Por estos tiempos, en algunos estados europeos recientemente industrializados o en camino de, suceden situaciones como la que se desató en España en marzo 2011, el M15. Los ciudadanos indignados demandan "democracia real". Se manifiestan y la queja colectiva ha tenido efecto dominó en otros como países como Grecia e Italia. Este fenómeno refleja una demanda que los ciudadanos contemporáneos hacen a sus gobiernos: eficacia en la conducción de las áreas estratégicas sus Estados. En Europa la connotación es básicamente económica, pues está visto que el desempleo, el aumento en el costo de vida, las escasas oportunidades de educación y la evolución de los sistemas de salud y de seguridad social, golpearon a su inmensa clase media.En países en guerra como Colombia, los escenarios para demandar eficacia a los gobiernos son diferentes, y las áreas en cuestión también son distintas a las áreas que los gobiernos han considerado estratégicas. El escenario de Europa hace 20 años era bien diferente al que tenemos hoy. Hace 20 años Europa firmaba el Tratado de Maastricht (febrero 1992) que dio origen a la Unión Europea. Una Unión que en términos generales buscaba la integración económica, la libre circulación de bienes y servicios. En Colombia, hace 20 años, se acordaba un nuevo marco constitucional porque la constitución de 1886 parecía obsoleta para los nuevos tiempos. Veinte años después son muchas las dudas que hay sobre la eficiencia y los resultados de la Unión y vacilaciones sobre la eficiencia y los resultados de la Constitución del 91. Los acontecimientos que ocurren hoy 2011 en algunos países europeos, denotan a simple vista tres situaciones: uno, la debilidad, inoperatividad o ineficiencia de las instituciones y de los gobiernos –surgidos desde la democracia- para garantizar el bienestar colectivo; dos, la puesta en tela de juicio del modelo económico contemporáneo que algunos han denominado la 'dictadura del mercado'. Y tres, el resurgimiento de renovadas expresiones de los ciudadanos para sentirse más que gobernados, incluidos en sus gobiernos para gobernar en beneficio del bienestar colectivo. Seguramente para Europa debe resultar vergonzoso atender crisis económicas y sobre todo, crisis de derechos en algunos países miembros de la Unión. Escuchamos las protestas de la sociedad alemana al señalar, que no son responsables del atraso y el endeudamiento griego. En Colombia hay cansancio por el continuo sometimiento al conflicto armado y muchos sectores democráticos reclaman el final de la guerra para concebir a plenitud el Estado Social de Derecho.En el plano nacional, podemos entender que en Colombia, país con tradición de guerra, existen nuevos intereses y nuevos actores, diferentes a los actores de hace 20 años, cuando se discernía sobre lo que debía contener la Constitución Política; los constituyentes lograron una renovada y moderna Constitución para aquel entonces, que pretendió y aún debe pretender, otorgar a los ciudadanos vida digna, palabra que concreta la efectividad de los derechos humanos. La nueva constitución incluyó la carta de derechos establecida a nivel mundial en 1948, reconoció la diversidad cultural y política, estableció reformas a la justicia que incluyeron instrumentos valiosos como la tutela, las acciones colectivas, derecho de petición, habeas corpus entre otros, y un marco legal para implementar el modelo de economía abierta o el modelo neoliberal. La CP de 1991, buscaba no solo visibilizar derechos, sino también dar garantías, crear puentes y canales de diálogos entre y con sectores diversos y opuestos. La constitución abrió la posibilidad de conocer y comprender que Colombia es un país diverso, no en términos de biogeografía, sino en términos políticos. Dentro de los muchos logros del proceso constituyente del 91 podemos resaltar en particular sobre el Artículo 22, el derecho a la PazLa constitución visibilizó el movimiento social y de resistencia, no solo indígena sino también el trabajo de las organizaciones, campesinas, obreras, organizaciones de paz y de derechos humanos. El origen del proceso constituyente, fue netamente social.La constitución política del 1991 reconoció que la guerra es un problema y reconoció que existía en el país un vacío jurídico y político que no garantizaba el ejercicio de los derechos humanos.Propuso una cantidad importante de instrumentos y escenarios para garantizar la justicia, en medio de una avalancha de desmovilizaciones y reinserciones de grupos armados surgidos en los años 60, 70 y 80.Dio origen a muchas iniciativas urbanas/ ciudadanas de resistencia a la guerra, fusionadas con las tradicionales formas de resistencia provenientes de los sectores indígenas, campesinos y trabajadores.Otorgó importancia a la participación de la comunidad internacional en procesos de paz, pues por los mismos años, se tejieron experiencias en Centroamérica, las cuales siempre han pretendido ser modelos en Colombia. Los diálogos de paz de los 90 en el país contaron con poca participación de Comunidad Internacional; y esa poca participación fue tímida y limitada, pues el escenario era diferente y el fenómeno de la globalización no estaba muy marcado por estos tiempos.La CP del 91 permitió que Colombia incluyera en su marco constitucional las normas del Derecho Internacional Humanitario.La CP de 1991, permitió desarrollar una generación de líderes que pensaron y aún piensan en la paz, como derecho estructural de los derechos humanos.Muy a pesar de las expectativas que generó la CP en torno a la Paz, la guerra adoptó otra dinámica marcada por el narcotráfico y la corrupción durante los años 90: el país presentó los índices más altos de violencia dados en muertes violentas, asesinatos, secuestros, atentados a personas y bienes protegidos por el Derecho Humanitario, desplazamientos forzados a millones y ataques terroristas en los centros urbanos. La Minga Indígena que resurgió en el año 2005 y que movilizó a más de 150.000 personas en todo el país, reactiva la segunda generación de iniciativas de paz y toma mucha fuerza con el cambio de gobierno en agosto de 2010. Sin embargo con la coyuntura que se presenta desde agosto 2010, los sectores democráticos, sectores y movimientos sociales, organizaciones de la sociedad civil nacional e internacional presentes en Colombia podrían acordar algunos mínimos amparados en la Constitución. Algunas propuestas,Defender y sostener la tesis que la Paz es un asunto estructural y no coyuntural.Atender un asunto crucial para el desarrollo de cualquier tipo de interés colectivo: la democracia.Afirmar y demostrar que la Paz si bien debe tener una política de Estado construida en consenso y junto con las instituciones del Estado, los sectores o el movimiento ciudadano y social por la paz, debe también estar presente y debatir los temas de la agenda social y política del país, que en este periodo es bastante nutrida: crisis humanitaria, seguridad, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo- planes de consolidación, planes locales y regionales de derechos humanos, ley de víctimas, tierras, minería, políticas sociales en salud, educación, empleo etc.Demostrar por qué es necesario abrir el diálogo con los otros actores como los gobiernos locales, regionales y con el sector privado. Es necesario pensar en la construcción de paz desde la diversidad, no solo de los sectores sociales, sino también desde la diversidad política y económica.Reconocer abiertamente que la paz es una cuestión del Estado, de los ciudadanos y de los movimientos sociales.Aprovechar los canales de comunicación que la sociedad civil en Estados Unidos y en Europa y el SNU han prestado para recomponer la confianza entre sectores sociales e instituciones del Estado.Atender los buenos oficios ofrecidos por la comunidad de estados latinoamericanos, principalmente en el cono sur para generar espacios de diálogo.Finalmente, la agenda de actividades de las iniciativas de paz de los sectores sociales está en crecimiento. Cuenta con el acompañamiento de algunos sectores de la sociedad civil internacional y con algunos gestos de aproximación del gobierno nacional.Las tareas para esta coyuntura de paz, 20 años después del nacimiento de la Constitución Política de Colombia, podrían ser: maximizar los procesos de resistencia a la guerra que la Constitución hace 20 años propuso; articular mas no unificar esfuerzos con otros sectores sociales del país; establecer algunos mínimos políticos frente al conflicto armado; generalizar las propuestas que vayan surgiendo en el camino e impulsar canales de comunicación con las instituciones del Estado que hayan trazado sus políticas de gestión en este sentido y con el sector privado. Mantener las acciones concretas de resistencia ojalá de la mano de algunas instituciones - mecanismos de defensa de DDHH; defender y exigir la protección de los territorios indígenas, campesinos, afros y de la población civil con base en las normas del DIH. Una de las razones por las cuales en Grecia, España o Italia las protestas sociales se hacen visibles día a día y en Colombia las formas de violencia, entre ellas el conflicto armado más atroz, es porque los gobiernos de allá y de acá no han respondido cabalmente a una crisis que surgió años atrás y que aún no se ha solucionado: la crisis de la Democracia. Con esto, dos asuntos se pueden señalar: uno, que la redefinición de la Democracia es una asunto global; y dos, que la búsqueda de la paz en Colombia, es un asunto colectivo en donde las instituciones, los gobiernos, los ciudadanos, los movimientos sociales y los actores internacionales presentes en el país, deben asumir su papel desde sus propias capacidades y deben asumir sus responsabilidades para la construcción de una sociedad libre de violencia armada.*candidata a Doctor de la Universidad Complutense de Madridy de la Universidad Católica de Córdoba (Argentina)
El Imperio Turco Otomano, o la sola palabra "Constantinopla", no han pasado desapercibidas a través de la historia universal; por el contrario, dicha zona del planeta ha tenido un muy relevante puesto en el escenario internacional en grandes épocas pasadas.Más aún, la Turquía moderna, musulmana y secular que había liderado Mustafa Kemal Atatürk en el primer cuarto del siglo pasado, hubo de posicionarse entre lo más alto de la lucha por el poder del siempre complejo Medio Oriente; incluso George Friedman, autor del libro "The Next 100 Years; A Forecast for the 21st Century" (1), coloca a Turquía como un actor predominante en las relaciones internacionales en el siglo próximo; y The New York Times se refiere a ella como "una Turquía que nace de nuevo y que se expande para llenar el antiguo espacio imperial otomano"(2).Sin embargo, lejos de buscar profetizar el futuro, mi cometido es esbozar una revalorización del significado de Turquía en épocas actuales, así como intentar develar qué mensaje está dando al mundo cada vez que mueve alguna de sus cartas.Es que Recep Tayyip Erdogan, el actual primer ministro turco, ha estado ocupándose de reinsertar al antiguo imperio otomano en donde supo alguna vez ubicarse: esto es, en la hegemonía del Medio Oriente, sobre todo en una época de multiplicación de polos de poder dentro de una sociedad internacional pos guerra fría, pos crisis del 2008 –en donde Europa y Estados Unidos tambalean y Turquía está en bonanza-, pos BRIC's y G20, y pos primavera árabe.Con Mahmoud Ahmadinejad intentando desafiar a los saudíes y a los egipcios en intentar desequilibrar el status quo dominante, Erdogan ha actuado desde la prudencia y el perfil bajo hasta el estrellato y el populismo mediático para realzar su imagen como "Rey de Arabia" (3) o como nuevo Gamal Abdel Nasser (4), el antiguo líder egipcio que procuró la unificación de toda la región arábiga en los años sesenta del siglo XX. No ha sido en vano el hecho de que la influyente revista Time lo escogiese como "person of the year" el año pasado (5).Es imposible analizar la política exterior de Turquía sin descomponerla en distintas porciones.En primer lugar, vale diferenciar un hecho notable: si bien Turquía hizo todo lo que Europa le indicó para que la dejasen ingresar a su Unión (y sin embargo sigue sin lograrlo), hoy en día, continuar insistiendo en aras de de ese objetivo no parece ser su más alta prioridad. En vez de eso, Turquía se ha decidido por gestionar su ingreso a la Liga Árabe (6), a pesar de que la mayoría de su población no pertenezca precisamente a dicho grupo étnico.Segundo: no es lo mismo la política turca de "problemas con nadie" (7), que lleva adelante hasta hace relativamente poco, al deterioro de sus relaciones bilaterales con Israel a partir de que le proporcionasen el buque Mavi Marmara al grupo IHH (8), en mayo de 2010, para que éstos últimos, a su vez, desafiasen el bloqueo a Gaza impuesto por Israel; o al uso retórico del "derramamiento de sangre" refiriéndose a Bashar al Assad y demás autoridades sirias después de la primavera árabe; o a la visita a Libia, Túnez y Egipto de de hace algunas semanas atrás, mientras se estropeaban las relaciones diplomático-militares con los israelíes. Vale la pena, entonces, esclarecer estas diferencias.En un principio, "Ankara intentó limar asperezas con Chipre y Armenia, se acercó a Georgia, a Grecia y a Siria, mantuvo relaciones cordiales con Irán y con Israel (especialmente antes de la estrategia israelí en Gaza, a finales de 2008), se involucró en el Kurdistán iraquí y trató de mediar en el conflicto entre Israel y Siria por los Altos del Golán." (9)Sin embargo, todo esto fue cambiando, y aquí el tema con Israel no ha sido menor(10). Desde mayo del año pasado, comenzaron a erosionarse unas relaciones tan estratégicas como benéficas para ambos. Sus relaciones comerciales bilaterales brillaban por su importancia ya que cada uno de los mercados de los dos países son esenciales para los crecimientos económicos de los dos. Además, tenerse de aliados era una jugada estratégica fundamental para el posicionamiento regional turco.La expulsión del embajador israelí de Ankara por parte del ejecutivo turco ha congelado todo aquello que habían estado cosechando. El apoyo de Erdogan a Hamas –y no tanto a los moderados, es decir, a la Autoridad Palestina-, su constante desafío al bloqueo y su retórica anti "el niño mimado" (11) occidental, en referencia a Israel, han colocado además un signo de interrogación sobre el futuro de esta amistad bilateral.Pragmático, el líder turco ha pasado a los primeros planos de la atención mundial en los últimos días. Luego de relacionarse de muy buena manera, y por largos años, con líderes árabes recientemente derrocados -entre ellos con Muammar al Ghadafi de Libia o con Bashar al Assad de Siria-, ahora se volvió en su contra. Ha encontrado el hueco y el momento adecuado para mostrar a Turquía como modelo que compatibiliza democracia e Islam -a pesar de las fallas en su sistema democrático (12) y de su cada vez menos moderado secularismo-, justo cuando los jóvenes árabes se habían hartado del autoritarismo vitalicio de sus líderes.Justamente así lo ha visto Ibrahim Kalin, jefe de la asesoría política del premier Erdogan: "the Arab Spring strengthens rather than weakens Turkey's position in the Arab world, and vindicates the new strategic thrust of Turkish foreign policy." (13)Es que en términos de poder real, Turquía, además de ser miembro de la OTAN - con todo lo que ello significa-, está rankeada en el puesto número 15 en cuanto a la proporción gasto militar-PBI nominal, con un 5,3% de éste último, según The World Factbook de la CIA, y ha estado sofisticando cualitativamente su armamento. Siguiendo, en términos económicos, Turquía estaba, al menos hasta el 2010, posicionada en el puesto 17 del mundo, con un PBI nominal de 960 mil 500 millones de dólares (14), y sin tener en cuenta las situaciones críticas posteriores de países como España o Italia que aparecen por encima.Quienes aplauden este desenlace turco (15), le abren el camino del éxito hacia la cima del mundo árabe e islámico, y hacia conformarse como un nuevo polo de poder regional en un mundo cada vez menos unipolar. Su ya citado poderío económico y sofisticación militar, su (a pesar de todo) estable sistema democrático, su soft power –una cultura milenaria que es bien vista por el mundo-, las revueltas árabes y el carisma retórico-populista de Erdogan, todo junto se conjuga en un visto bueno al avance de los turcos en su búsqueda por repetir su propia historia de hegemón zonal.No obstante, quienes son más escépticos, se preguntan qué quiere realmente Erdogan, y dudan sobre si su aparente moderación no se traducirá en una cada vez mayor acumulación de poder e influencia entre la vecindad musulmana.En todo caso, y sin importar por cuál de estas tendencias nos inclinemos, es relevante, ante todo, dar por hecho el poder y las intenciones de Turquía, a la vez que repensar el rol que está asumiendo en el esquema de poder de todo el Medio Oriente.(1) THE EUROPEAN INSTITUTE. Book Review: http://www.europeaninstitute.org/February-%E2%80%93-March-2010/george-friedmans-the-next-100-years-a-forecast-for-the-21st-century.html(2) http://sipse.com/noticias/121686-lleva-erdogan-turquia-regreso-imperio-otomano.html(3) COOK, Steven A. Foreign Affairs. Erdogan's Middle Eastern Victory Lap. 15.09.11. http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/68269/steven-a-cook/erdogans-middle-eastern-victory-lap?page=2(4) NEHMIAS, Roee. The Mideast's new hero?. Yedihot Ahronot. 15.09.11. http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4122605,00.html.(5) TIME. http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,2036683_2036767_2036779,00.html(6) FRIEDMAN, Thomas L. Letter from Istanbul. The New York Times. 15/06/10. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/16/opinion/16friedman.html(7) THE ECONOMIST. Is Turkey turning? 10.06.10. http://www.economist.com/node/16333417(8) Definida por la CIA como agrupación "terrorista".(9) Op.cit. http://sipse.com/noticias/121686-lleva-erdogan-turquia-regreso-imperio-otomano.html(10) Para un análisis más exhaustivo de la relación de Erdogan con Israel, ver WALKER, Joshua W. What's the matter with Turkey? Foreign Policy. 06.03.09. http://experts.foreignpolicy.com/category/topic/islam(11) KIRKPATRICK, David D. Premier of Turkey Takes Role in Region. The New York Times. 12.09.11. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/13/world/middleeast/13egypt.html. (12) FREEDOM HOUSE. http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2011&country=8152(13) KALIM, Ibrahim. Turkey and the arab spring. Project Syndicate. 23.05.11. http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/kalin2/English(14) CIA World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tu.html(15) Como, por ejemplo, el periodista de The New York Times, COHEN, Roger: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/06/opinion/06iht-edcohen06.html. * Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales. Depto de Estudios Internacionales. FACS - ORT Uruguay.
