu" sąvokas. Tačiau norint sėkmingai kovoti su smurtu lyties pagrindu artimoje aplinkoje, turi būti numatytos priemonės, kuriomis siekiama kovoti su tokiais lyties stereotipais ir tradiciniais požiūriais, pagal kuriuos viena lytis laikoma pranašesne už kitą. Priešingu atveju, valstybės institucijoms nepavykus apginti moters, patyrusios smurtą artimoje aplinkoje, teisių, valstybė bus pripažinta ne tik pažeidusi savo pareigas konkrečioje byloje dėl smurto artimoje aplinkoje (šeimoje), bet ir nedėjusi pastangų apginti nuo smurto lyties pagrindu.

В статье даётся обзор проблематики лексикографической обработки социолектного материала. Предлагается типология словарей социолектов по их величине и способам описания жаргонизмов, сленгизмов и арготизмов. Высказываются рекомендации по оптимальному лексикографированию таких языковых единиц. ; The paper reviews the jargon dictionaries of the Russian language within the typology the author suggested. The dictionaries are divided into small (fewer than 500 items), medium (500-3000 items), and large (over 3000 items) Small sociolect dictionaries of the beginning of the 20th century describe Russian thieves argot (''Босяцкий словарь'' (''Bosyatsky Slovar'', The Vagabond Dictionary), 1903; pocket dictionaries for the militia in the 1950s-1970s). Dictionaries of the end of the 1980s describe youth jargon (A.S. Zapesotsky, A.P. Fay, F.I. Rozhansky, V. Lurie, etc.). Post-perestroika dictionaries show the tendency to filiation of jargonism semantics, to recording idioms, and to providing contexts illustrating the meaning of words and expressions. An example of a medium dictionary is V.F. Trakhtenberg's ''Блатная музыка'' (''Blatnaya Muzyka'', the Music of the Criminal World) reflecting the argot of the late 19th — early 20th century. Modern dictionaries are published both in Russia and abroad. They are dictionaries of lingo (A. Skachinsky; V. Bykov; M.A. Grachev), of the argot of criminals and prisoners (A. Piriev), of the argot of the GULAG (B. Ben-Jacob), of city jargon (M.M. and B.P. Krestinsky), of regional youth jargon (Voronezh, Pskov, Magnitogorsk), of social group jargon (drug addicts, military people, footballers, schoolchildren and students). Large dictionaries are collections of the argot of broad space and time limits. They can be collections of regional or social group materials. These are the dictionaries of the Russian thieves' jargon (D.S. Baldaev, O.B. Khomenko), the Dictionary of the Thousand-Year-Old Russian Argot (M.A. Grachev), the Dictionary of Moscow Argot and the Dictionary of Russian Argot (V.S. Yelistratov), the Dictionary of Russian Youth Slang (T.G. Nikitina), the Dictionary of Magnitogorsk Youth Jargon (B.B. Maksimov), the Unabridged Dictionary of Russian Jargon (V.M. Mokienko, T.G. Nikitina), and other. There are also bilingual slang dictionaries. Argot, slang and jargon words become parts of dictionaries of other types, e.g., modern dictionaries of Russian invective and colloquial words. The study and lexicographical description of Russian sociolects show that for 150 years they were steadily developing from secret languages and argots of closed social groups to youth jargon the main source of modern speech and literary language innovation. Still, some problems in this field are still unsolved, such as compiling of dictionaries that represent material in the form of synonymic groups or ideographic fields. They will further help create the onomasiological picture of the world reflected in the Russian sub-standard. A crucial task is to compile a fundamental etymological dictionary of the Russian sub-standard. Such a resource will allow to learn the connections of Russian jargon with other languages, and the routes of traditional European jargons in Russia and out of it. The comparison will help to see the relations between ''Mine'' and ''Other'' in the system of Russian sociolects, describe their spacial and chronological hierarchy, and predict their further development.

Рассматриваются некоторые характерные черты трансформации духовной культуры китайского общества в период раннего Средневековья династий Вэй и Цзинь, в частности, изменение отношения к вину как признак системного духовного кризиса китайского общества, который сопровождался не только пессимизмом и апатией, но и активным духовным поиском, повлиявшим на дальнейшее развитие культуры Китая в целом. ; The period after the collapse of the Han dynasty, long internecine war and following division of the country into pieces with the short periods of reunion was one of the pivotal points in the long history of China. That was the period of deep changes in all the spheres of Ancient Chinese society. Although orthodox Chinese historiography showed this period as the period of chaos, destruction and decline, even superficial overview of the early medieval (III-VI A.D.) shows that in spite of or may be due to the political disasters of the time it was the golden age of culture. The whole culture of the time was passing through a deep rebirth. Critics of the official Confucian ideology that began during the Han dynasty led to considerable ideological emancipation of a person. Although Confucianism was still the official ideology of bureaucracy, this spiritual turbulence showed a significant impact on the moral and ethic foundations of the society. Endless wars and riots that took place after the Han dynasty had collapsed put the most educated aristocrats before an important choice: either to join the fight for power or to be moved to the periphery of the political life. And the fight was not a competition in skills and knowledge, there were cruel behind-the-scene activities, bloody battles, betrayal and guile. Those who had found themselves pushed out from the ''stage'' faced the reality of impossibility to self realize, to apply skills and knowledge gained in decades of study. The growing pessimism and apathy took some of the most talented people of the time to the Taoist heritage. They admired Chuang-tsu's ability to ''free and boundless wandering'' (xiao yao) and ''sitting in oblivion'' (zuo wang) and using wine were trying to reach these ideals. They disdained hypocrisy of the public morality and Li (Ritual propriety). They were called the Ming Shi (famous people) and their life was the expression of the new ''style'', which later was called ''Wind and Flow'' (Feng Liu). Those who were Feng Liu were looking for self-expression unobstructed with social boundaries, and sometimes it took shape of craziness, which others called Fang Dan (willfulness and indulgement) as later Liu Yiqing, the author of ''Essays and Criticism'' (Shi Shuo Xin Yu) named the twenty third chapter, where he shows examples of such a behaviour of the early period of ming shi like the scholars, writers and musicians of an intellectual group of The Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove (Zhu Lin Qi Xian). The system crisis, which took place in early medieval China, forced deep transformation of Ancient Chinese society and according to some researchers, due to the changes this transformation brought, we can now see the difference between the Ancient Chinese people and modern Chinese as between Ancient Romans and modern Italians.

Изучается родительское воспитание как философско-исторический феномен в отечественной культуре Российского Просвещения XVIII в. Рассматриваются основные концепции родительского воспитания, нашедшие свое воплощение как в педагогических творениях эпохи, так и в повседневном опыте семейной жизни. Предлагается анализ всех концепций, на основе которого делается вывод об исторических основаниях понимания сущности родительского воспитания детей, характерного для данного периода. ; Parental education as a philosophical and historical phenomenon in the domestic culture of the Russian Enlightenment of the 18th century is studied in this article. The author considers the following concepts of parenting: government education, class division, Christian education, cooperating education and civic education. These concepts are presented in pedagogical works and in everyday experience of family life. Representatives of the first concept are F. Polikarpov, F. Saltykov, V. Tatishchev, I. Betskoy, Catherine II, A. Barsov, and others. Partial substitution of education in the family by public education is the essence of the concept. Distrust of the ''outdated'' education of children in the family and demand of distancing parents from children during their learning is also considered. As a result, of the division of parenting children in the families of the nobility and other Russian classes (peasants, merchants, priests and petty bourgeoisie) the second concept arises. Among the peasants, merchants, clergy and middle class the traditional understanding of the relationship between parents and children preserves. In the aristocratic circles the relationship between parents and children during the 18th century completely changes: from the neglect of parental duties at the beginning of the century to the idea of fatherhood and motherhood as a duty and joy for everyone at the end of the century. Representatives of the concept of Christian education are I. Pososhkov M. Lomonosov, I. Bogdanovich, and others. These researchers recommended the use of educational potential of Christian values and broad education of the people of all classes. The representatives of the concept of union of parents and teachers in their children's education are F. Jankovic de Mirievo, E. Dashkova, A. Prokopovich-Antonsky, N. Novikov, A. Bestuzhev, and others. Civic education concept of raising children in the family was typical for the pedagogical views of A. Radishchev. The scientist saw the essence of this concept in the education of worthy ''sons of the Homeland'', the true patriots and honest citizens. The 18th century was an important step in understanding the issues of family, parenthood and childhood. It preserved the traditional national Christian view of the nature of relations between parents and children in the family, as well as created new ones, based on ideas of nationhood and education as a means of raising of the younger generation. The era of the Russian Enlightenment characterizes the belief in education based on principles of reasonableness and harmony as an effective tool for changing people for the better. This explains the desire of the state to take the matter of raising, training and education of young people into their own hands and to partly ''liberate'' their parents. ''Opening the world of childhood'' as an important and special period in human life with its demands and needs took place in the works of Russian educators.