Hace exactamente un año, día más día menos, se ponía en marcha una serie de movilizaciones que terminarían en levantamientos destinados a sacudir el panorama geopolítico del Medio Oriente y Norte de África.Con alguna estrechez imaginativa, la prensa internacional pronto echó mano a la metáfora de "la primavera" para aludir a una vaga sensación de "renovación" o "renacimiento", en países que estaban sometidos, desde hacía décadas, a una climatología política "polar" que los mantenía "congelados" en el autoritarismo. Y, efectivamente, el año 2011 iba a traer una serie de movimientos políticos importantes en países como Túnez, Egipto, Libia, Marruecos, Siria y Yemen para no mencionar más que los más obvios.En Túnez, el país pionero de estas movilizaciones, el gobierno del ex presidente Ben Alí demoró muy poco en colapsar. En buena medida, la movilización tunecina marcó algunas pautas para otras movilizaciones que pudieron desarrollarse en condiciones más o menos similares. Sus actores más visibles fueron jóvenes, desocupados en general, culturalmente occidentalizados al punto que la utilización de las TIC´s, vía Facebook, Twitter, etc., formó parte del folklore militante de los sublevados tunecinos. Es necesario recordar al lector que Túnez, gran centro turístico del Mediterráneo, es uno de los países menos tradicionales y más "modernos" del Mahgreb.¿Qué ha pasado en Túnez y en otros países semejantes? Aunque menos de un año es un período irrisorio para definir algún tipo de tendencia en una coyuntura tan decisiva como la que nos ocupa, es posible al menos "constatar" lo sucedido.En el primer país, el 23 de octubre se realizaron las elecciones para elegir la Asamblea Constituyente. Los resultados de dichas elecciones fueron ligeramente sorpresivos. Se esperaba un triunfo claro de la izquierda y una aparición significativa del partido islamista Ennahda. En los hechos, Ennahda fue el partido más votado seguido por los dos partidos de Izquierda, Ettakatol y el Partido Congreso por la República. Estos tres "ganadores" de las elecciones constituyentes, anunciaron la semana pasada un acuerdo de principio para conformar una coalición. Esta coalición habría acordado que Mustapha Ben Jaafar, líder del Ettakatol, será el Presidente de la Asamblea Constituyente, Moncef Marzuki, líder del Congreso por la República asumirá la Presidencia de la República y el islamista Hamadi Jebali habrá de desempeñarse como Jefe del futuro gobierno.En todo caso, en menos de un año un esbozo de institucionalización se insinúa y ahora falta evaluar las capacidades reales de operar de la coalición que se anuncia. Es de destacar que la presencia ganadora del partido islámico, en un país como Túnez, es altamente significativa.En Egipto, mientras escribimos este editorial, se están realizando las primeras elecciones legislativas posteriores a la era Mubarak. Recordando que estas elecciones legislativas se llevan a cabo en tres fases sucesivas, y que el proceso durará hasta mediados de enero, la prensa internacional señala que la votación se está llevando a cabo desde el día de ayer en la más absoluta calma. El número de votantes es sorprendentemente alto y, en particular, el de mujeres que han concurrido a hacerlo por primera vez.A pesar de las violencias recientes, de las demoras para iniciar las elecciones y del ambiguo papel de las Fuerzas Armadas ante la perspectiva de un nacimiento de verdaderos partidos políticos, el proceso parece haber comenzado en orden. La presencia permanente del partido islamista de los Hermanos Musulmanes es sistemáticamente destacada, al menos en El Cairo, aunque, al mismo tiempo, en la plaza Tahrir, están instalados los más "tunecinos" de la sublevación egipcia. Los jóvenes "occidentalizados", que pelearon ostensiblemente por su idea de una democracia a la vez musulmana y moderna, intentan mantener la vitalidad y visibilidad que tuvieron en los primeros momentos del levantamiento. Se han dividido en dos grupos: aquellos que están dispuestos a votar por algunas de las opciones de izquierda y aquellos que se han cansado de "esperar" las elecciones y acaban de pronunciarse por la abstención.En cualquier caso no tienen tarea fácil porque no solamente deben enfrentar el creciente éxito de los Hermanos Musulmanes: también deben salir al cruce de los "fululs"; es decir, los ex-integrantes del partido de Mubarak, el Partido Nacional Democrático, que han salido a ocupar las calles y a hacerse presentes en el acto electoral. Aunque su influencia puede haber disminuido considerablemente, el aparato político del régimen caído era una poderosa máquina clientelística que es muy probable que conserve una influencia poderosa en el interior del país. En todo caso su única cara visible, el nuevo partido Ittihad, figuraba quinto en la última encuesta pre-electoral de la semana pasada.En cualquier caso, es necesario recordar que Egipto no es Túnez. Entre muchísimas diferencias resaltan dos que deben ser permanentemente recordadas. Primero, el partido islamista tiene una antigüedad y un arraigo muy superior al que tiene su versión tunecina, por más que en Egipto fuese salvajemente perseguido por décadas. La segunda diferencia es que, en Egipto, "el decisor en última instancia" continúan siendo las Fuerzas Armadas.En Marruecos, un país donde el proceso hubo de ser mucho más discreto (ya que la institución de la monarquía, y el todavía sólido prestigio de la dinastía descendiente de Al Sharif, funcionaron como sistemas de contención y amortiguamiento de las demandas populares) los cambios parecen acontecer ordenadamente. El viernes pasado, y a propuesta del Rey, se realizaron elecciones legislativas para instrumentar un nuevo Parlamento dotado de más poderes y dirigido por una suerte de Primer Ministro con cierta autoridad política propia y autónoma del Monarca.Nueva sorpresa, el partido islamista moderado, Partido de la Justicia y del Desarrollo (PJD), se alzó con 107 escaños de los 395 en disputa y como el ganador claro de la elección ya que multiplica por más de dos su representación en el formato legislativo anterior. En el día de hoy, el Rey Hassan VI nombrará primer ministro a Abdelila Benkiran, el jefe del PJD que deberá establecer algún tipo de coalición, probablemente con liberales e izquierdistas.Los tres casos reseñados tienen algunos rasgos comunes que pueden ser señalados a condición de no caer en la permanente tentación de hacer, de esas aparentes similitudes, el "principio de una "tendencia" siempre bienvenida en los análisis políticos apresurados.Pero es cierto que los tres casos mencionados parecen comenzar a encaminarse hacia la construcción de formas institucionales menos autoritarias, formalmente más democráticas y, menos claramente, más liberales. El problema de la eventual "liberalización" de los procesos en marcha radica en que, en todos, los casos los triunfadores son partidos islámicos que por muy democráticos que sean sus triunfos, "democrático" no es sinónimo de "liberal". Si bien los islamistas triunfantes son claramente moderados, esos islamismos no dejan de plantear serios problemas en relación al respeto a los derechos individuales y, particularmente, en relación al respeto a la libertad de creencias y cultos y a las libertades de las mujeres.No es posible, desgraciadamente, mencionar avances institucionales sustantivos en los otros tres casos mencionados. En el caso de Libia, que fuese ya tratado oportunamente en "Letras Internacionales" (Ver No.135 de 1/9/11), la sublevación degeneró en una guerra civil que prácticamente acaba de concluir. Adelantar algo consistente con respecto al futuro formato institucional resulta ser particularmente difícil en virtud de perfil claramente arcaico de las modalidades de organización política de ese país.Por su parte, en Yemen (Ver "Letras Internacionales" No. 141 de 20/10/11) tampoco es posible discernir un rumbo claro. El presidente Abdalá Saleh ha firmado su renuncia y un acuerdo para transferir el poder establecido por el Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo, ante el soberano saudí en Riad.Aunque en Sanáa, las manifestaciones de júbilo no se hicieron esperar, en realidad no son claras las razones para alegrarse de algo. La salida de Saleh es consecuencia del deterioro de los apoyos tribales del ex-presidente combinado con las presiones internacionales lideradas por Arabia Saudita. Aunque igualmente es necesario señalar que, si abandona efectivamente del poder, sería el cuarto presidente cuyo retiro puede vincularse más o menos directamente a los movimientos que aquí nos ocupan. El acuerdo prevé formar inmediatamente un gobierno de acuerdo nacional para el período que iría de la renuncia de Saleh hasta las elecciones, a realizarse el 21 de febrero. En resumen, todavía no está claro cuales habrán de ser los derroteros de YemenY, para terminar, el país donde la situación no hace sino agravarse día a día es Siria. El país está sancionado, incluso por la Liga Árabe, desde el domingo pasado 22 de noviembre. Con la excepción de Líbano e Irán, la mayoría de los países de la Comunidad internacional (incluso los más proclives a defender al régimen baasista) han tenido que ir concediendo que la imposibilidad de detener la represión y la incapacidad política de Bachar el Assad para encontrar una salida razonable a un régimen herido de muerte están llevando la coyuntura política a un impasse sangriento.Como se podrá apreciar, en el año transcurrido muchos acontecimientos han marcado el devenir político de estos países (y de algunos más) pero, más allá de la evidente importancia de lo acontecido, resulta difícil sacar algún tipo de conclusión general o sustantivo que nos permita adelantar algo en la compresión de los difíciles momentos futuros que se avecinan en la región.
As the world is preparing to scale up its efforts to combat global climate change, groups are increasingly recognizing the vital role forests play in maintaining ecological, social, economic and cultural well-being. They are beginning to affirm more that forest tenure plays a fundamental role in determining the fate of the world's forests. In many countries, questions are raised on whether tropical forests should be publicly, commonly or privately owned. For many countries the forest management policies will likely involve a combination of: i) protected areas of sufficient size to provide habitat protection, and in a contiguous pattern; ii) forest concessions with enforceable performance-based management criteria; iii) community forests and community forest concessions managed by communities and indigenous groups. The challenge is to undertake the land use planning commitment and implementation to achieve this in the face of pressure from internal and external interests. Forest concessions of various types are the dominant form of forest tenure in almost all the forest countries of West and Central Africa. They are also the dominant types of forest tenure in Asia (Malaysia, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Cambodia). In South America, Peru and Bolivia introduced forest concession as a possible tenure model in the early 90's with the strong support of international NGOs. In Brazil, after two failed attempts, the government has passed its new forest management law in 2006. Bolivia and Brazil have much in common regarding forest tenure conflicts and challenges to enforce new rules in the forestry sector. Forest concession implementation in these countries has generated many expectations and investments in law changes.This research work focuses on the main barriers faced by Bolivian and Brazilian forest authorities in implementing forest concession on the scale initially planned. The studies required a mapping of the property rights regimes over forest and forest resources as well as a theoretical approach of economic sociology. This approach, which provides elements to evaluate the process of social market construction, is dependent upon four essential factors: property rights, governance structures, rules of exchange and conceptions of control. The political-cultural approach emphasizes the historic perspective of the markets to understand the role of dominant groups and challengers in action arenas. It also considers the participation of social actors like governments, firms and consumers, among others, and their incentives for cooperative actions based on the cognitive ties that bind them. This empiric study focused on each country's geographically-delimited regions of Amazon: in the Bolivian lowlands region and in the Brazilian Cuiabá-Santarém Highway (namely BR-163). That's because they are the main targets for forest concession implementation. We show in this study that under a tenure uncertainty scenario, in which there are battles for territorial pieces and political alliances are forged that prefer other land use (and forests uses also) patterns the forest concessions implementation on a large scale will be jeopardized in these territories. ; Les forêts (tempérées et tropicales) couvrent près de quatre milliards d'hectares de la planète (FAO, 2005, 2009). On estime que la plupart de ces forêts (75%) sont dans le domaine publique et sont administrées par les gouvernements nationaux, locaux ou régionaux (RRI et OIBT, 2009). Dans plusieurs pays, développés et en voie de développement, la concession forestière est un moyen d'accorder et de règler les droits de propriété sur ces forêts publiques (Gray, 2000, 2002, White et Martin, 2002). La concession est un acte juridique pris par une autorité publique qui attribue à une personne privée, un droit d'utilisation ou un privilège (FAO, 1999, p.8). Dans la législation brésilienne, ainsi que dans le droit français, cette définition comprend également l'idée que l'acte de concession porte sur la délégation des droits et des devoirs du gouvernement à un agent privé. Cette relation est médiatisée par un contrat et implique la nécessité d'un paiement pour le concessionnaire (Karsenty, 2007, Brésil, 2006). Au niveau international, les plus anciennes expériences de concessions forestières sont dans les pays de l'Afrique (de l'ouest et centrale). Dans ces régions, les études montrent l'adoption du modèle depuis la fin du XIXe siècle (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2001). On estime qu'il y a environ 55 millions d'hectares de forêts publiques affectés dans six pays de la région d'Afrique centrale (Cameroun, Gabon, Congo, République Démocratique du Congo, la République Centrafricaine et Guinée Equatoriale) (Karsenty, 2007). En Asie, les concessions forestières couvrent 69 millions d'hectares. Sur ce total, 38 millions d'hectares sont situés en Indonésie (Gray, 2002, RRI, 2008, l'OIBT, 2005). Dans ce pays, les concessions sont devenues la principale méthode de répartition des droits sur les forêts pendant le régime de Suharto (Singer, 2009). Dans les forêts tropicales d'Amérique, les études rapportent l'existence de concessions sur une surface de 34 millions d'hectares de forêts (OIBT, 2005). Ces zones sont au Suriname, au Guyana, au Venezuela et au Guatemala (avec une prédominance des concessions aux communautés et seulement deux concessions industrielles), la Colombie, la Bolivie et le Pérou. Récemment, le Brésil, a adopté ce modèle pour gérer une partie de ses forêts publiques. L'évaluation globale de la mise en oeuvre du système est d'environ 158 millions d'hectares dans le cas des forêts tropicales. Par rapport aux forêts tempérées, les zones avec les plus grandes surfaces sur concession sont au Canada. Bien qu'étant l'un des principaux moyens d'attribuer les droits de propriété sur les forêts, un vif débat politique et académique persiste sur les avantages et les inconvénients de cette option (Hardner et Rice, 2000, Gray, 2002, Boscolo et Vincent, 2000, Karsenty et al., 2008). En dépit de l'investissement et de soutiens internes et externes, la Bolivie et le Brésil ont rencontré des difficultés à poursuivre la mise en oeuvre des concessions. La Bolivie a mené ses réformes juridiques et mis en oeuvre quelques concessions à la fin des années 90. Le Brésil, après deux tentatives avortées (dans les années 70 et au début de 2000) a reussi à faire des réformes et adopter une nouvelle loi sur la gestion forestière, y compris l'établissement de concessions, en 2006 (gouvernement de Luis Inacio Lula da Silva). Le plan initial du gouvernement bolivien était d'en affecter 22 millions ha principalement pour la production de bois. Cependant, sur cette même zone, les peuples indigènes ont déjà revendiqué une surface d'environ 20 millions ha pour la démarcation de leurs Terres Communautaires D'Origine (TCO). Selon les données officielles, en 2007 les concessions forestières attribuées aux industries de la Bolivie totalisaient un peu plus de 5 millions ha (attribués en une seule fois, en 1997, sans appel d'offre concurrentiel). Les concessions communautaires totalisaient un peu plus de 600.000 ha. En outre, les permis de déboiser dans les forêts privées se sont accrus et la délimitation des Terres Communautaires D'Origine a progressé. Au Brésil, les objectifs initiaux de l'attribution des concessions étaient ambitieux. Depuis 2002, le Programme Forestier National (PNF) a voulu étendre la surface sur l'amenagement forestier en Amazonie brésilienne comme stratégie pour combattre l'accroissement du déboisement. Au début des années 2000, l'objectif était d'atteindre une superficie de 15 millions ha sous gestion durable des forêts en Amazonie jusqu'à 2010. Une partie de cette zone était située dans les forêts nationales déjà classées. D'autres parties étaient dans les terres publiques couvertes par des forêts, mais souvent déjà occupées (terras devolutas da União e dos Estados). À la fin de 2009, le total des concessions forestières au Brésil s'élève à 96.000 ha de forêt attribués à trois entreprises dans une Forêt Nationale dans l'Etat de Rondonia. Au début de 2010 un deuxième et un troisième appel d'offre ont été lancés. Ces appel d'offre comprenait une surface d'environ 480.000 ha dans deux Forêts Nationales dans l'État du Pará. Face à cette situation de difficile application de la politique de concessions forestières dans les deux pays, ce travail demande: pourquoi la politique de concessions forestières en Bolivie et au Brésil, malgré les attentes et des investissements significatifs, est-elle si peu avancée par rapport aux objectifs de la mise en oeuvre prévue dans les deux pays? Le travail a impliqué la mobilisation de deux approches théoriques et méthodologiques. La première d'entre elles était l'application de la matrice d'analyse des modes d'appropriation et gestion du foncier et des ressources forestières. Cet outil , résulte de la réunion de deux cadres analytiques principalement de la contribution de Schlager et Ostrom (1992), et du travail d'un anthropologue du droit, Etienne Le Roy (1996). L'utilisation de la matrice a permis de réaliser une cartographie des modes d'appropriation et de gestion des forêts et un aperçu de la gamme des acteurs qui possèdent ou revendiquent des droits d'occupation et d'utilisation dans les deux études de cas. En complément, l'approche politique-culturelle, développée par le sociologue américain Neil Fligstein (1990, 1996, 2001) a fourni un cadre permettant de discerner l'organisation sociale de production de bois dans les deux cas étudiés et de trouver les acteurs et les dynamiques des groupes en compétition pour le territoire de l'Amazonie. Ce cadre théorique a permis également d'envisager comment ces acteurs mettent en forme les droits de propriété, les structures de gouvernance, les règles d'échange et les conceptions de contrôle qui régissent les relations sociales dans ces territoires. La conclusion principale de ce travail est que les gouvernements n'ont pas assez pris en compte la diversité des acteurs qui occupent, historiquement, le territoire forestier de la Bolivie et du Brésil. La modestie des réalisations en matière de développement des concessions est due aux meilleures compétences sociales et à la plus grande force politique des acteurs qui se positionnent contre le nouveau régime de concessions. Ainsi, ces acteurs cherchent à défendre leurs intérêts et à assurer leur position tandis que les acteurs favorables (les "challengers") ne sont pas assez fort politiquement pour changer le statu quo en ce qui concerne la manière d'occupation, d'utilisation et de gestion des terres forestières.
Inhaltsangabe: Einleitung: Die Händler im deutschen Textileinzelhandel stehen heutzutage vor dem Problem sinkender Margen und Absätze. Die Konsumausgaben der Verbraucher für Bekleidung und Textilien im Einzelhandel sind weiterhin rückläufig. Dieses Verhalten schlägt sich auch in einer ständig sinkenden Frequentierung der Kaufstätten nieder. So könnten die Kunden eine allgemeine Wertschätzung des Handels vermissen, oder die fachliche Beratung vor Ort durch den Verkäufer. Enttäuscht treten sie den Rückzug an, oder flüchten sich zur Konkurrenz. Neben der Bekleidung gibt es schließlich auch andere Suchgüter, wie z.B. Fernseher oder Möbel, die den Geltungsnutzen auf Prestige-, sozialer-, und ich-bezogener Ebene genauso gut, bzw. sogar besser befriedigen. Wenn in fast allen Branchen die Verbraucherpreisindizes steigen und Löhne und Gehälter stagnieren, wird bei der Bekleidung zuerst gespart. Daneben findet eine Verschiebung in der Wettbewerbsstruktur statt. Manche Händler machen sich die Vorwärts- oder Rückwärtsintegration der Handelsstufe zu Nutze, eine Wachstumsstrategie, die im Fashion-Handel in den letzten Jahren Wettbewerbsvorteile ermöglichte. Die strategischen Vorteile liegen in der Kontrolle von Lieferanten, Wert- und Ertragsschöpfung, sowie der Rentabilitätssicherung des Unternehmens. Bestimmte traditionelle Betriebsformenvertreter haben diese Chancen zu spät erkannt und müssen ihre Geschäftstätigkeit aufgeben. Dadurch werden Flächen frei, die von den umsatzstärksten Unternehmen aufgekauft werden. So wird die sinkende Flächenproduktivität in Deutschland weiter befeuert. Zudem drängen branchenfremde Anbieter verstärkt auf den Markt, bringen Kapazitäten ein, binden Ressourcen und fordern Marktanteile. Andere Händler nutzen entstehende Nischen, um neue Betriebsformenkonzepte auf dem Markt zu erproben. Dies alles führt zur Verschlechterung der Branchensituation. Die Sortimente sind infolgedessen besonders in Hoch- und Niedrigpreislagen ertragreich. Davon könnten namentlich Luxushersteller und Discounter der Branche profitiert haben. Für letztere sind HM und New Yorker im modischen Segment beheimatet. In Krisenzeiten besinnen sich die Konsumenten neben dem Preisvergleich auch wieder auf die Qualität der Ware und die Sicherheit von Marken. Die Mitte gewinnt demnach wieder an Bedeutung. Davon könnten auch die Markenhersteller profitieren. Durch gezielte Positionierung kann eine Marke den Eindruck von Sicherheit und damit Vertrauen in die markierte Leistung erzeugen. Die Eigenmarken des Handels stehen in direkter Konkurrenz zu den Herstellermarken im Regal. Die Markenbedeutung im Verbraucherbewusstsein schrumpft, und das könnte ein Hinweis auf die Substituierbarkeit der Produkte des textilen Einzelhandels sein. Der Preis wird von manchen Händlern sogar als Kernkompetenz hervorgehoben. Marktmitläufer kopieren die Preisstrukturen, Marketingpläne und Produkte der Marktführer. Im Gegensatz zum Marktführer ist ihr Verhalten rein defensiv. Ihr Ziel ist es, ihren Marktanteil zu halten. Hierzu zählen zum Beispiel Görgens oder KL Ruppert. Markherausforderer versuchen dem Marktführer durch aktives Auftreten Marktanteile streitig zu machen. Dies kommt vor allem durch intensive Preissenkungen oder Werbemaßnahmen zum Ausdruck. Als Beispiele wären die Vertikalen HM oder Esprit, aber auch die Filialisten Tchibo oder CA zu nennen. Die Aufwendungen einzelner Marketing-Mix-Maßnahmen richten sich nach den Handlungsabsichten des Marktführers. Aber selbst Nischenbearbeiter suchen sich von dem Marktführer nicht beachtete oder vernachlässigte Segmente aus, auf denen sie sich nach Kunde, Markt und Produkt klar abzugrenzen versuchen. Ein Unternehmensbeispiel liefert das spezialisierte Kaufhaus Breuninger. Der Marktführer nimmt demnach eine wichtige Funktion in der Branche ein, da er eine Art Orientierungshilfe für alle anderen Unternehmen ist. Im Jahr 2008 war der Marktführer im deutschen Textileinzelhandel der Arcandor-Konzern. An der Insolvenz der Arcandor AG im Juni 2009 wird deutlich, dass der Erfolg eines Unternehmens nicht nur von seiner Stellung innerhalb der Branche, sondern auch von dem Wettbewerbsumfeld abhängt. Nach der Definition des Substitutionswettbewerbs tritt die Form des Marken-Segment-Wettbewerbs ein. Anbieter ähnlicher Preisstrukturen und Produkte konkurrieren um den gleichen Kundenkreis. Vor dem Hintergrund veränderter Konsumgewohnheiten und einer Verschiebung der Wettbewerbsstruktur im Textileinzelhandel könnten sich die Branchenverhältnisse in den nächsten Jahren vollständig revidieren. Eine Identifikation der wichtigsten Händler und ihrer Strategien sehe ich deshalb als bedeutend an. 1.1, Aufgabenstellung: Diese Arbeit soll den Textileinzelhandel in Deutschland analysieren. Im Fokus der Betrachtung stehen die wichtigsten Händler und ihre Strategien. Zu diesem Zweck werden die 40 größten Textileinzelhändler in Deutschland 2008 aus der TW-Größtenlisten entnommen. Dann werden die Unternehmen in einem Diagramm auf den zwei Achsen 'Fashion-Segmente' und 'Betriebsformen' eingeordnet und positioniert. Diese Einteilung liefert einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Systematisierung der Händler und ihrer Marktsegmente. Eine solche Vorgehensweise ist mir im deutschsprachigen Raum bisher nicht bekannt. Hierdurch wird zudem ein wesentlicher Grundstein für die weitere Untersuchung der Strategien gelegt. Weiterhin liefert es eine verbesserte Visualisierung über die Händler und ihre Positionierung. 1.2, Ablauf der Untersuchung: Um ein besseres Verständnis des Handels, insbesondere des Handels mit Textilien, zu erlangen, ist eine theoretische Abhandlung notwendig. Kapitel 2.1 beschäftigt sich deshalb mit den Handelstheorien, bezogen auf die Branche. Im Abschnitt 2.2 wird die Rolle des Textileinzelhandels im Gesamthandel definiert. Hierzu findet einen Abgrenzung zu allen angrenzenden Gebieten statt. Dieser Abschnitt endet mit der institutionellen Organisation des Textileinzelhandels. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf der Betriebsformensystematik. Abschnitt 2.3 beschäftigt sich mit den Wettbewerbern des Bekleidungshandels in Deutschland. Hierzu werden die Phasen von der Entwicklung bis zum fertigen Produkt und dem Versand an den Kunden anhand des Wertschöpfungskettenansatzes nach Porter dargestellt. Des Weiteren wird auf die grundlegenden Strategien des Textileinzelhandels eingegangen und mögliche Segmentierungs- und Positionierungsstrategien der Unternehmen vorgestellt. Kapitel 3 handelt von der Entwicklung des textilen Marktes in Deutschland. Der Fokus wird auf Neuerungen und Aktivitäten des letzten Jahrtausends gelegt. Im vierten Abschnitt wird die Ist-Situation im Markt analysiert. Es wird hierbei vor allem auf die veränderten Sortimente bei zunehmender Fläche eingegangen. Eine anschließende Größenuntersuchung des Marktes dient zur Beantwortung der Frage einer Marktkonzentration. Zudem wird das Trading-Up als möglicher Ausweg aus der Misere vorgestellt und anschließend real beobachtete Reaktionen in der Praxis beurteilt. Im fünften Abschnitt wird der Einfluss von Marken thematisiert. Dazu werden zunächst die Begriffe des Markenmanagements im Handel bestimmt. Die im Handel üblichen Formen 'Handelsmarke' und 'Betriebsformenmarken' werden anschließend systematisiert und real beobachtete Anwendungen thematisiert. Anschließend werden Handels- und Betriebsformenmarken im Systemwettbewerb gegenübergestellt und aus Verbrauchersicht bewertet. Zum Abschluss wird ein Ausblick über die aktuellen Herausforderungen an die Händler im Textileinzelhandel gegeben. Kapitel 6 beschäftigt sich zunächst mit der Sortimentsabgrenzung im Allgemeinen. Anschließend wird die Sortimentsstruktur im deutschen Textileinzelhandel nach Umsätzen in besonderen Branchen und im Bekleidungsfachhandel untersucht. Um eine Vorstellung über die Verteilung der Umsätze zu bekommen, folgt in Abschnitt 6.3 eine Breitenuntersuchung des Warenangebots im Handel. Wie ein Händler in der Modebranche sein Sortiment festlegt, wird in Abschnitt 6.4 geklärt. Dazu folgt ein Praxisbeispiel eines Unternehmens, das in der Sortimentsplanung und Sortimentsgestaltung Avant-Garde ist. Letztendlich wird, ähnlich im Kapitel Marken, eine sortimentsbezogene Untersuchung der öffentlichen Meinung über Produkte im Fashion-Handel unternommen. Im siebten Kapitel wird der Einfluss vonäußeren Rahmenbedingungen auf den Preis und Kaufverhalten untersucht. Die Steuerung des Kaufverhaltens wird durch psychographische, sozio-demographische und verhaltensorientierte Faktoren gestützt. Anschließend werden relevante Verbrauchersegmente der Branche im Abschnitt 7.2 vorgestellt. Neben den 'Smart-Shopper', tritt der 'Trust-Shopper' in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung. Abschnitt 7.3 schließt mit bestimmten Zielgruppen ab. Männer und Kinder könnten demnach in Zukunft als Käuferschicht wichtiger werden. Die Preispolitik der Händler wird im achten Kapitel behandelt. Dazu werden zunächst im Abschnitt 8.1 und 8.2 Preissegmente und Preisstrategien der Unternehmen vorgestellt. Im Anschluss daran wird die Preisentwicklung im Modemarkt analysiert. So könnten die Lebenshaltungskosten einen Einfluss auf die Verbraucherpreisindizes haben. Abschnitt 9.1 beginnt mit der veränderten Unternehmenslandschaft seit Anbeginn der vertikalen Anbieter. Folglich wird der vertikale Ansatz vom traditionellen Modell abgegrenzt. Kapitel 9.3 liefert ein partiell integriertes Praxisbeispiel des vertikalen s.Oliver. Weiterhin wird die kulturelle Komponente der vertikalen Konzepte in Deutschland gegenüber dem Ausland abgegrenzt. In Abschnitt 9.5 wird die kulturelle Komponente wieder aufgegriffen. Thema ist hier die Internationalisierung des spanischen Inditex-Konzerns. Schließlich wird in Kapitel 10 die Zukunft der Branche besprochen. Zunächst wird eine Prognose für die Betriebsformen im textilen Einzelhandel erstellt. Danach folgt eine Aussicht auf die Rahmenbedingungen des Handels. In Abschnitt 10.3 wird auf geplante Maßnahmen des Handels und seiner Aktivitäten eingegangen. Die Sortimente und Preislagen in Zukunft bestimmen die Schlusskapitel.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: Abbildungsverzeichnis8 Tabellenverzeichnis10 1.Einleitung11 1.1Aufgabenstellung13 1.2Ablauf der Untersuchung13 2.Der Textileinzelhandel in Deutschland16 2.1Handelstheorien16 2.1.1Betriebsformendynamik nach Nieschlag16 2.1.2Lebenszyklusmodell18 2.2Rolle des Textileinzelhandels20 2.2.1Textilien und Bekleidung21 2.2.2Abgrenzung zur Bekleidungsindustrie21 2.2.3Abgrenzung zum Großhandel22 2.2.4Institutionelle Organisation des Textileinzelhandels23 2.3Wettbewerber des Bekleidungshandels in Deutschland31 2.3.1Aufgaben und Funktionen der Händler31 2.3.2Strategiemuster des Vertriebs34 2.3.2.1Gegenüberstellung der wichtigsten Modelle34 2.3.2.2Auftretende Formen der Vertikalisierung in der Praxis35 2.3.3Marktsegmentierung38 2.3.3.1Grundlagen zur Marktsegmentierung38 2.3.3.2Zielgruppensegmentierung als Basis der Positionierung39 2.3.3.3Integrativer Ansatz von Meffert zur Marktführerschaft39 3.Entwicklung des Textilmarktes in Deutschland40 4.Marktsituation im Bekleidungseinzelhandel43 4.1Zur Lage der Textilsortimente44 4.2Problematik des Flächenwachstums im deutschen Handel45 4.3Handelsaktivitäten im Zuge der Flächenexpansion46 4.4Größenstruktur der Branche47 4.4.1Verdrängungs- oder Vernichtungswettbewerb?49 4.4.2Trading-Up und Trading-Down51 4.5Eintritt neuer Betriebsformen in den Fashionhandel53 4.5.1Eintritt branchenfremder Unternehmen54 4.5.1.1Analyse der Branchensituation im Textileinzelhandel55 4.5.1.2Branchenfremde in der Praxis:Unternehmensbeispiel Galeria Kaufhof55 4.5.2Discounter57 4.5.2.1Entwicklung des Discounthandels für Mode57 4.5.2.2Modediscounter in der Praxis: Unternehmensbeispiel KiK58 4.5.3Internet und Multi-Channel-Handel60 4.5.3.1Online-Handel als eigenständiges Geschäftsmodell60 4.5.3.2Umgestaltung des Versandhandels durch Mehrkanalanbieter62 4.5.3.3Multi-Channel-Händler in der Praxis: Unternehmensbeispiel Lascana63 4.5.3.4Abschließende Bewertung des Multikanal-Handels65 5.Marken66 5.1Systematisierung der Marke im Bekleidungseinzelhandel66 5.1.1Handelsmarke67 5.1.1.1Klassifikation real beobachteter Handelsmarken68 5.1.1.2Konstitutive Merkmale von Handelsmarken68 5.1.2Betriebstypenmarken im Bekleidungseinzelhandel70 5.1.2.1Klassifikation real beobachteter Betriebstypenmarken70 5.1.2.2Konstitutive Merkmale der Betriebstypenmarke70 5.2Handels- und Betriebsformenmarken im Systemwettbewerb71 5.2.1Messung der öffentlichen Markenwahrnehmung71 5.2.1.1Index-Interpretation der Markenwahrnehmung71 5.2.1.2Interpretation der Markenwahrnehmung durch Ranking74 5.2.1.3Markendreiklang zur Erkundung des Verbrauchervertrauens75 5.2.2Erfolgreiche Markenführung in Deutschland77 5.2.3Bewerteter Erfolg bei der Markenführung von Handel und Hersteller78 5.3Aktuelle Herausforderungen an das Markenmanagement79 5.3.1Strategische Profilierung trotz Low Budget Marketing79 5.3.2Zur Problematik der Plagiate im Bekleidungseinzelhandel80 6.Sortimentspolitik im Fashion-Handel81 6.1Umfang und Struktur des Angebotes81 6.1.1Begriffsdefinition Sortiment81 6.1.2Art des Sortiments81 6.1.3Dimensionen der Sortimentsgestaltung81 6.2Sortimentsstruktur im deutschen Textileinzelhandel82 6.2.1Warengruppenumsätze wichtiger Branchen und Sortimente82 6.2.2Sortimentsumsatz im Bekleidungsfachhandel83 6.3Untersuchung der Sortimentsbreite im Bekleidungseinzelhandel84 6.4Festlegung des Sortiments85 6.4.1Sortimentsplanung in der Praxis: Unternehmensbeispiel Charles Vögele86 6.4.1.1Das Grundkonzept86 6.4.1.2Ablauf der Modulplanung87 6.4.1.3Abschließende Prozessbewertung87 6.5Warengruppen in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung88 6.5.1Markendreiklang im ausgewählten Warenangebot der Modehändler88 6.5.1.1DOB, Freizeitbekleidung und Jeans89 6.5.1.2Unterwäsche und Dessous90 6.5.2Einstellungen zu Marken und Mode91 7.Kaufverhalten93 7.1Äußere Rahmenbedingungen für Preise und Kaufverhalten93 7.1.1Stimmungsschwankungen in den letzten 60 Jahren93 7.1.2Sozio-demographische Einflussfaktoren94 7.1.2.1Einkommen und Verbrauch von Bekleidung94 7.1.2.2Konsumstarke Verbraucherschichten im Textileinzelhandel96 7.1.2.3Zum Phänomen des Verlustes der Mitte97 7.1.3Verhaltensorientierte Faktoren98 7.1.3.1Akkumulatoren des Konsumrückgangs98 7.1.3.2Konsumverhalten in Krisenzeiten98 7.1.4Psychografische Faktoren99 7.1.4.1Treiber der Konsumgewohnheiten100 7.1.4.2Einfluss ökologischer Faktoren auf den Kauf von Bekleidung100 7.2Verbrauchersegmente102 7.2.1Schnäppchenjäger103 7.2.2Smart Shopper104 7.2.3Trust Shopper104 7.2.4Qualitätskäufer105 7.3Rollenverhalten und Gesellschaft im Bekleidungseinzelhandel107 7.3.1Gewichtung des Mannes als Zielgruppe107 7.3.2Kinder als Zielgruppe110 8.Preispolitik der Fashion-Händler111 8.1Preissegmente im modischen Einzelhandel111 8.2Preisstrategien der Retail-Händler111 8.3Entwicklung des Preises im Modemarkt112 8.3.1Veränderte Lebenshaltungskosten112 8.3.2Verbraucherpreisindex für ausgewählte Güter113 8.3.3Indizes für Bekleidung und Schuhe114 8.3.3.1Zur Problematik der Preiserfassung114 8.3.3.2Der Preis als Verkaufsargument für Bekleidung115 9.Vertikale Anbieter im Bekleidungsmarkt115 9.1Veränderung der Unternehmenslandschaft im Textileinzelhandel115 9.2Vertikale- und traditionelle Einzelhandelsformate im Vergleich117 9.3Partielle Integration: Unternehmensbeispiel s. Oliver118 9.3.1Unternehmensgeschichte118 9.3.2Unternehmerischer Grundauftrag119 9.3.3Unternehmensplanung120 9.3.3.1Marktsegmentierung120 9.3.3.2Marktpositionierung120 9.3.3.3Sortimentsplanungdes Händlers120 9.3.3.4Marketing und Vertrieb121 9.3.3.5Distribution und Logistik121 9.3.4Markenpolitik122 9.3.4.1Markensegmentierung122 9.3.4.2Markenpositionierung122 9.3.4.3Kommunikation des Markenimages123 9.4Kulturelle Komponente von 'fast fashion' Konzepten123 9.5Internationalisierung und Export: Unternehmensbeispiel Zara124 9.5.1Motive der Internationalisierung124 9.5.2Zielmarktbestimmung125 9.5.3Markteintrittsstrategien126 9.5.4Internationale Marketingstrategien127 10.Zukunft der Branche128 10.1Prognose für die Betriebsformen im textilen Einzelhandel128 10.2Aussicht auf die Rahmenbedingungen des Handels129 10.3Maßnahmen und Aktivitäten der Händler129 10.4Sortimente in Bewegung130 10.4.1Bewertung ausgewählter Maßnahmen130 10.4.2Entwicklung der Handelsmarken131 10.5Zukunft der Preislagen132 10.5.1Status und Luxus in der öffentlichen Meinung132 10.5.2Aktuelle Preisaktivitäten der Händler133 11.Fazit134 LiteraturverzeichnisI Anhang 1 Betriebsformen-Segment MatrixIX Anhang 2 ZusammenfassungX Anhang 3 Eidesstattliche ErklärungXIIITextprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 4.5.2.2, Modediscounter in der Praxis: Unternehmensbeispiel KiK: Als Praxisbeispiel für diesen Erfolg möchte ich den Modediscounter KiK darstellen. Wie der Abbildung 11 zu entnehmen ist, entwickelte sich die Anzahl der Filialen schneller als ihre Umsätze. Es gibt 2748 KiK-Märkte in sechs europäischen Ländern mit 18.000 Beschäftigten. Der Umsatz stieg auf geschätzte 1,55 Mrd. Euro. Im Schnitt ist KiK seit 2000 um 17% gewachsen. Obwohl erst 15 Jahre am Markt, hat sich der Discounter auf Platz 7 der größten Textileinzelhändler geschoben. Der KiK-Gründer Stefan Heinig sieht die Zukunft in knallharter Preisführerschaft. Die Auslandsexpansion seit 1998 wurde nur durch einen Rückschlag getrübt. Nach der Eröffnung der ersten KiK-Filiale in Dänemark zog sich das Unternehmen 2004 nach zweijähriger Aktivität aus diesem Markt zurück. Die Einrichtung und das Ambiente sind ist denkbar einfach gehalten. Die wenigen Spiegel sind in ein kaltes Neonlicht gebettet, Umkleiden und Klimaanlagen gibt es keine. Auch Service- und Beratungsleistungen sucht man vergebens. Es gibt viele Teilzeitkräfte und Aushilfen. Das Unternehmen präsentiert sich als Anbieter von Verbrauchstextilien. Im Sortiment befindet sich neben Bekleidung, Spielzeug und Hausrat allerlei Krimskrams. Bei KiK sind die Angebote grundsätzlich niedrigpreisig oder reduziert. Nirgendwo anders bekommt man im Textileinzelhandel Bekleidung so billig. 