La expansión colonial de España en Marruecos propició que la literatura orientalista española fuera mayoritariamente africanista. En este artículo se analiza la imagen que se ofrece de los musulmanes y los judíos en tres libros publicados en España durante un breve lapso de tiempo en la época del Protectorado español en Marruecos: España en África y el peligro judío, de Africano Fernández (seudónimo del franciscano Ramón Fernández Lestón) publicado en 1918; Los hebreos en Marruecos, del periodista liberal Manuel Ortega Pichardo, aparecido en 1919; y La ciudad de los ojos bellos (Tetuán), del psiquiatra y médico militar César Juarros, que se publicó en 1922. En los tres autores, tanto musulmanes como judíos son percibidos a la vez como otros, pertenecientes a culturas orientales (y, como tales, ajenas y exóticas) y como nosotros, debido a la existencia de un pasado histórico compartido en la España medieval. La diferente ideología de cada uno de los escritores propicia, sin embargo, visiones muy diferentes de las mismas realidades. ; A expansão colonial de Espanha em Marrocos levou a que a literatura orientalista espanhola fosse maioritariamente africanista. Neste artigo analisa ‑se a imagem que se oferece dos muçulmanos e dos judeus em três livros publicados em Espanha durante um breve período na época do Protetorado espanhol em Marrocos: España en África y el peligro judío, de Africano Fernández (pseudónimo do franciscano Ramón Fernández Lestón) publicado em 1918; Los hebreos en Marruecos, do jornalista liberal Manuel Ortega Pichardo, surgido em 1919; e La ciudad de los ojos bellos (Tetuán), do psiquiatra e médico militar César Juarros, que se publicou em 1922. Nos três autores, tanto muçulmanos como judeus são percebidos ao mesmo tempo como outros, pertencentes a culturas orientais (e, como tais, alheias e exóticas), e como nós, devido à existência de um passado histórico partilhado na Espanha medieval. A diferente ideologia de cada um dos escritores propícia, no entanto, visões muito diferentes das mesmas realidades. ; The colonial expansion of Spain in Morocco led the Spanish orientalist literature to have an African character. This article analyses the image of Muslims and Jews as it appeared in three books published in Spain between 1918 and 1922, during the age of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco. These were: España en Africa y el peligro judio (Spain in Africa and the Jewish peril) by Africano Fernandéz (in reality the pseudonym of the Franciscan friar Ramón Fernández Lestón) edited in 1918; Los hebreos en Marruecos (The Hebrews in Morocco) written by the liberal journalist Manuel Ortega Pichardo and published in 1919; and finally La ciudad de los ojos bellos (Tetuán) [The city of the beautiful eyes (Tetouan)], authored by the military psychiatrist and physician César Juarros, which was published in 1922. These three authors perceive Muslims and Jews simultaneously as others, belonging to Oriental cultures (and, as such, seen as alien and exotic), and as us, given they have a shared historical past in medieval Spain. However, the ideologies of each author provide very different visions of the same reality.

A number of contemporary filmmakers, both in Colombia and in other Latin American countries, have explicitly stated their disinterest in what they themselves call "political cinema". With this apparent declaration of principles, they seem to be distancing themselves from previous generations for whom each film implied a commitment to the representation and transformation of reality. Some directors have defined themselves as "'neutral" in political terms, even when their work directly addresses issues concerning the social and political realities of each country. The intent of this essay is to examine what this supposed neutrality consists of, from where it is derived, and what are its dangers. Through an analysis of the concept of childhood in the film Los Colores de la Montaña (The Colors of the Mountain) (2011), the author attempts to show the film's political dimension above and beyond the director's intentions of neutrality, so as to highlight the importance of political thinking in film, apart from identifying with ideologies and taking sides. ; DOI:10.5294/pacla.2013.16.2.13 Diversos realizadores contemporáneos, tanto en Colombia como en otros países de Latinoamérica, han declarado explícitamente su desinterés en lo que ellos mismos llaman un 'cine político'. Con esta especie de declaración de principios parecen tomar distancia de generaciones anteriores en las que cada película implicaba un compromiso con la representación y transformación de la realidad. Algunos directores se han definido a sí mismos como 'neutrales' en términos políticos incluso cuando sus obras abordan temas directamente relacionados con la realidad social y política de cada país. Mi interés en este ensayo es examinar en qué consiste esta supuesta neutralidad, de dónde se deriva y cuáles son sus peligros. A través de un análisis del concepto de infancia en la película Los colores de la montaña (2011), intento mostrar la dimensión política de la obra más allá de las intenciones de neutralidad del autor con el fin de señalar la importancia de pensar lo político en el cine por encima de las identificaciones ideológicas y las tomas de partido. DOI:10.5294/pacla.2013.16.2.13 ; Diversos realizadores contemporâneos, tanto na Colômbia quanto nos outros países da América Latina, declararam explicitamente seu desinteresse no que eles mesmos chamam de "cinema político". Com esta espécie de declaração de princípios parecem tomar distância de gerações anteriores nas quais cada filme implicava um compromisso com a representação e transformação da realidade. Alguns diretores definiram a si mesmo como "neutros" em termos políticos, inclusive quando suas obras abordam temas diretamente relacionados com a realidade social e política de cada país. Meu interesse neste ensaio é examinar em que consiste esta suposta neutralidade, de onde se deriva e quais são seus perigos. Através de uma análise do conceito de infância no filme Los colores de la montaña (2011), tento mostrar a dimensão política da obra além das intenções de neutralidade do autor a fim de destacar a importância de pensar o político no cinema sobre as identificações ideológicas e as tomadas de partido.

ResumoEste trabalho propõe discutir algumas determinantes do insucesso académico na universidade e, a partir delas, equacionar algumas medidas tendentes à sua minimização, especialmente as que radicam nos processos didáctico-pedagógicos. O trabalho resultou da revisão bibliográfica e da investigação realizada, neste domínio, pelo autor e, ainda, da sua reflexão enquanto professor universitário. O trabalho conclui que as causas do insucesso académico, em Portugal, são múltiplas e com origem na passagem da universidade de elites à universidade de massas e especialmente ao facto desta não ter alterado a sua organização e os processos de ensino-aprendizagem. A este nível, constata-se que o enfoque radica mais na transmissão de saberes do que na sua aprendizagem pelo aluno. Conclui-se, ainda, que é imperioso alterar esta situação não apenas para reduzir as taxas de reprovação mas sobretudo para formar diplomados aptos a lidar com a complexidade da sociedade actual, não apenas no domínio económico mas também político, cultural e social.ResumenEn este trabajo se propone discutir algunas causas determinantes de la falta de éxito académico en la universidad y, partiendo de las mismas, estudiar medidas tendientes a su minimización, especialmente las que radican en los procesos didácticospedagógicos. El trabajo resultó de la revisión bibliográfica y de la investigación realizada, en este dominio, por el autor y, aún, de su reflexión como profesor universitario. Se concluye que las causas de la falta de éxito académico, en Portugal, son múltiples y con origen en el paso de la universidad de elites a la universidad de masas y especialmente al hecho de que ésta no haya alterado su organización y los procesos de enseñanza – aprendizaje. A este nivel, se constata que el enfoque radica más en la transmisión de conocimientos que en el aprendizaje de éstos por el alumno. Se concluye, además, que es imperativo alterar esta situación, no sólo para reducir las tasas de suspensión, sino para formar profesionales aptos, capaces de interactuar con la complejidad de la sociedad actual, en los contextos económico, político, cultural y social.AbstractThis paper discusses some of the determinants for academic failure in the university, and based on them, formulates some measures directed at its minimization, especially those set firmly in pedagogical-didactic processes. The paper resulted from a literature review, as well as the research conducted by the author in this field and his own reflections while working as a university professor. The paper concludes that the causes for academic failure in Portugal are multiple and originate in the transition form elitist to mass universities, especially due to the fact that the latest have not altered their organization and processes of teaching-learning. Based on this, it is confirmed that the focus lies more on the transmission of knowledge rather than on the learning process of students. The conclusion is that it is imperious to modify this situation not only to reduce the levels of failure, but also, to produce qualified graduates who may be able to deal with the complexities of current society, in economical, political, cultural and social contexts.