'Für 30 Euro komplett einkleiden', verspricht KiK seinen Kunden. Es gibt kaum Artikel über 10 Euro. Auffällig ist der hohe Anteil an Übergrößen im Sortiment. Stark ist KiK auch im preissensiblen KOB-Bereich. 60-70% des Sortiments sind Standards. Der Bestand wird monatlich geplant. Die Planung erfolgt mit bis zu 15 Monaten Vorlauf. Dies erlaubt nach eigenen Angaben eine flexible und preisgünstige Ausnutzung von Low-Season-Produktionskapazitäten. Beschafft wird über Direktimporte im Ausland, denn KiK besitzt keine eigenen Produktionsstätten. Ergänzt wird das Sortiment durch Postenware, die rund 10% des KiK-Volumens ausmacht. Beim Einkauf findet eine Lieferantenkonzentration statt. 70% der Umsätze entfallen auf 30% der Lieferanten. Vereinbarungen über längere Zeiträume werden gegen Zugeständnisse beim Preis getroffen. Diese kostengünstige Organisation ermöglicht niedrige Margen. Importware wird mit dem Schiff transportiert und Filialen im Wochenrhythmus beliefert. Auch beim Vertrieb wird gespart. Bevorzugt sind B-Lagen in der Nähe von anderen Discountern oder in Fachmarktzentren. Wenn es die Miete zulässt, auch in Innenstadtlagen. Über die Werbung baute man sich einen Bekanntheitsgrad von über 78% auf. Neben dem Sponsoring diverser Fußball-Vereine tritt der Discounter als Förderer des Boxsports und Eishockeys in Erscheinung. Medien, die bedient werden, sind Anzeigen in Tageszeitungen, Prospekte, Rundfunk und Fernsehen. Mit der Verpflichtung des Testimonial Verona Pooth endete das Bundesliga-Sponsoring im August 2009. Mit dem Slogan 'Besser als wie man denkt' ging der Discounter 2009 eine erfolgreiche Kooperation ein. Die Zusammenarbeit geht im Frühjahr 2010 in die nächste Runde. Eine Kollektion mit 22 Artikeln im Niedrigpreisbereich im Segment Accessoires wird lanciert. Als Werbeträger wird TV, Prospekt sowie das KiK-Kundenmagazin genutzt. Eine zusätzliche Verlosung von zehn Outfits soll kurzfristig Kaufanreize schaffen. 4.5.3, Internet und Multi-Channel-Handel: 4.5.3.1, Online-Handel als eigenständiges Geschäftsmodell: Entgegen der allgemeinen negativen Entwicklung der Einzelhandelsumsätze wird der Online-Handel 2009 auf rund 15,4 Mrd. Euro wachsen. Damit stieg der Online-Umsatz des Versandhandels ohne Dienstleistungen, Ticketverkäufe usw. innerhalb von zwei Jahren von 10,9 Mrd. (2007) um rund 29%. Darunter befinden sich Textil und Bekleidung mit über 5 Mrd. Euro Umsatz auf dem ersten Platz unter allen Warengruppen. Rund 53% des Versandhandel-Umsatzes werden schon über Internet abgewickelt. Engmann weist darauf hin, dass diese Erhebungsmethode hoch spekulativ ist, weil sie aus einem Stichprobenumfang auf den Jahresumsatz schließt. Weiterhin bezeichnet Engmann den Online-Handel als eigenes Geschäftsmodell. Ahlert/Große-Bölting/Heinemann hingegen bezeichnen den Online-Handel als Meta-Betriebsform, die im Wettbewerb zu den traditionellen Betriebsformen des Einzelhandels, dem stationären Handel, dem Katalogversandhandel, dem Teleshopping sowie dem ambulante Handel stehe.
Otrora la «Suiza de Oriente Próximo», el Líbano se transformó, a partir de 1975 en un paradigma de la violencia política y religiosa sectaria. El país, aparentemente destinado a ser un ejemplo de democracia y convivencia intercomunitaria en la torturada historia de la región, se vio envuelto, durante 15 años, en uno de los conflictos más complejos del Medio Oriente. ¿Cómo se explica el vertiginoso deterioro de la política libanesa a partir de 1975 y la instalación de una hobbesiana guerra de todos contra todos que se prolongó hasta 1990 y cuyas inacabables consecuencias llegan hasta 2005, con el asesinato del primer ministro Rafic Hariri, si no es que terminan manifestándose, todavía, una vez más, en las próximas elecciones parlamentarias del 7 de junio?Para tratar de desenmarañar, aunque sea someramente, lo que está sucediendo actualmente en el Líbano es necesario remontarse a la no tan lejana independencia del país. Bajo el dominio del Imperio Otomano, El Líbano y Siria formaron parte de una sola entidad política y fue la colonización francesa la que separó a aquel de ésta.En 1943, el nuevo país accedió pacíficamente a la independencia transformándose rápidamente en un modelo de sociedad tolerante en la que convivían una poderosa minoría católica –(dividida, por cierto, en diferentes ritos, maronitas, armenios y ortodoxos)- con una mayoría musulmana –(también dividida, a su vez, entre una mayoría chiíta y alauita, y un grupo de obediencia suní). A ello corresponde agregar un pequeño porcentaje de druzos que, aunque linguísticamente árabes, mantienen una identidad religiosa muy peculiar.Poseedor de una clase política sofisticada, el Líbano gozó de un sistema político estable y razonablemente democrático al punto que, hacia los años 70, Beirut era el centro financiero del Medio Oriente en virtud de las garantías que ofrecía, tanto desde el punto de vista político como financiero, a todos los capitales de la región.Es generalmente aceptado que la guerra civil de 1975 estalla como resultado de la presencia en el país de cientos de miles de refugiados palestinos que, erigiéndose en casi el 10% de la población del país, vinieron a romper el frágil equilibrio político, cultural y religioso que había primado hasta su arribo. La explicación es plausible pero la irrupción palestina no hubiese sido tan traumática si hubiese venido a incursionar en un país donde la dominación de las minorías cristianas no hubiese sido tan flagrante y la marginación de algunos grupos musulmanes tan ostensible. Hay entonces también un componente de conflictividad autóctono, estrictamente social, que se hace presente en el conflicto.Siria invade el Líbano en 1976 con la excusa de "proteger a la minoría cristiana" pero es evidente que su intención real era restablecer su presencia política en un territorio que siempre consideró como muy afín, si no es que propio, y, al mismo tiempo, crear cierto equilibrio militar dada la presencia de tropas israelíes en el sur del país. Sin embargo, los acuerdos de Taif del año 1989 acordaron la salida de todas las tropas extranjeras de territorio libanés según un calendario que tardó mucho en cumplirse totalmente, especialmente por parte de Siria.En 1992 irrumpe en la política libanesa, Rafik Hariri. Originariamente desvinculado de las familias políticas tradicionales, Hariri era una suerte de "self made man" que, nacido en una modesta familia sunita de Sidón, logró construir, durante su emigración al Golfo Pérsico, una fortuna estimada en 2.000 millones de dólares. Quizás más decisivo aún: poseía una red de amistades y contactos que tenía como cabezas, por un lado, al Presidente de Francia, Jacques Chirac y, por el otro, a la familia real saudita.El 14 de febrero del 2005 Hariri, entonces Primer Ministro, es asesinado en un atentado realizado con un coche bomba en el que mueren él y 22 personas más. Prestigioso, controvertido, capaz de impactar en el imaginario popular por su origen humilde y sus éxitos financieros y políticos, la muerte de Hariri fue un momento decisivo para la historia del Líbano moderno. En más de un sentido, su ascenso estaba estrechamente vinculado a la esperanza que generó el final de la guerra por lo que su muerte pareció simbolizar que esa esperanza estaba en peligro.Su asesinato puso en marcha un gran movimiento de protesta popular y de reivindicación nacional, bautizado "la revolución del cedro", que obligó a Siria a retirar, en algo más de un mes, sus aproximadamente 15.000 hombres del Líbano. La opinión pública libanesa y mundial culpó a los servicios de inteligencia sirios que, más que seguramente y más allá de declaraciones continúan activos en el país. Pero fue una derrota para Siria y "la revolución del cedro" se encaminó hacia una paulatina pero aún relativa normalización de la vida política del país.Un Tribunal especial para el Líbano (TSL), de carácter internacional, se formó por parte de las Naciones Unidas, como respuesta a la petición de la República Libanesa para investigar, hasta sus últimas consecuencias, el atentado que terminó con la vida del Primer Ministro Hariri. Las investigaciones avanzaron sin mucha celeridad pero, a finales de abril, fueron liberados cuatro generales libaneses -(sospechosos de simpatías pro-sirias)- a petición del Procurador Daniel Dellemare y cabeza operativa del TSL, que fundamentó su petitorio ante la "…ausencia de pruebas suficientes…".Casi simultáneamente, esta experiencia de un Líbano relativamente autónomo de su ambicioso vecino sirio recibió un buen espaldarazo de la nueva administración norteamericana. Joe Biden, el vicepresidente en persona, hizo una visita de siete horas que habia sido precedida, un mes antes, por otra Hillary Clinton: hacia 25 años que personajes del gobierno norteamericano de ese rango no visitaban el país. El mensaje de Biden fue transparente: en esta nueva etapa, los EE.UU. no están dispuestos a manifestar sus simpatías por nadie en las próximas elecciones -(cosa que no era así en el pasado)- pero eso no significa que les sea indiferente quien resulte ganador. Los EE.UU. aprecian la nueva tendencia a la autonomía del Líbano y su ayuda post electoral será proporcional al apego que el ganador demuestre a continuar en esa misma línea.El mensaje de Biden fue claro y prudente a la vez: seguiremos apoyando la soberanía y la independencia del Líbano, pero la calidad de ese apoyo dependerá de quién resulte triunfador. Al mismo tiempo, Biden deja las puertas abiertas porque, para todo observador atento de la realidad del Medio Oriente, queda inmediatamente claro que los EE.UU. también están jugando con Irán y con Siria un partido de "ligas mayores" por lo que no le era posible a Biden comprometer una posición definitiva en un pequeño país cuyo perfil definitivo deberá definirse cuando se arregle -(¡si es que ese día llega alguna vez!)- todo el tablero regional.Era entonces, en una atmósfera relativamente tranquila para los "standards" de la región, que el Líbano se preparaba para las elecciones legislativas del 7 de junio. Pero el sábado pasado, 23 de mayo, el semanario "Der Spiegel", desde Berlín, suelta una "noticia-bomba" que ha puesto en riesgo gran parte de lo avanzado hasta ahora. De acuerdo al reconocido semanario alemán, siguiendo fuentes que la publicación no revela, la liberación de los cuatro generales pro-sirios sospechosos de responsabilidad en la muerte de Rafic Hariri fue el resultado de que el tribunal TSL, presidido por Daniel Bellemare y que sesiona en Holanda en la localidad de Leidschendam, habría llegado a la conclusión que no fueron los sirios los responsables del atentado; el atentado habría sido llevado a cabo por un grupo en el que participó Abd al Maschid Ghamlusch, terrorista miembro de Hezbollah apropiadamente entrenado en Irán. Y las informaciones de las pruebas parecen bastante contundentes.Visto desde América Latina, la primera reacción es: ¿y donde está la diferencia? ¿Quien no sabe que Hezbollah es un grupo terrorista a nivel internacional, que reviste como "partido chiíta" en la política local libanesa y que responde, en proporciones difíciles de determinar, tanto a Damasco como a Teherán? El problema es que para el simple ciudadano libanés -(en especial si es musulmán y chiíta)- la noticia le trastoca todo el escenario electoral: ¿va efectivamente a votar por un partido que pudiese ser el responsable de la muerte de Hariri?El lunes siguiente a la publicación, resultó muy curiosa la reacción de todo el espectro político libanés. Mas allá de que Hezbollah puso el grito en el cielo, casi todos los demás actores de todos los bandos recibieron la noticia con total circunspección sino es que desconfianza; pro-sirios, anti-sirios, druzos, etc. todos callan o bien condenan una publicación que es visualizada como una clara tentativa de boicotear una elecciones que parecían bien encaminadas. La sombra de una nueva guerra civil comenzó a cernirse sobre el Líbano.(Artículo elaborado en base a informaciones de BBC International, L´Orient-Le Jour de Beyruth, BBC Mundo, El País de Madrid y Le Monde)Catedrático de Ciencia PolíticaFacs - ORT- Uruguay
Aus der Einleitung: Die Ereignisse rund um die deutlich verspätete Einführung der LKW-Maut in Deutschland und die deutlich gewordenen Schwächen des mit dem Betreiberkonsortium TollCollect geschlossenen Vertrages haben das Thema 'Public Private Partnerships (Öffentlich-Private Partnerschaften)' in das Bewusstsein einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit gerückt. Insbesondere stellte sich hier konkret die Frage, ob das allgemein vertretene Postulat 'die Privatwirtschaft sei auf jeden Fall leistungsfähiger und kostengünstiger als der Öffentliche Dienst' noch bestehen bleiben kann und wie gut sich der öffentliche Partner einer PPP über vertragliche Regelungen gegen vom privaten Partner verursachte Misserfolge schützen und seine gerechtfertigten finanziellen Ansprüche verfolgen kann. Während das plakative Thema 'Maut-Chaos' über viele Monate den deutschen Blätterwald beherrschte, blieb in der deutschen Öffentlichkeit relativ unbeobachtet, dass zunächst auf Seiten einzelner Bundesländer (z.B. Nordrhein-Westfalen ab Oktober 2001) und dann auch auf der Seite der Bundesverwaltung (ab November 2004) sog. Task Forces PPP gegründet wurden, die die Nutzung des Instrumentes Öffentlich-Private Partnerschaften im Rahmen der Verwaltungsmodernisierung verstärkt vorantreiben sollen. In Nordrhein-Westfalen waren es die Kommunen als hauptsächliche Träger von Investitionen in die öffentlicher Infrastruktur, die mit Unterstützung der Landesregierung erste Pilotprojekte durchführten. Das Konstrukt PPP als dritter Weg zwischen konventioneller Selbsterstellung durch den öffentlichen Dienst und Privatisierung vormals öffentlicher Dienstleistungen ist allerdings keine deutsche Erfindung. In Europa auf diesem Gebiet seit langem führend ist Großbritannien, wo die damalige konservative Regierung bereits 1992 die sog. Private Finance Initiative (PFI) als Möglichkeit, öffentliche Aufgaben durch private Partner planen, bauen, (vor)-finanzieren und betreiben zu lassen, entwickelte. Allerdings machte erst die seit 1997 amtierende Labour-Regierung verstärkt von dem neuen Instrument Gebrauch. Die beiden Regionen Nordrhein-Westfalen und Schottland wurden ausgewählt, weil erstere zu den deutschen Bundesländern gehört, die das Thema PPP in Deutschland offensiv vorantreiben, und zweitere, weil das Instrument dort bereits seit etwa einem Jahrzehnt angewendet wird und dementsprechend viele – sowohl positive als auch negative – Erfahrungen vorliegen. Ganz aktuell haben die Regierungen beider Regionen Ende Januar 2005 einen Aktionsplan über eine intensivierte Zusammenarbeit unterschrieben, die im Themenfeld 'Verwaltungsmodernisierung' auch die Nutzung des 'großen Erfahrungsvorsprungs Schottlands bei PPP-Modellen' berücksichtigen soll. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, im komparativen Vergleich zwischen den beiden Europäischen Regionen Nordrhein-Westfalen und Schottland darzustellen, welche Argumente aus politisch-rechtlicher aber insbesondere auch aus finanzpolitischer Sicht dafür bzw. dagegen sprechen könnten, das Instrument PPP/PFI verstärkt zur Lösung der finanziellen Probleme Europäischer Regionen heranzuziehen. Hierbei ist insbesondere auch zu berücksichtigen, dass die Regierungen der Europäischen Regionen unter Einwirkung verschiedener politischer Einflüsse (Stichwort: Mehrebenensystem des Regierens in Europa) agieren müssen und ihre Haushalte daher auch aus verschiedenen Quellen finanziert werden. Weiterhin soll die Arbeit darstellen, ob es – sofern man sich dafür entscheidet – unter den verschiedenen Varianten von PPP/PFI eine aus Sicht der finanziellen Belastung der öffentlichen Haushalte günstigere Variante gibt, weil sie die sich aus einer PPP möglicherweise ergebenden Gewinne nicht auf private Anteilseigner aufteilt, sondern diese wieder in den Haushalt des öffentlichen Partners reinvestiert (sog. Non-Profit Distributing Organisation / NPDO). Die Masterarbeit definiert zunächst den Begriff PPP und dessen häufigste Variante PFI. Nach einer Beschreibung der verfassungsrechtlichen und finanzpolitischen Besonderheiten der beiden Regionen und einer Darstellung der Beziehungen zwischen EU-Ebene und regionaler Ebene, geht sie auf den Vergleich der Implementierung des Instrumentes PPP/PFI in Nordrhein-Westfalen und Schottland ein. Dabei werden die Argumente der jeweiligen Protagonisten (Regierungen, Parlamente, Parteien, Gewerkschaften, Beratungsunternehmen, Rechnungshöfe) ausgewertet. Aus den gemachten Erfahrungen in beiden Regionen wird eine Aussage abgeleitet, ob und wenn ja, in welchen Fällen, PPP/PFI die Haushaltsprobleme Europäischer Regionen lösen können und welche Variante von PPP/PFI die für den Steuerzahler günstigste sein kann. Im Einzelnen wird in Kapitel 1 definiert, was unter den Begriffen PPP und PFI zu verstehen ist und welche weiteren Varianten von PPP existieren, die jedoch im Rahmen dieser Masterarbeit nicht näher behandelt werden. Kapitel 2 beinhaltet eine verfassungsrechtliche Darstellung der beiden Europäischen Regionen und die Auswirkungen, die sich hieraus für die jeweilige Haushaltssituation ergeben. Der Begriff 'Region' wird dabei sowohl für Schottland als auch Nordrhein-Westfalen – ungeachtet der staatsrechtlichen Stellung eines deutschen Bundeslandes – verwendet und ist im Sinne des statistischen Begriffes der NUTS1-Region zu verstehen. In diesem Zusammenhang wird auch verdeutlicht, wie groß die jeweilige Einflussnahme durch den Zentralstaat (in Schottland) bzw. den Bundesstaat (in Nordrhein-Westfalen) ist. In Kapitel 3 wird dargestellt, welche Bedeutung die Regionen in Europa in Bezug auf die EU-Ebene haben, welchen Einfluss sie über den Ausschuss der Regionen nehmen können und wie sie über Struktur- und Regionalbeihilfen unter Umgehung der nationalen Ebene durch die EU (teil)-finanziert werden. Auch der Zusammenhang zwischen EU-Politiken und PPP wird hier erklärt. In Kapitel 4 werden die politisch-institutionellen, rechtlichen und organisatorischen Rahmenbedingungen für PPP/PFI in beiden Regionen und deren Auswirkungen auf dieses Modell beschrieben. Der britische Public Sector Comparator (PSC) als dort allgemein verwendeter Wirtschaftlichkeitsmaßstab wird kurz erläutert. Kapitel 5 gibt einen kurzen historischen Überblick über die Strategie der Einführung und Umsetzung von PPP/PFI in beiden Regionen, während in Kapitel 6 die realisierten und geplanten PPP/PFI auf regionaler und kommunaler Ebene dargestellt werden und ihre quantitative Bedeutung für die jeweiligen – insbesondere kommunalen – Haushalte herausgearbeitet wird. Die umfangreiche Diskussion der Vor- und Nachteile von PPP/PFI durch die jeweiligen Protagonisten wird in Kapitel 7 behandelt. Naturgemäß ist hier der Anteil, den die Diskussion in Schottland einnimmt bzw. eingenommen hat, aufgrund des deutlich längeren Erfahrungshorizontes, größer. Kapitel 8 würdigt schließlich die Geeignetheit von PPP/PFI zur Lösung der Finanzprobleme Europäischer Regionen kritisch und zieht Schlussfolgerungen, ob dieses Instrument zur Lösung der Finanzprobleme europäischer Regionen angewendet werden sollte.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Inhaltsverzeichnis: 0.Einführung1 1.Was verbirgt sich hinter den Begriffen Public Private Partnership (PPP) und Private Finance Initiative (PFI)?3 1.1Definition der Begrifflichkeiten3 1.1.1Public Private Partnership (PPP)3 1.1.2Private Finance Initiative (PFI)4 1.1.3Non-Profit Distributing Organisation (NPDO)4 1.1.4Weitere PPP-Varianten6 1.2Welche Ziele werden mit PPP/PFI angestrebt?7 2.Verfassungsrechtliche Stellung der Regionen Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen8 2.1Verfassungsrechtliche Stellung und Finanzsituation Schottlands und seiner Kommunen8 2.2Verfassungsrechtliche Stellung und Finanzsituation Nordrhein-Westfalens und seiner Kommunen12 2.3Vergleich von verfassungsrechtlicher Stellung und finanzpolitischer Strukturen in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen einschließlich der jeweiligen Kommunen16 3.Bedeutung der Regionen in Europa im Hinblick auf die EU-Ebene18 3.1Einflussnahme verschiedener Politikebenen auf die Regionen Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen18 3.1.1Einflussnahme von EU und britischer Zentralregierung auf Schottland18 3.1.2Einflussnahme von EU und deutscher Bundesregierung auf Nordrhein-Westfalen19 3.2Einflussnahme Schottlands und Nordrhein-Westfalens auf die jeweilige Europapolitik ihrer Staaten20 3.2.1Mitwirkungsmöglichkeiten Schottlands bei der britischen Europapolitik20 3.2.2Mitwirkungsmöglichkeiten Nordrhein-Westfalens bei der deutschen Europapolitik21 3.2.3Mitwirkung Schottlands und Nordrhein-Westfalens im Ausschuss der Regionen (AdR) und bei der Konferenz der Regionen mit Gesetzgebungsbefugnissen (RegLeg)22 3.3Einflussnahme der verschiedenen Politikebenen auf Finanzierungsmodelle wie PPP/PFI23 4.Politisch-Institutionelle, rechtliche und organisatorische Rahmenbedingungen für PPP/PFI24 4.1Rahmenbedingungen der Einführung von PPP/PFI in Schottland24 4.2Rahmenbedingungen der Einführung von PPP/PFI in Nordrhein-Westfalen25 4.3Vergleich der politisch-institutionellen, rechtlichen und organisatorischen Rahmenbedingungen in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen26 5.Einführung und Umsetzung von PPP/PFI in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen27 5.1PPP/PFI in Schottland27 5.2PPP/PFI in Nordrhein-Westfalen29 5.3Vergleich der Einführungs- und Umsetzungsszenarien in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen31 6.Umfang realisierter und geplanter PPP/PFI auf der jeweiligen regionalen und kommunalen Ebene32 6.1Finanzielle Bedeutung von PPP/PFI für die regionalen und kommunalen Haushalte in Schottland32 6.2Finanzielle Bedeutung von PPP/PFI für die regionalen und kommunalen Haushalte in Nordrhein-Westfalen34 6.3Einfluss von PPP/PFI auf die Haushalte in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen36 7.Bewertung der Vor- und Nachteile von PPP/PFI in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen37 7.1Bewertung der Vor- und Nachteile von PPP/PFI aus jeweiliger Regierungssicht37 7.2Haltungen der Parteien in Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen zu PPP/PFI39 7.3Behandlung der Vor- und Nachteile von PPP/PFI in den jeweiligen Parlamenten und deren Ausschüssen42 7.4Bewertung der Vor- und Nachteile von PPP/PFI aus Sicht der jeweiligen Gewerkschaften des öffentlichen Dienstes44 7.5Einschätzung von Vor- und Nachteilen von PPP/PFI durch Beratungsunternehmen, Banken und Unternehmerverbände47 7.6Beurteilung der Wirtschaftlichkeit von PPP/PFI durch die jeweiligen Rechnungshöfe50 7.7Erfahrungen mit PFI-Projekten in Schottland54 8.Geeignetheit der Instrumente PPP bzw. PFI, um die Finanzprobleme der Europäischen Regionen Schottland und Nordrhein-Westfalen zu lösen57Textprobe:Textprobe: Kapitel 4, Politisch-Institutionelle, rechtliche und organisatorische Rahmenbedingungen für PPP/PFI: Sowohl die Mitgliedstaaten als auch ihre Regionen müssen europäisches Recht bei der Vergabe öffentlicher Aufträge zwingend beachten. Die Europäische Kommission hat im Bereich des öffentlichen Vergaberechts bereits auf die Verbreitung von PPP reagiert; sie hat hierzu ein innovatives Vergabeverfahren eingeführt, das eigens auf die Vergabe 'besonders komplexer Aufträge' und somit auf bestimmte Formen von PPP zugeschnitten ist. Dieses neue Verfahren, das als 'wettbewerblicher Dialog' bezeichnet wird, ermöglicht den öffentlichen Stellen, mit den Bewerberunternehmen Gespräche zu führen, um die am besten geeigneten Lösungen zu ermitteln. Zuvor war häufig das Verhandlungsverfahren nach Artikel 7 Absatz 2 der Richtlinie 93/37/EWG gewählt worden. Dieses ist jedoch nur ausnahmsweise zulässig und nicht für Fälle gedacht, in denen solche Unwägbarkeiten auftreten wie etwa Probleme mit der vorherigen Preisfestlegung aufgrund der Tatsache, dass die rechtliche und finanztechnische Konstruktion sehr komplex ist. Das neu eingeführte Verfahren des wettbewerblichen Dialogs nach Richtlinie 2004/18/EG wird dann eingeschlagen, wenn der öffentliche Auftraggeber objektiv nicht in der Lage ist, die für seinen Auftrag und seine Ziele geeigneten technischen Mittel zu bestimmen, oder wenn er objektiv nicht in der Lage ist, ein Projekt rechtlich und/oder finanztechnisch zu konzipieren. Das Verfahren gewährleistet, dass die Erörterung sämtlicher Auftragsaspekte mit den Bewerbern im Verlauf der Definitionsphase ausreichend flexibel verlaufen kann. Rahmenbedingungen der Einführung von PPP/PFI in Schottland: Der Schwerpunkt der schottischen Regionalregierung liegt ebenso wie der der britischen Regierung in der Förderung des Öffentlichen Dienstes. Dabei übernahm sie den gleichen pragmatischen Kurs bei der Nutzung privater Finanzierung. Den Empfehlungen des Finanzausschusses des schottischen Parlaments folgend, mussten alle PPP-Verträge in Schottland Garantien von den privatwirtschaftlichen Betreibern verlangen, dass die Bezahlung und die Arbeitsbedingungen der versetzten öffentlichen Angestellten nicht nachteilig beeinflusst würden. Grenzüberschreitende Rangeleien zwischen der Regierung in Edinburgh und der in London blieben selten, so dass Kritiker behaupteten, die Regionalregierung habe die Tradition des Schottland-Ministeriums, Politik-Initiativen der britischen Regierung für den schottischen Bedarf zu 'tartanisieren', weitergeführt. Während diverse Gremien und Verfahren wie zum Beispiel der Gemeinsame Ministerielle Ausschuss oder die Vereinbarung von Konkordaten zu verschiedenen Themen das enge Arbeitsverhältnis zwischen britischer Regierung und schottischer Regionalregierung erleichtern, bleibt unklar, wie Finanzstreitigkeiten gelöst würden, insbesondere bei dem in hohem Maße zentralisierten System der Überwachung öffentlicher Ausgaben und der eingeschränkten eigenen Einnahmen Schottlands. Devolution kann zwar als ein Schritt in Richtung einer föderalen Verfassung gesehen werden, aber das britische Parlament behält die höchste Staatsgewalt und somit die Zuständigkeit für die gesamtwirtschaftliche Steuerung, einschließlich Wechselkurspolitik, Geldpolitik und Finanzpolitik. Für einen unitarischen Staat typisch, wird kein Versuch unternommen, öffentliche Einnahmen und Ausgaben je Region auszugleichen: Einige Regionen tragen weniger zu den Einnahmen pro Kopf bei als andere und einige erhalten nach Maßgabe des Bedarfs Zuweisungen in größerer Höhe. Trotz Devolution gibt es, solange das Vereinigte Königreich ein Einheitsstaat bleibt, keinen Anlass die schottischen Ausgaben auf die Mittel zu beschränken, die aus Einnahmen in Schottland erzielt werden können, oder sie auf einen strikten Einwohneranteil zu stützen. Um die Wirtschaftlichkeit eines PPP/PFI-Projektes gegenüber einer konventionellen Beschaffungsvariante zu rechtfertigen, wurde in Großbritannien ein Public Sector Comparator (PSC) als fiktiver Vergleichsmaßstab entwickelt. Er bildet alle Kosten, Erlöse und Risiken der besten machbaren und finanzierbaren Projektlösung bei Erstellung durch die öffentliche Hand als Barwert ab. Dabei werden alle Kosten des Projekts (z.B. Projektentwicklung, Planung, Errichtung), die Betriebs- und Unterhaltungskosten (inkl. Abschreibungen) und die Finanzierungskosten sowie die 'übertragbaren' (z.B. Baukostenrisiko) und 'nicht übertragbaren' (z.B. Gesetzesänderungsrisiko) Risiken erfasst. Für jedes Risiko werden Kosten und Eintrittswahrscheinlichkeit gebildet; aus diesen ergibt sich ein Erwartungswert. Schließlich wird ein Barwert berechnet, indem Kosten und Risiken als Zahlungsströme über die gesamte Laufzeit des Projekts ermittelt und diskontiert werden. Abschließend wird dem berechneten PSC der Barwert der Kosten der PPP-Variante (periodische Leistungsentgelte und zurückbehaltene Risiken) gegenübergestellt. Rahmenbedingungen der Einführung von PPP/PFI in Nordrhein-Westfalen: In Nordrhein-Westfalen bestand nicht die Notwendigkeit wie in Schottland, die gleiche PPP-Politik wie die Bundes- bzw. die Zentralregierung zu verfolgen. Aufgrund des föderalen Aufbaus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland war auch nicht der Bund die treibende Kraft bei der Einführung von PPP/PFI, sondern der Anstoß hierzu kam aus Nordrhein-Westfalen. Gleichwohl ist es natürlich schon rein aus Gründen der Rechtssicherheit und Vergleichbarkeit erforderlich, in Deutschland einheitliche Maßstäbe z.B. bei der Beurteilung der Wirtschaftlichkeit von PPP/PFI einzuführen. Dieser Aufgabe hat sich das Bundesministerium für Verkehr, Bau- und Wohnungswesen im Jahre 2003 angenommen und bis zum September des Jahres einen entsprechenden Praxis-Leitfaden PPP erstellen lassen. Insofern wurde auch in Deutschland eine Kongruenz der PPP/PFI-Politiken von regionaler und zentral-/bundesstaatlicher Ebene verfolgt, nur eben nicht top-down wie in Großbritannien, sondern der föderalen Grundordnung entsprechend bottom-up. Zwar soll der Länderfinanzausgleich gleichartige Lebensverhältnisse in allen Ländern herstellen; gleichwohl bestehen deutliche Wohlstandsgefälle zwischen 'reicheren' und 'ärmeren' Bundesländern. Jedes Bundesland steht demzufolge in der Verantwortung, selbst Strategien zu entwickeln, um seine Verwaltungstätigkeit kostenoptimal zu entwickeln. Insofern besteht im föderalen System Bundesrepublik Deutschland ein deutlich größerer Anreiz als z.B. im unitarischen System Großbritannien, in dem die regionalen Budgets nach Bedarf zugewiesen werden, aus eigenem Antrieb heraus Alternativen zur bisherigen Eigenerstellung öffentlicher Aufgaben zu untersuchen und zu erproben. Zwingend erforderlich für die Anwendung alternativer Modelle wie PPP/PFI ist es aber auch in Deutschland, deren größere Wirtschaftlichkeit gegenüber der konventionellen Aufgabenwahrnehmung nachzuweisen. In Deutschland gibt es allerdings bislang noch keinen anerkannten, betriebswirtschaftlichen Kriterien genügenden Bewertungsmaßstab wie den – wenn auch nicht unumstrittenen – PSC. Auf Seiten der öffentlichen Hand in Deutschland bestehen insbesondere noch Schwierigkeiten, die für einen Wirtschaftlichkeitsvergleich relevanten Daten zu ermitteln. Als erforderlich wurde jedoch die Entwicklung und Einführung eines einheitlichen Verfahrens zum Vergleich der Wirtschaftlichkeit angesehen. Ohne einen derartigen Bewertungsmaßstab sei ein fairer Wirtschaftlichkeitsvergleich zwischen traditionellen Beschaffungen der öffentlichen Hände und PPP-Modellen nicht möglich. Entscheidend für den Wirtschaftlichkeitsvergleich ist, dass sämtliche tatsächliche Kosten des Projekts über die gesamte Lebensdauer exakt untersucht und transparent dargestellt werden. Mit der Einführung eines doppischen Rechnungswesens über das 'Neue Kommunale Finanzmanagement' soll in Nordrhein-Westfalen die Kameralistik auf kommunaler Ebene abgeschafft und eine erhebliche Verbesserung der vorhandenen Datenbasis erreicht werden. Die ausschließliche Orientierung des Wirtschaftlichkeitsvergleichs an den Finanzierungskonditionen der öffentlichen Hand führe aber zu falschen Ergebnissen, wenn der Private Projektrisiken übernehme, da die öffentliche Kreditaufnahme ohne jede Verbindung zu Projektrisiken erfolge und daher nominell günstiger sein müsse als die private Refinanzierung. Die auch bei traditioneller Realisierung vorhandenen und bislang nicht transparenten Projektrisiken müssten im Rahmen von PPP-Projekten daher gesehen werden.