El artículo analiza la situación de la violencia homicida en Venezuela entre 1980 y 2011 y para eso utiliza el concepto de los ciclos para postular la existencia de tres etapas diferentes de acuerdo a la tasa de homicidios y la institucionalidad. El primer ciclo es de crisis institucional de 1989 a 1993, el segundo ciclo de estabilidad de 1994 a 1998 y el tercero de destrucción institucional de 1999 al 2011. En la discusión de los resultados se plantea que la explicación de las causas de la violencia en Venezuela debe buscarse en los cambios en la reglas del juego y el pacto social ocurrida en esos ciclos y sostiene que la destrucción institucional que ocurre a partir de 1999 se funda en el quiebre de cinco principios de funcionamiento de la democracia que ha ocurrido en Venezuela. Estos principios son: 1.- La democracia es un gobierno de muchos, no de uno sola persona. 2.- En la democracia el poder es un lugar vacío, no tiene nombre ni apellido 3.- En la democracia es fundamental la autolimitación del poder. 4.- la existencia de la ley como un tercero abstracto impersonal que interviene y somete a todos, inclusive a las autoridades. 5.- Si bien las democracias pueden estar basadas en el consenso o la mayoría, las democracias del consenso superan a las mayorías en el control de la violencia. El artículo concluye que por no cumplir esos principios, las dictaduras y los regímenes autoritarios no pueden construir la paz, ya que la seguridad ciudadana requiere de la libertad y la democracia.AbstractThe article analyzes the situation of homicidal violence in Venezuela between 1980 and 2011 and that uses the concept of cycles to postulate the existence of three different stages according to the rate of homicides and institutions performance. The first cycle of institutional crisis goes from 1989 to 1993, the second cycle of institutional stability from 1994 to 1998 and the third of institutional destruction from 1999 to 2011. In the discussion of the results the author proposes that the explanation of the causes of violence in Venezuela must be sought in changes in the rules of the game and the social pact that occurred in these cycles and argues that the institutional destruction that occurs after 1999 is based on the breakdown of five operating principles of democracy that has happened in Venezuela. These principles are: 1. - Democracy is a government of many, not one single person. 2. - In a democracy power is an empty place has no name or surname 3. - In a democracy it is essential to selflimitation of power. 4. – In a Democracy, law as a third party intervenes and subjected to all, including the authorities. 5. - Although democracies can be based on consensus or majority, consensus democracies outperform majorities in controlling violence. The article concludes that by failing to meet these principles, dictatorships and authoritarian regimes cannot build peace, because citizen security requires freedom and democracy.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama Kanto nužymėtos ir Deleuze'o eksperimentiniame mąstyme rekonstruotos vaizduotės kaip vieno iš trijų proto gebėjimų raiškos lauko alternatyvos. Siekiama atsakyti į paties Deleuze'o išsikeltą kantišką klausimą: kokia yra giliausia paslaptis? Aptinkamos kelios atsakymo alternatyvos. Šiame tyrime paaiškėjo, kad Deleuze'o atsakymai į paties išsikeltą klausimą "kokia yra giliausia vaizduotės paslaptis?" patiria metamorfozes, kurios apsuka ratą. Nuo pradinės pozicijos, kai vaizduotė veikia tik paklusdama intelektui ar protui, ji juda link laisvo trijų nepriklausomų sugebėjimų – intelekto, proto, vaizduotės atitikimo, paskui – link jų nedarnios dermės, jų kovos, kuri skatina kiekvienos naują atsiskleidimą, galiausiai – prie vaizduotės anihiliacijos, kuri leidžia užgimti naujai minčiai, taigi, ratas apsisuka ir grįžtama prie jų dermės naujame lygmenyje, moderuojant filosofiniam skoniui. Tačiau visas šias metaformorfozes jungia viena bendra Kanto suformuluota prielaida: vaizduotė niekada neišvengia triadinės priklausomybės, ji neveikia viena; ji galima tik santykyje su intelektu ir protu, t. y. kitais trimis jai paraleliais ir simultaniškais sugebėjimais.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Kantas, Deleuze'as, vaizduotėKant and Deleuze: What is the Deepest Secret of Imagination? Jūratė Baranova