Aumentar la productividad no es sólo un objetivo del gobierno sino también un reto constante del empresario, quien debe velar por la utilización más eficiente de cada uno de los recursos usados en su proceso productivo, constituyéndose esta conducta en una meta valida de los esfuerzos intelectuales y de asociación que se desarrollen en el país. Si el incremento de la productividad no se convierte en un propósito nacional, difícilmente se logrará hacer una economía más competitiva, especialmente en esta época donde el mercado externo juega papel decisivo en el desarrollo nacional. Es por esto, que el tema del presente proyecto consiste en como aumentar la productividad de las empresas de confección de la ciudad de Bucaramanga, para ser competitivas, como factor clave para el desarrollo de la región y del país. La apertura económica que desde 1991 se instauro como modelo económico para Colombia, puso a pensar a más de un empresario en los retos que debía enfrentar en el futuro inmediato. Cuando el gobierno nacional emprendió la titánica tarea de abrir las fronteras del comercio nacional internacionalizando su economía, se trataron de identificar aquellos sectores productivos que por su capacidad de respuesta a nivel de producción, calidad, generación de empleo, divisas y grado de tecnología, podían ser los puntos de lanza para iniciar el proceso de apertura. Dentro de ellos y de acuerdo con los resultados del Boston Consulting Group, el sector de la confección presentaba aceptables niveles de competitividad con base en precios y calidad de sus productos, penetración de mercados externos, buen posicionamiento a nivel internacional, y alta incidencia en la generación de empleo, pero de igual manera, adolecía en particular de tres aspectos que le restaban mejores posibilidades de crecimiento y de competitividad: carencia de recurso humano calificado en todos los niveles, falta de una infraestructura tecnológica adecuada para hacer frente a los retos de una economía abierta y ausencia de una estrategia general de promoción de las confecciones en los mercados internacionales, los cuales constituyen aún la problemática más difícil de abordar. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; INTRODUCCIÓN 1. ANÁLISIS SITUACIONAL 4 1.1 ANTECEDENTES 4 1.2 DATOS BÁSICOS DEL SECTOR DE CONFECCIONES 8 1.2.1 Número de empresas y personal ocupado. 8 1.2.2 Salarización en la industria. 8 1.2.3 Proceso productivo. 10 1.3 PARTICIPACIÓN DE LA REGIÓN EN LA INDUSTRIA NACIONAL 12 1.4 COMPETITIVIDAD DEL SECTOR 15 1.5 INDICADORES DE LA INDUSTRIA 17 1.6 ESPECIALIZACIÓN PRODUCTIVA DEL SECTOR 20 1.7 CAPACIDAD CIENTÍFICA Y TECNOLÓGICA DEL SECTOR 22 2. PRODUCTIVIDAD DEL SECTOR 25 2.1 COMPORTAMIENTO PRODUCTIVO DEL SECTOR 25 2.2 FACTORES QUE AFECTAN LA COMPETITIVIDAD 29 2.2.1 Factores macro que afectan la competitividad. 30 2.2.1.1 Política económica. 34 2.2.1.2 Política cambiaria. 37 2.2.1.3 Trámites de comercio exterior y aduaneros. 39 2.2.1.4 Servicios de transporte. 42 2.2.2 Factores micro que afectan la competitividad. 47 2.2.2.1 Costo laboral. 47 2.2.2.2 Productividad laboral. 50 2.2.2.3 Productividad, rentabilidad e intensidad del capital. 53 2.2.2.4 Retorno de la inversión y uso de los materiales. 55 3. CONCEPTOS BÁSICOS 58 3.1 CONCEPTO DE PRODUCTIVIDAD 58 3.2 MEDICIÓN DE LA PRODUCTIVIDAD 59 3.3 MEDICIONES PARCIALES DE PRODUCTIVIDAD MÁS COMUNES 60 3.3.1 Productividad de la mano de obra. 60 3.3.2 Productividad del capital. 60 3.3.3 Productividad de materiales. 60 3.4 VALOR AGREGADO 60 3.4.1 Método para calcular el valor agregado. 61 3.5 METODOLOGÍA BRÚJULA DE LA PRODUCTIVIDAD 62 3.5.1 Usos de la metodología brújula de la productividad. 62 3.5.1.1 Benchmarking. 62 3.5.1.2 Evaluación de escenarios. 63 3.5.1.3 Planeación estratégica. 63 3.5.1.4 Análisis financiero. 63 3.5.1.5 Estudios sectoriales. 63 3.5.1.6 Fijación de parámetros. 64 4. APLICACIÓN DEL MODELO DE DIAGNÓSTICO "BRÚJULA DE LA PRODUCTIVIDAD" 65 4.1 SELECCIÓN DE EMPRESAS PARA LA APLICACIÓN DEL MODELO 65 4.2 RECOPILACIÓN DE LA INFORMACIÓN 66 4.2.1 Datos financieros de las empresas. 66 4.2.2 Encuesta realizada a las empresas de confección en Bucaramanga. 69 4.2.2.1 Resumen de las encuestas. 69 4.3 CÁLCULO DE LOS INDICADORES 76 4.3.1 Indicadores de competitividad. 80 4.3.1.1 Competitividad del costo laboral. 80 4.3.1.2 Costo laboral por empleado. 81 4.3.1.3 Costo laboral unitario. 81 4.3.1.4 Costo laboral en el total de insumos. 82 4.3.2 Indicadores de productividad laboral. 82 4.3.2.1 Productividad laboral. 82 4.3.2.2 Producto por empleado. 83 4.3.3 Indicadores de productividad del capital. 83 4.3.3.1 Productividad del capital. 83 4.3.3.2 Rotación del capital. 84 4.3.4 Indicadores de intensidad del capital y rentabilidad. 84 4.3.4.1 Intensidad del capital. 84 4.3.4.2 Rentabilidad. 85 4.3.5 Indicadores de retorno de la inversión. 85 4.3.5.1 Retorno de activos. 85 4.3.5.2 Productividad total. 86 4.3.6 Indicadores del uso de los materiales. 86 4.3.6.1 Porcentaje de materiales consumidos en el total de la producción. 86 4.3.7 Otros indicadores de productividad. 87 4.3.7.1 Porcentaje laboral en el valor agregado. 87 4.3.7.2 Porcentaje de utilidad operacional en el valor agregado. 87 4.3.7.3 Eficiencia en procesos. 88 4.3.7.4 Valor agregado incorporado. 88 5. INTERPRETACIÓN DE LOS INDICADORES DE COMPETITIVIDAD Y PRODUCTIVIDAD 90 5.1 INTERPRETACIÓN DE LOS ÍNDICES 90 5.1.1 Indicadores de competitividad. 90 5.1.1.1 Competitividad del costo laboral. 90 5.1.1.2 Costo laboral por empleado. 91 5.1.1.3 Costo laboral unitario. 92 5.1.1.4 Costo laboral en el total de insumos. 93 5.1.2 Indicadores de productividad laboral. 94 5.1.2.1 Productividad laboral. 94 5.1.2.2 Producto por empleado. 95 5.1.3 Indicadores de productividad del capital. 96 5.1.3.1 Productividad del capital. 96 5.1.3.2 Rotación del capital. 97 5.1.4 Indicadores de intensidad del capital y rentabilidad. 98 5.1.4.1 Intensidad del capital. 98 5.1.4.2 Rentabilidad. 99 5.1.5 Indicadores de retorno de la inversión. 100 5.1.5.1 Retorno de activos. 100 5.1.5.2 Productividad total. 101 5.1.6 Indicadores del uso de los materiales. 102 5.1.6.1 Porcentaje de materiales consumidos en producción. 102 5.1.7 Otros indicadores. 103 5.1.7.1 Porcentaje laboral en el valor agregado. 103 5.1.7.2 Porcentaje de utilidad operacional en el valor agregado. 104 5.1.7.3 Eficiencia en procesos. 104 5.1.7.4 Valor agregado incorporado. 105 6. ANÁLISIS DE LA SITUACIÓN ACTUAL DE LAS EMPRESAS E IDENTIFICACIÓN DE LOS PROBLEMAS TIPO 107 6.1 IDENTIFICACIÓN DE LOS PROBLEMAS TIPO 107 6.2 VISIÓN GLOBAL DE LA PROBLEMÁTICA DE LAS EMPRESAS DE CONFECCIÓN DE BUCARAMANGA 109 6.3 RESUMEN Y VALORACIÓN DE PROBLEMAS 110 6.3.1 Valoración de los problemas. 110 6.3.2 Problemas de la gestión gerencial. 111 6.3.3 Problemas del área de producción y calidad. 112 6.3.4 Problemas del producto y el mercadeo. 113 6.3.5 Problemas de productividad industrial. 114 6.3.6 Problemas ocasionados por factores externos. 115 6.3.7 Problemática según indicadores. 116 7. DIAGNOSTICO 119 8. RECOMENDACIONES 120 8.1 ACCIONES INMEDIATAS 120 8.2 ACCIONES A CORTO PLAZO 122 8.3 ACCIONES A MEDIANO PLAZO 124 8.4 MATRIZ DOFA 124 8.5 CONSIDERACIONES FINALES 127 9. CONCLUSIONES 128 10. APLICACIÓN DEL MÉTODO DE LA BRÚJULA DE LA PRODUCTIVIDAD A TRAVÉS DEL BENCHMARKING 130 10.1 INTRODUCCIÓN 130 10.2 INDICADORES DE LA COMPETITIVIDAD APLICADOS A LA EMPRESA A 131 10.2.1 Indicadores de competitividad. 131 10.2.2 Indicadores de productividad. 131 10.2.3 Indicadores de productividad de capital. 132 10.2.4 Indicadores de intensidad del capital. 132 10.3 COMPARACIÓN DE LA EMPRESA "A" CON LA EMPRESA TIPO 132 10.3.1 Competitividad del costo laboral. 132 10.3.2 Costo laboral por empleado. 134 10.3.3 Costo laboral unitario. 135 10.3.4 Costo laboral en el total de insumos. 136 10.3.5 Productividad laboral. 137 10.3.6 Productividad por empleado. 138 10.3.7 Productividad de capital. 139 10.3.8 Rotación de capital. 140 10.3.9 Intensidad de capital. 141 10.3.10 Rentabilidad. 142 10.4 RECOMENDACIONES PARA LA EMPRESA A 143 10.5 CONCLUSIONES DEL ANÁLISIS PRODUCTIVO DE LA EMPRESA A 145 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 146 ANEXOS 148 ; Maestría ; Increasing productivity is not only an objective of the government but also a constant challenge for the employer, who must ensure the most efficient use of each of the resources used in his production process, constituting this conduct in a valid goal of intellectual and of association that are developed in the country. If the increase in productivity does not become a national purpose, it will be difficult to make a more competitive economy, especially at this time when the foreign market plays a decisive role in national development. This is why the subject of this project consists of how to increase the productivity of the clothing companies of the city of Bucaramanga, to be competitive, as a key factor for the development of the region and the country. The economic openness that since 1991 was established as an economic model for Colombia, made more than one businessman think about the challenges that he had to face in the immediate future. When the national government undertook the titanic task of opening the borders of national trade by internationalizing its economy, an attempt was made to identify those productive sectors that, due to their capacity to respond to the level of production, quality, generation of employment, foreign exchange and degree of technology, could be the launch points to start the opening process. Within them and according to the results of the Boston Consulting Group, the clothing sector presented acceptable levels of competitiveness based on prices and quality of its products, penetration of foreign markets, good positioning at the international level, and high incidence in the employment generation, but in the same way, it suffered in particular from three aspects that reduced it better possibilities for growth and competitiveness: lack of qualified human resources at all levels, lack of an adequate technological infrastructure to face the challenges of a open economy and absence of a general strategy to promote clothing in international markets, which are still the most difficult problem to tackle.