Abstract The paper discusses the problem of possible philosophical understanding of imagination from the Kantian-Deleuzean point of view. At the begining of his philosophical carreer, one can say, "early Deleuze" in 1963 published the book "Kant's Critical Philosophy" (La philosophie critique de Kant). The same year he wrote an essay "The Idea of Genesis in Kant's Esthetics". In both texts returning to Kant's book Critique of Pure Reason, Deleuze notices, that it is widely acknowledged that schematizing is an original and irreducible act of imagination: only imagination can and knows how to schematize. Nevertheless, the imagination does not schematize of its own accord, simply because it is free to do so. It schematizes only for a speculative purpose, in accordance with the determinate concepts of the understanding; when the understanding itself plays the role of legislator. This is why it would be misguided to search the mistery of schematizing for the last word on the imagination in its essence or in its free spontaneity. "Schematizing is indeed a secret, but not the deepest secret of imagination," – writes Deleuze. Some questions arise at this point. The first one – who speaks here: Kant or Deleuze? The second one – what is this deepest secret of imagination, as an intrigue of this kantian-deleuzean voice? How many possible answers to this question one can discern passing from "early Deleuze" to "late Deleuze"? In this article the author discoved some possible metamorphosis or twists of imagination in the experimental reading of Deleuze. It starts from the submissive position being directed by Understanding or Reason, to the free accord of three independent faculties, towards their discord, even fight, even death of the imagination for the sake of the thought and at least – the whirl closes and comes to the same point but from a different point of view: imagination, together with understanding and reason participate as an integral part of philosophical taste in later Deleuze. But one point united all these different adventures of imagination. Imagination always acts only in relation to the understanding and reason, it never plays free. It could never be able to play alone. Keywords: Kant, Deleuze, imagination.

王弼是魏晉玄學最重要的思想家,也是中國哲學史上不世出的天才,他以二十四 歲英年早逝,卻無礙於他的哲學成就:《周易注》被收入十三經注疏,《老子注》 則成為通行本,影響後世深遠。歷來詮釋王弼思想的成果豐碩,精彩論點令人目 不暇給,對於王弼思想的關注不限於華人社會,近期在中國出版,德國當代著名 漢學家瓦格納 (Rudolf G. Wagner) 《王弼《老子注》研究》就是海外漢學家長期關 注王弼哲學的成果。本文針對海峽兩岸研究王弼卓然有成的林麗真、余敦康,以 及歐陸的瓦格納等三人的王弼《老子注》的研究成果,歸納其進路、觀點,以及 重大創穫。林麗真聚焦於王弼玄理的闡發,余敦康則提出通貫哲學與政治整體觀, 著重王弼玄學的現實關懷,瓦格納則從語言哲學入手,提出「鍊體風格」的詮釋 策略,豐富文本的內涵。台灣、大陸與歐洲學者對王弼的詮釋有共識,也有殊異, 這樣的參照比較,不僅可以相互攻錯,擴大學術視野,也能進一步深化王弼思想、 魏晉玄學的研究,極富學術意義。Wang Bi, the most prominent scholar of metaphysics of the Wei and Jin Dynasties, was an unprecedented genius throughout the history of Chinese philosophy. In this article, the author examines the brilliant contributions made by Lin Li Zhen, Yu Dun Kang and Rudolf G. Wagner, who are noticed for their research of Exegesis of Lao-Tzu. It is a synthesis of the directions of investigation, approaches, and significant findings they have come up with. Among the three interpretations, Lin focuses on the explanation of Wang's metaphysic thinking while Yu emphasizes Wang's secular concerns by proposing the "philosophy of thoroughness" and political holism. As for Wagner, he approaches this work with the views of linguistic philosophy and suggests refined stylistics as interpretative strategy, which functions to enrich the textual contents.