Contenido:1.(h.1) -Andrade de Pons, Francisco-. -Carta al Virrey del Perú, Duque de la Palata, de D. Francisco Andrade de Pons, fechada en Barcelona a 25 de abril de 1671, remitiéndole un informe adjunto sobre los Tribunalesy Ministros del Principado de Cataluña-.2.(h.14) -Voto sobre los recursos de los juros, que dio el Presidente de Hacienda, en la Junta sobre la necesidad de la Real Hacienda en la Junta sobre la necesidad de la Real Hacienda celebrada el año 1669-.3.(h.24) -Memorial de la Catedral de Valencia sobre pleitos que pusieron los beneficiados abrogándose el nombre del clero y nombrando con autoridad propia a su Procurador síndico. 4.(h. 52) -Memorial de dicho Cabildo a la Reina suplicando mande S. M. repeler la instancia de los pabordes de sus privilegios-.5.(h.56) -Gavilla de Azafra, Juan-. -Discurso de D. Juan Gavilla de Azafra sobre la jurisidicción que tiene elRey en la Orden militar de Montesa, con censura de (que precede) de D. Miguel de Barreda. 1658-.6.(h. 61) -Papel dado en Roma por parte del Rector y Beneficiados de la Parroquia de S. Miguel de los Navarros de Zaragoza para elfin de reducción de Misas en dicha iglesia-.7.(h.71) -Práctica observada desde el tiempo de S. Carlos Borromeo alas visitas entre los arzobispos y gobernadores de Milán-.8.(h.76) -Papel referente a concederse al corregidor de Madrid el concurso de Rentas Reales ajustadas con dicha villa.1691-.9. (h.78) -Varios papeles referentes a la Jurisdicción del Real Hospital de Aragón-.10. (h. 84) -Orden dada por el Conde de Chinchón en nombre del Rey parael despacho de las cosas de Montera. 17-VI-1593-.11. (h. 85) -Línea masculina deducida desde el Rey S. Luis hasta D. Melchor de Navarra y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata-.12. (h.87) -Arbissa y Navarra, Agustín de-. -Varias cartas de D. Agustín de Arbissa y Navarra al Marqués del Risco, acerca del proceso contra D. Ignacio Antillán, GuardarropaMayor del Hospital Real de Nuestra Señora de Gracia. Resumen del proceso y de las defensas del procesado.Sentencia. 1702-.13. (h.106) -Informe sobre permuta de beneficios-.14.(h.114) -Nota sobre el Consejo de Estado-.15. (h.116) -Ejemplares para la Jurisdicción voluntaria del governador de Aragón-.16. (h.124) -Navarray Rocafull, Melchor de-. -Memorial de servicios y méritosde D: Melchor de Navara y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata, suplicando le conceda S. M. el hábito de una de las tres Órdenes Militares-.14.(h.126) -López de Vides, Juan-. -Razón del mucho daño que causa en España la negociación deRoma y remedio que podría tener: Informe de Juan López de Vides, sacerdote del Reino de Navarra-.18(f134) -Informe sobre reformas de los Conventos de religiosas-.19.(h.136) -Memroial dirigido al Papa por las Carmelitas suplicándolede licencia para confesarse con religiosos o sacerdotes nocarmelitas-.20.(h.144) -Parusio, Pietro Paulo-. -Copia de una carta del Abad Pedro Paulo Parusio de Cosenza, escrita al Príncipe de Virimiarco, la noticia del descubrimientodel sepulcro del Abad Ubertino Hydruntino. 1592-.21.(h.146) -Navarro de Arrayta, Baltasar-. -Informe del Regente de Aragón (¿)Baltasar Navarro de Arrayta sobre constitución del Consejo de Aragón(¿)-.22. (f·150) -Informe sobre la Potestad Real (¿) y otro sobre los Reyes de Aragón (Parece letra del Regente Navarro de Arrayta)-.23.(h.170) -Carta de 1638 expresando las dificultades que surgían por parte de las Iglesias de Aragón en la celebración de la Junta Provincial para el subsidio y excusado-.24.(h.173) -Copia de Letras de un Comisario Apostólico para que los jurados de Teruel puedantornar de las Rentas de las Salinas de Arnillas 8000 sueldos para cosntrucción de un Convento de Carmelitas. Dificultades fundadas en derecho a esta concesión-.25.(h.193) -Pons de Castellui, Fabricio de-. -Defensa por D. Fabricio Pons de Castellui en contra los Oficiales Reales del Principado de Cataluña-.26.(h.202) -Varias sentencias dadas por los Jueces de la Real Audiencia de Cataluña en el año 1655-.27.(h. 227) -Comunicaciones dirigidas al Rey por algún personaje del Consejo de Aragón(¿) sobre el pleito del Conde Aranda y otras cuestiones degobierno-.28.(h. 249) -Olivares, Conde Duque de-. -Copiade una carta del Cardenal (¿de Aragón¿) en respuesta a otra del Conde Duque de Olivares (cuya copia viene a continuación) sobre la conveniencia de introducir en el Consejo de Castilla los del de Aragón. 1628-.29.(h. 252)Impresa: -Navarra y Rocafull, Melchor de-. -Memorialde méritos y servicios de D. Melchor de Navarra y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata, solicitando se le conceda una plaza criminal en la Real Audiencia de Zaragoza (Impreso y firmado por Francisco Randoli, Secretario de la Universidad de Salamanca. A continuación): Certificación de este último de los estudios aprobados en Salamanca, por el dicho duque-.30.(h.256) -Queja a S. M. sobre el proceder de los Inquisidores-.31.(h.257) -Carta al Regentede Aragón, D. Baltasar Navarro de Arroyta. 1630-.32.(h.259) -Voto del obispo de Zaragoza con el brazo eclesiástico-.33. (h.260) -Chirilaque de Argente, Juan-.-Informe y solicitud del Racionero Juan Chirilaque de Argente, dirigida, a D. Melchor de Navarra y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata, en 14 de julio de 1658-.34.(h.267)Impreso: -Martínez de Mota, Francisco-. -Memorial de Francisco Martínez de Mota para remediar la despoblación, la pobreza y esterilidad de España-.35.(h. 269)Impreso: -Informe sobre la conveniencia de introducir la limpieza en la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana de Zaragoza-.36.(h.273) -Copia del nombramiento de Gobernador interinode Aragón a D. Alfonso Celdrán de Alcarrey-.37. (f275.) -Resolución que tomó S. M. acerca de algunas cosas que importaban a esta Monarquía por Septiembre de 1628-.38. (h.279) -Felipe III, Rey de España-. -Copia de carta delRey Felipe III al virrey de Valencia sobre las diferenciasde los asuntos del Teniente de Gobernador de dicha ciudad y los jurados.13 de enero de 1613-.39.(h.281) -Apuntes sobre los derechos de la casa de Miguel Vázquez a trasladar los sepulcros y armas, que tenía en el prebisterio viejo, al nuevo de la Iglesia del Carmen-.40.(h.285) -Copia de Carta dirigida al Rey Felipe III dándole noticias del estado de las armas españolas en el Piamonte.1614-.41.(h.284)Impreso: -Aprobación y razones muy eficaces a favor del arbitrio de Juan Bautista Ferrer,para el desempeño de la ciudad de Valencia, con mucho beneficio de los pobres. (Impreso en Valencia, por Juan Bautista Marcal, 1628)-.43. (h.293) -Carta del Dr. Múñoz(¿) Real Inquisidor de Sevilla, haciendo elogios de la religiosidad de España e Inquisición-.44.(h.295) -Copiade carta del Nuncio de S.S. al Obispo de Zaragoza y respuesta de éste 1640-.45.(h.297) -Varios desvarios y pronósticos sobre los nuevos duendes del Buen Retiro- 46.(h.299) -Justificación, razón, y conveniencia de la unión de los reinos de Castilla León, Aragón, Portugal, Flandes, Sicilia, Milán, Islas adyacentes del uno y otro mar. Indices-.47.(h. 309) -Carta, fechada en Bruselas a 26de Febrero de 1654, dando noticia de haber detenido al Duque de Lorena-.48.(h.311) -Informe sobre la convenienciade que cada uno de los reinos de la Monarquía española sostenga un ejército que le defienda.-.50.(h.318)Impreso: -Martín y la Sierra, Felipe-. -Memorial suplicando le sea concedido el oficio de Baile General de Teruel, presentado por Felipe Martín y la Sierra-.51.(h.324)Impreso: -Explicación de la carta de creencia de su Majestad para las Universidades, del Señor Regente Don Baltasar Navarro de Arroyta-.52. (326)Impreso: -Memorial de la ciudad de Teruel solicitando se ponga en ejecución un Breve de Gregorio XV sobre Rectorio-.53.(h. 332) -Tratado de las viedas de la moneda de oro y plata hechas por los señores Diputados del Reino de Aragón-.54.(h.334) -Paulo V, Papa-. -Breve de Paulo V de 6 de junio de 1516-(Copia en nota dice:yorma en que se dan las breves para testary)-.5.(h.358) -Ingenio altísimo para levantar aguas de hondos ríos-.56.(h.360)Impreso: -Informe sobre el medio de unir los ejércitos de la Monarquía española-.57.(h.362) -Árbol genealógico desde D. Jerónimo Vich hasta D. Melchor de Navarra y Rocafull, Duque de la Palata, y razones por las cuales pretende este el mayorazgo-.58.(h.369) -Informe de la prorrogación del oficio de Virrey por la ciudad de Valencia.1627-.59.(h.373) -Solicitud preservada por los escribanos del Registro de residentes en Madrid para que se haga una reducción en el número de ellos-.60.(h.376) -Relación de la bendición del Rey Enrique IV de Francia ; Sin foliac. En bl. los fol. 12-13, 26, 51, 55, 60, 68-70, 77, 105, 122-123, 135, 143, 145, 163, 171-172, 181-183, 192, 201, 203, 209, 211, 213, 215, 217, 220, 226, 241, 284,299, 303, 310, 314, 331, 342-343, 356-357, 368, 375 y 377.Índice del vol. al principio
HIER SPRICHT DER FEIND Hier spricht der Feind ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: Englischer Posten beim Beobachten der deutschen Linien durch einen auf das Bajonett gesetzten Grabenspiegel. ([2]) Titelseite ([3]) Impressum ([4]) Inhaltsverzeichnis ([5]) Einleitung (9) Vorwort (12) An die Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: "Anthologie de la nouvelle Poésie Française." (13) Kriegsausbruch in Paris. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915." (16) [Abb.]: Französischer Mobilmachungsbefehl. (19) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zuaven auf der Durchfahrt durch Paris. (2)Englische Reserven in den Straßen von Paris. (20) [Abb.]: Nach der Kriegserklärung in New York. (21) [4 Abb.]: (1)Amerikanische Truppen in Paris. (2)Französischer Vormarsch zwischen Nesle und Ham. (3)General Franchet d'Esperey beobachtet den Vormarsch der Franzosen. (4)Die Übermacht des Materials. Eine Autokolonne von vielen hundert Wagen schafft auf einer Anmarschstraße Ersatz an die Front. (22 - 23) [Abb.]: Italienische Schneeschuh-Kompagnie beim Aufstieg. (24) [Abb.]: Palästina. Englische Infanterie auf dem Wüstenmarsch. (25) [Abb.]: Canadier auf dem Marsche zur Front. Eine Ballonaufnahme. (26) Der Besuch der "Tauben" (27) Das Pariser Volk führt Krieg (29) Der Durchmarsch der deutschen Truppen durch Belgien (32) Nationalismus des katholischen Klerus Belgiens. (34) [Abb.]: Englische Truppen in Erwartung des Angriffbefehls. (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englischer Angriff in der Morgendämmerung. (2)Italienischer Infanterie-Angriff bei Canale. (36) [Abb.]: Thaure, 26. November 1918. Französische Infanterie beim Durchqueren eines Sumpfgeländes, das durch schwere Einschläge zerrissen ist. (37) [Abb.]: Ausgeschwärmte russische Infanterie. (38) [Abb.]: Französische Sturmabteilung mit Fahne beim Vorgehen auf deutsche Linien. (39) [Abb.]: Im Bewegungskrieg. Französische Infanterie beim Ausbauen von Schützenlöchern. (40) [Abb.]: Vergrößerung der Photographie eines Angriffs auf der Höhe von Vimy. Dieses Bild wurde auf einer kanadischen Ausstellung von Kriegsphotographien gezeigt. (41) [3 Abb.]: (1)En avant! (2)Französische Sturmtruppen im Vorgehen. (3)Atempause vor dem feindlichen Graben. (42) Zerstörung von Fort Loncin durch Zweiundvierziger. Bericht von Augenzeugen. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (43) Der Todeskampf des Forts von Lierre. Von einem Offizier der Fortbesetzung. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (46) Die ersten Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: "Carnet de guerre." (52) Gefangenschaft (54) Ein deutscher gefangen. Aus dem Werk: "L'âme Française et l'âme Allemande-Lettres de Soldats." (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Aufnahme während einer Unterhandlung mit deutschen Soldaten. (2)Im Fortgange der Verhandlungen gruppieren sich die deutschen Soldaten hinter einer Sandsackstellung. (59) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oktober 1914 / Französische Truppen dringen in Ville en Woevre ein. (2)Englische Kampfpatrouille verläßt den Graben, um zum Angriff vorzugehen. (60) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Deutschen greifen eine englische Stellung an der Yser an. (2)Champagne. Englische Truppen beim Vorgehen durch einen Wald. (61) [Abb.]: Ausheben von Verbindungsgräben unter Granatfeuer in der Flandern-Schlacht. (62) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten verlassen ihre Verteidigungsstellung nach französischem Flammenwerfer-Angriff. (63) [Abb.]: Französische Feldbefestigung in der Champagne. (64) [3 Abb.]: (1)Eine gesprengte Straße in Roye. (2)Engländer in Peronne. (3)Verlassene russische Stellung. (65) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Rathaus von Arras im Jahre 1914. (2)Das Rathaus von Arras nach den deutschen Angriffen im März 1918. (66) Brief eines Kavallerieoffiziers (67) Bei La Bassée. 1914. Von einem englischen Abteilungsführer. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (69) Durchbruch? Eine Episode aus der französischen Herbst-Offensive 1915. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (72) [Abb.]: Einschlag einer schweren Granate in einen französischen Gutshof. (75) [4 Abb.]: Zwei Momente aus der Sprengung einer Kanalbrücke durch die Franzosen. (1)Der Moment der Explosion. (2)Zwei Sekunden später. Merckem in Flandern. (1)Fliegeraufnahme vor der Beschießung 1915. (2)Fleigeraufnahme 1917. (76 - 77) [2 Abb.]: (1)Truppensammelstelle in der vordersten französischen Linie. (2)Torpedogranaten werden mit Feldbahnen in eine vordere Stellung gebracht. (78 - 79) [Abb.]: Englischer Artillerie-Beobachtungsstand an der Arras-Front. (80) [Abb.]: Erforschung der deutschen Stellungen in den Vogesen. (81) [Abb.]: Englischer Vorposten bei Gallipoli. (82) [Abb.]: Französischer Beobachter in einem hohlen Baumstamm. (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienische Hochgebirgsposten. (2)Schwere Batterie in Stellung. (92) [Abb.]: Abschuß eines 32-Zentimeter-Eisenbahngeschützes. (93) [Abb.]: Mündungsfeuer einer französischen 75-Milimeter-Kanone. (94) [Abb.]: Engländer und Serben beim Zusammensetzen eines schweren Geschützes. (95) [2 Abb.]: (1)Italienisches Riesengeschütz. (2)Englische Artilleriestellung während eines Großkampfes 1917. (96) [2 Abb.]: (1)Durch Fichtenzweige getarntes Geschütz in Feuerstellung. (2)Schweres englisches Geschütz in Feuerstellung. (97) [Abb.]: Englische Truppen beim Transport einer Kanone auf dem Schlachtfeld. (98) Der Angriff aus dem Wald von Anderlu auf den Hospitalgraben während der Sommeschlacht, am 12. September 1916. Aus dem Werk: "Mont régiment." (100) Die höllische Woche im Fort Vaux. Aus dem Tagebuch des Kommandanten von Fort Vaux. Aus dem Werk: "Le Fort de Vaux." (106) [Abb.]: Schwere englische Mörser bei einem englischen Gegenstoß 1918. (115) [2 Abb.]: (1)Handgranatenwerfer. (2)Torpedo-Granate mit Flügeln. (116) [Abb.]: Russische Panzerwagen in Galizien. (117) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Granate. Französische Stinkbombe. Leichte Wurfmine. (2)Schwerer Mörser, 220 Milimeter. (118) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französischer Handgranatenwerfer Links: Ein Abriegelungsposten. (2)Ein Munitionstank. Neben den eigentlichen Tanks und Kampfwagen besaßen die Engländer auch Panzerwagen zu dem Transport von Munition und Lebensmitteln in die Gefahrenzone. (119) [Abb.]: Tarnung selbst bei Pferden. (120) [2 Abb.]: Franzosen mit Gasschutzmasken. (2)Nettoyeur. (121) [Abb.]: Gebirgsgeschütz in Feuerstellung. (122) Audienz beim Kronprinzen (124) Aus den Kämpfen um Bukarest. Aus dem Werk: "Avec l'armée Roumaine." (126) [Abb.]: Englische Infanterie mit Tank bei einer Angriffspause. (131) [Abb.]: Auf einer Anmarschstraße: Englische Tanks im Vorgehen. Deutsche Gefangene beim Zurückbringen von Verwundeten. (132) [6 Abb.]: Verschiedenartige Geschoßwirkungen auf französische Stahlhelme. (1)Schrapnell. (2)Infanterie-Steckschuß. (3)Maschinengewehr-Streifschuß. (4)Granatsplitter. (5)Infanteriegewehr-Durchschuß. Durch Luftdruck und Mine verunstaltet. (133) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Flammenwerfer-Batterie. (2)Flammenwurf. (134) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Flammenwerfer beim Angriff. (2)Eine französische Tankkolonne auf dem Marsch. (135) [Abb.]: An der Somme: Leuchtraketen und Granaten erhellen das nächtliche Schlachtfeld. (136) [Abb.]: Einschiffung algerischer Schützen in Algier. (137) [Abb.]: 46. Englische Division auf der Rast. (138) Tommy. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915." (142) Inder (145) [Abb.]: Anamiten kurz nach der Ausschiffung. (147) [Abb.]: Einer der letzten deutschen Verteidiger von Cantiny. (148) [Abb.]: Trophäen. Angehörige einer englischen Motorradabteilung mit erbeuteten deutschen Maschinengewehren, Helmen und Gasmasken. (149) [Abb.]: Somme-Schlacht. Französische, von der Front zurückkehrende Truppen, reichen deutschen Gefangenen ihre Feldbecher. (150) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen um Verdun. Französischer Soldat beim Zurücktragen eines erbeuteten deutschen Maschinengewehrs. (151) [Abb.]: Eins der vielen Zeltlager der Amerikaner in Frankreich. (152) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Feldpostbrief. Marschpause in einer zerstörten Ortschaft dicht hinter den Linien. (2)Französische Parade hinter der Front. (153) [2 Abb.]: (1)Angehörige des Eingeborenen Arbeitskontigents veranstalten einem englischen General zu Ehren einen Kriegstanz. (2)Der englische General spricht dem Häuptling seinen Dank aus. (154) Gefangener im Lager von Soltau. Von Sergeant Amand Hasevoets. Aus dem Werk: "La Belgique héroique et vaillante." (155) Das aufständische Irland. Aus dem Werk: "Histoire anecdotique de la guerre de 1914 - 1915. (161) Guynemer, der französische Fliegerheld. Aus seinen Briefen. Aus dem Werk: " Vie héroique de Guynemer." (165) Ein Zweikampf in der Luft. Aus dem Werk: "Hunting the Hun." (169) Erzählung von Baron Manfred von Richthofen (170) [Abb.]: Der Zar und Großfürst Nikolai auf dem Kriegsschauplatz. (171) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Zar bei einer Parade. (2)Der Zar und seine Familie. (172) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Roques und Präsident Poincaré mit dem Stahlhelm an der Westfront. (2)A. Thomas, der französische Munitions-Minister, begrüßt russische Truppen in den Waldkarpaten. (173) [Abb.]: Herr Rappaport-Rapaguette, genannt Gabriele d'Annunzio, hält eine aufhetzende Festrede. (174) [Abb.]: Peter I. von Serbien auf der Flucht. (175) [Abb.]: Die Generäle Pellé, Castelnau und Joffre. (176) [Abb.]: Die Reste des in den Sümpfen von Vardar abgeschossenen Zeppelin. (177) [Abb.]: Fallschirmabsprung eines französischen Beobachters, dessen Ballon durch deutschen Flieger in Brand geschossen wurde. (178) Luftangriffe auf London. Aus dem Werk: "The Defence of London." (179) Paris im Feuer. Aus dem Werk: "Les Bombardements de Paris." (185) [Tabelle]: Die Geschosse verteilen sich nach Kampfmittel und Einschlagstellen wie folgt: (185) [Abb.]: Zeppelin über London. Vergrößerung einer in der Nacht vom 8. November 1915 gemachten Aufnahme. (187) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rückkehr eines englischen Bombengeschwaders nach einem Luftangriff. (2)Englisches Kampfgeschwader über den Alpen. (188) [Abb.]: Englisches Luftabwehrgeschütz im Feuer. (189) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vorbeimarsch der französischen Kolonialtruppen vor dem König Georg und Präsidenten Poincaré in der Champagne. (2)Anfang September 1915 wurde Pégoud in der Nähe von Belfort mit seinem Flugzeug abgeschossen. (190 - 191) [Abb.]: Guynemer, der größte französische Kampfflieger. (192) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beisetzung des Freiherren von Richthofen. (2)Die Ehrensalve. (193) [Abb.]: Paris in der Erwartung neuer Luftangriffe. Alle Lichter sind abgeblendet. Ein Wachtflugzeug gibt Scheinwerfersignale. (194) [Tabelle]: Wir wollen damit die Zahlen der Verluste vergeleichen, die die Einwohner von London durch Flieger und Zeppelin erlitten: (195) Beschießung von Paris durch Ferngeschütze. Aus dem Werk: "Les Bombardements de Paris." (198) [Abb.]: Bombenwirkung in einer Londoner Straße. (203) [2 Abb.]: Paris 1916. (1)Einschlag einer Zeppelinbombe in das Straßenpflaster. (2)Stillegung einer Untergrundbahnlinie durch eine Zeppelinbombe. Treffer vom Tunnel aus gesehen. Die zerstörten Gleise sind bereits wieder hergestellt. (204) [Abb.]: Paris 1918. Sicherungsmaßnahmen gegen Beschießung durch Ferngeschütze. (1)Durch Ueberkleben mit Papierstreifen gesicherte Hausfenster. (2)Ein gesichertes Ladenfenster. (205) [Abb.]: Nach Torpedierung aufbrechender Dampfer. (206) Das Ende der "Emden". Brief eines Bordoffiziers des australischen Kriegsschiffes "Sidney" an seinen Vater. Aus dem Werk: "Tommy à la guerre." (209) Die Schlacht beim Skagerrak. S. M. S. "Indomitable" im Kampf. Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (213) Der Untergang der "Ardent". Bericht eines der beiden einzigen Überlebenden des Schiffes. Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (217) Der Fall "Lusitania". Aus dem Werk: "The Lustitania case." (221) [Abb.]: 500 Tonnen großer Segler wird in Brand geschossen. (223) [Abb.]: Rettung deutscher Matrosen durch die Besatzung eines englischen Unterseeboots. Im Vordergrund verständigt sich ein bereits Geretteter mit einem im Wasser befindlichen Kameraden. (224) [2 Abb.]: Torpedierung eines Handelsdampfers durh ein U-Boot. (1)Einschlagender Torpedo. (2)Ein großes Leck im Maschinenraum läßt den Dampfer über den "Achtersteven" sinken. (225) [Abb.]: Nach zwei Treffern beginnt der Segler zu brennen. (226) Die Torpedierung der "Alcedo". Aus dem Werk: "Hunting the German shark." (229) Versenkung der "Vindictive" vor dem Hafen von Ostende. Aus dem Werk: "L'Epopée de Zeebrügge." (231) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blasenbahn eines Torpedos. (2)Torpedierter Dampfer. (235) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefallener Italiener. (2)Eine Verwundeten-Sammelstelle. (236) [Abb.]: Der erste Verband. - Haudromont, 28. 2. 1916. (237) [Abb.]: Abtransport englischer Verwundeter durch eine Feldeisenbahn. (238) Erzählung von S. M. S. "Warrior". Aus dem Werk: "The Fighting at Jutland." (241) Vergast. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau Zéro tambour cent" (246) [Abb.]: Sanitäter bei der Arbeit. Schützengräben in den Argonnen mit Toten und Verwundeten. (247) [2 Abb.]: (1)Petersburg. Auto mit Bewaffneten und roter Fahne auf einer Fahrt. (2)Bewaffnete Soldaten im Lesesaal der Dumas. (248) [Abb.]: Petersburg, März 1917. Soldaten und Studenten im Gefecht mit russischer Polizei. (249) [Abb.]: Das gefangene "Väterchen" unter Aufsicht. (250) Der Sief oder der künstliche Vesuf. Aus dem Werk: " Savoia." (252) Der Krieg in den Bergen. Aus dem Werk: "Le scarpe al sole." (254) [Abb.]: Ein Straßenkampf auf dem Newsky-Prospekt. (267) [Abb.]: Die Fahne des Frauenkorps. (268) [Abb.]: Russen an der Westfront. (269) [Abb.]: Kerensky hält an der Front eine Ansprache. (270) [Abb.]: Französisches Diplom für die Angehörigen des ameriaknischen Sanitätsdienstes in Frankreich. (279) [Abb.]: Kriegsauszeichnungen der Entente: (280 - 281) [2 Abb.]: (1)Präsident Wilson trifft zur Siegesfeier in Paris am 14. 12. 18 ein. In der Rue Royal mit Blick auf die Madeleine. (2)König Georg V. trifft am 28. 11. 18 zur Siegesfeier in Paris ein. Am Arc de Triomphe. (282) Die deutsche Frühjahrsoffensive 1918. Erinnerungen eines Poilu vom 57. Infanterieregiment. Aus dem Werk: "L'agonie du Mont-Renaud." (285) Ein französischer Spion in deutschen Diensten. Aus dem Werk: "Les dessous des archives secrètes." (294) Der Einzug. Aus dem Werk: "Plateau zéro tambour cent." (301) [Noten]: Da durchschnitten die Clairons in der Morgenluft den dumpfen, hohlgehenden Lärm der Menge und schmetterten die heroische Weise, die ersten Noten des sieghaften Refrains: (305) Unterirdische Kämpfe mit den Deutschen. Aus dem Werk: " The Fighting the Boche Underground." (306) Wie der Landsknecht "Mack Bombensicher" zu seinem Spitznamen kam. Aus dem Werk: "Shellproof Mack." (309) Mit aufgepflanzten Bajonetten. Angriff bei Soissons, Somme 1918. Aus dem Werk: "Fix Bayonets." (312) [Abbildungsverzeichnis]: ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
OBERÖSTERREICHISCHER PRESSVEREINS-KALENDER AUF DAS JAHR 1926 Oberösterreichischer Preßvereins-Kalender (-) Oberösterreichischer Preßvereins-Kalender auf das Jahr 1926 (1926) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Werbung ( - ) Das Jahr 1926 nach Christi Geburt ([3]) Feste, welche im katholischen Ritus, obwohl nicht streng gefeiert, dennoch kirchlich besonders begangen werden. ([3]) Bewegliche Feste. Quatember. Mondesviertel. Die zwölf Zeichen des Tierkreises. Die vier astronomischen Jahreszeiten. Von den Finsternissen. Vom Jahresregenten. ([4]) [Kalender]: 1926 ([5]) Landwirtschaftlicher Hauskalender. (17) Vollkommene Ablässe. (17) Schematismus der Geistlichkeit der Diözese Linz in Oberösterreich. (Abgeschlossen Mitte November 1925.) (19) Oberster Hirt: Metropolit: Bischof: Domkapitel: (19) Ehrendomherren: (19) Dompfarre: Bischöfliche Ordinariats-Kanzlei: Bischöfliche theologische Diözesanlehranstalt: (20) Bischöfliches Priesterseminar: (20) Bischöfliches Knabenseminar mit Gymnasium in Urfahr Bischöfliches Konvikt im Haiderhofe zu Linz. Bischöfliches Lehrerseminar in Linz. (21) Bundes-Gymnasium in Linz. Bundes-Gymnasium in Ried. Bundes-Gymnasium in Freistadt. Bundes-Gymnasium in Wels. Real-Gymnasium in Linz. Real-Gymnasium in Gmunden. Bundes-Oberrealschule in Linz. Bundes-Oberrealschule in Steyr. Mädchen-Mittelschulen der Stadt Linz. Lehrerbildungs-Anstalt in Linz. Knaben-Bürgerschule 1, Spittelwiese 8. Knaben-Bürgerschule 2, Schützenstraße 13. Knaben-Bürgerschule 3, Figulystraße. Knaben-Bürgerschule 4, Wr.-Reichstraße 42. Knaben-Bürgerschule 5, Jahnstraße. Mädchen-Bürgerschule 1, Mozartstraße 30. Mädchen-Bürgerschule 2, Schützenstraße 13. Mädchen -Bürgerschule 4, Raimundstraße 17. Mädchen-Bürgerschule 5, Hinsenkampplatz. (22) Knaben-Volksschule 7, Dürrnbergerstraße 1. Knaben-Volksschule 9, Webegasse. Mädchen-Volksschule 6, Grillparzerstraße 49. Taubstummen-Institut. Privat-Blindeninstitut. Landes-Irrenanstalt. In Linz wohnende Diözesan-Weltpriester. (23) Diözesanpriester außerhalb der Diözese. (23) Priester aus fremden Diözesen in Linz. Militärseelsorge. (24) Pfarrgemeinde der Diözese. Die Ziffern bei den Pfarrorten bedeuten die Seelenzahl. Wenn zwei Zahlen vorkommen, bedeutet die letztere die Seelenzahl der Protestanten, z. B.: Abtsdorf (P. T. Attersee) 208/8, heißt: 208 Katholiken, 8 Protestanten, Adlwang 670 heißt: 670 Katholiken. Nach der Seelenzahl steht das Dekanat. (24) Abtsdorf - Aurolzmünster (24) Bad Hall - Burgkirchen (25) Christkindl - Esternberg (26) Feldkirchen a. d. D. - Friedburg o. Lengau (26) Gaflenz - Gutau (27) Haag - Holzhausen (28) Innerstoder - Julbach (29) Kallham - Kronstorf (29) Laakirchen - Lustenau (30) Magdalena St. - Munderfing (31) Naarn - Nußdorf (32) Oberhofen - Ottnang (33) Pabneukirchen - Putzleinsdorf (34) Raab - Rüstorf (35) Sandl - Suben (36) Taiskirchen - Utzenaich (38) Veit St. - Vorderstoder (38) Waizenkirchen - Wolfsegg (39) Zell am Moss - Zwettl (40) Verzeichnis der Abkürzungen. (40) Ordensstand und Kongregationen der Diözese. (41) Männer-Orden und -Kongregationen. (41) Augustiner-Chorherrenstift St. Florian. (41) Augustiner-Chorherrenstift Reichersberg. (42) Prämonstratenser-Chorherrenstift Schlägl. (42) Benediktinerstift Kremsmünster. (43) Benediktinerstift Lambach. (44) Zisterzienserstift Schlierbach. (45) Zisterzienserstift Wilhering. (45) Kloster Engelszell, Post Engelhartszell a. D. (46) Hospiz der Franziskaner in Baumgartenberg. Hospiz der Franziskaner in Bruckmühl. Kloster der Franziskaner in Enns. Kloster der Franziskaner in Pupping. Kloster der Franziskaner in Maria-Schmolln. Hospiz der Franziskaner in Suben. Kloster der Kapuziner in Gmunden. (47) Kloster der Kapuziner in Linz. (47) Kloster der Kapuziner in Braunau am Inn. Kloster der Kapuziner in Ried. Kloster der Karmeliten in Linz. Kloster der Barmherzigen Brüder in Linz. (48) Kollegium Aloisianum der Gesellschaft Jesu am Freinberg. (48) Residenz der Gesellschaft jesu in Linz. Residenz der Gesellschaft Jesu in Steyr. Kollegium der Redemptoristen in Puchheim. Kollegium der Marienbrüder in Freistadt. (49) Noviziatshaus der Marienbrüder in Greisinghof bei Pregarten (49) Noviziatshaus zum heiligen Franz von Sales in Schmieding. (Pfarre Krenglbach.) Provinzialhaus in Wien; Mutterhaus in Rom. Missionsschule "Regina Apostolorum" der PP. Oblaten des hl. Franz v. Sales in Dachsber (Pfarre Prambachkirchen) Missionskonvikt der Oblaten des hl. Franz von Sales in Ried im Innkreis. Provinzialhaus in Wien; Mutterhaus in Rom. Salvatorianerkolleg in Hamberg. Kongregation der Brüder der christlichen Schulen in Goisern. Vertretung der Marianhiller-Mission, Südafrika (50) Frauen-Orden und -Kongregationen. (50) Kloster der Ursulinen in Linz. (50) Kloster der Elisabethinen in Linz. Kloster der Karmelitinnen in Gmunden. Kloster der Karmelitinnen in Linz. Kloster der Salesianerinnen in Gleink. Kloster der Redemptoristinnen zu Ried. Kloster der Ordensschwestern vom Guten Hirten zu Baumgartenberg. Institut der Barmherzigen Schwestern vom heil. Vinzenz von Paul in Linz. Institut der Schwestern vom heil. Kreuz in Linz. (51) Provinzhaus der Barmherzigen Schwestern vom hl. Karl Borromäus in Stadl-Paura bei Lambach. (51) Institut der armen Schulschwestern in Vöcklabruck. Institut der armen Schulschwestern zu Lahn in der Pfarre Hallstatt. Institut der Armen Schulschwestern von Unserer Lieben Frau in Freistadt. Mutterhaus der Tertiarschwestern des Karmeliten-Ordens in Linz. Oblatinnen des heil. Franz von Sales in Urfahr.Töchter des göttlichen Heilandes (Mutterhaus Wien) in St. Veit im Mühlkreis. (52) Personen-Register des geistlichen Personalstandes. (53) Veränderungen während des Druckes: (58) Die im oberen Mühlviertel von der "Aufklärung" geschlossenen Kirchen. ([59]) [Abb.]: Das Partensteinwerk (eröffnet 1924): Der Stausee bei Langhalfen. (61) Das letzte Erlebnis des alten Pfarrers. (63) [Abb.]: Das modernste Verkehrsmittel auch in Oberösterreich. Flugverkehr Wien-Salzkammergut, Landungsplatz in Linz. (63) [Abb.]: Der Umbau der Steyregger-Brücke. (65) Gib dem, der dich bittet ! (66) [4 Abb.]: Bilder aus Bad Schallerbach: (1); (2)Oben Kurhaus St. Raphael, (3)unten links der Sprudel, (4)rechts Bahnhof. (67) [Abb.]: Das jüngste Heilbad Oberösterreichs: Leppersdorf bei Scharten. Das Roithner-Gut, auf dessen Grund die Quelle erbohrt wurde. (69) [Abb.]: Zum 70 jährigen Jubiläum der Kuranstalt Bad Hall. Die Thassilo-Quelle, Bad Halls älteste Quelle. (71) Kannibalismus. (71) Die alte Lampe. (73) [Abb.]: Zum 70jährigen Jubiläum der Kuranstalt Bad Hall. Das Wohnhaus des ersten Badearztes Dr. Steppich. (73) [Abb.]: Der Sturm im Salzkammergut am 15. Februar 1925. Die beiden umgestürzten Züge der Lokalbahn bei Strobl. (75) Der Herr Professor. (76) [Abb.]: Das neue Palm-Denkmal in Braunau. (77) [Abb.]: Die 700-Jahrfeier der Stadt Eferding. Das Starhembergsche Schloß, vor dem das Eferdinger Festspiel aufgeführt wurde. (79) Sprüche (80) Schlösser in der Umgebung von Bad Hall. (81) Schloß Feyregg. (81) [Abb.]: Schloß Feyregg. (81) [Abb.]: Schloß Feyregg: Torturm. (82) Schloß Mühlgrub. (82) Eine schreckliche Fahrt. (83) [Abb.]: Die 700-Jahrfeier der Stadt Eferding. Ruine Schaumburg ob Eferding. (83) [Abb.]: Das Denkmal für Revierinspektor Stifter in Natternbach. (85) Der Abzug. (86) [Abb.]: Eine neue Erfindung: Das Flettner-Motorschiff. (87) Zur Geschichte des katholischen Preßvereines. (88) [Abb.]: Franz Stindl der neue Direktor der Linzer Preßvereinsdruckerei. (88) [Abb.]: Die Maifeier der katholischen Arbeiter in Linz. Bischof Hauck-Bamberg nimmt am Festzug teil. (89) Vom Dombau in Linz. (90) [Abb.]: Das heilige Jahr in Rom. Festbeleuchtung in St. Peter. (91) Jahres-Rundschau. Vom 1. September 1924 bis 30. August 1925. (92) September 1924. Oktober 1924. (92) November 1924. (92) Dezember 1924. (93) [2 Abb.]: Das heilige Jahr in Rom. (1)Oben: Prozession kath. Gesellenvereine am Petersplatz in Rom. (2)Unten: Der Linzer Gesellenverein in der ewigen Stadt. (93) Jänner 1925. Februar 1925. (94) März 1925. (94) April 1925. (95) [Abb.]: Kloster Engelszell, das von den Trappisten neu besiedelt wurde. (95) [Abb.]: Dechant Karl Edelmüller, gestorben am 19. Oktober 1924. (96) Mai 1925. (96) Juni 1925. (96) [Abb.]. Dechant Michael Gusenleithner. Gestorben am 29. Oktober 1925. (97) Juli 1925. (97) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bruno Pammer, Abt von Hohenfurt, gest. 23. November 1924. (2)Gilbert Schartner, Abt von Schlägl, gest. 10. Jänner 1925. (97) August 1925. (98) [Abb.]: Spiritual Martin Razenberger. gestorben am 12. April 1925. (98) Oberösterreichische Chronik. (98) [Abb.]: Ehrenkanonikus Johann Burgstaller, gestorben am 15. Mai 1925. (99) [Abb.]: Primarius Dr. Franz Schnopfhagen, gestorben am 17. Juli 1925. (100) Unterhaltendes. (101) Aus einer Versammlungsrede.Alpenhotel. Mitarbeiter gesucht. Moderne Gläubigerversammlung. Abgeblitzt. Verteidigerblüte. Im Zeichen des Starkbieres. Bestrafter Geiz. Allerlei vom Essen und Ernährung. (101) [Abb.]: Das Haar in der Suppe. "Kellner, äh, lassen Sie die Suppe erst einmal rasieren." (101) Die Leiter der Volks- und Bürgerschulen Oberösterreichs. (Nach dem Stande vom 1. September 1925.) Abkürzungen: B.D.-Bürgerschuldirektor, D.-Direktor, D.L.-Oberlehrer(in), Sch.L.-Schulleiter. (102) Werbung (108) [Tabelle]: Gottesdienst-Ordnung in Linz-Urfahr, Pöstlingberg, St. Peter u. Kleinmünchen. Vormittag. Nachmittag. ([110 - 111]) Sonn- und Feiertagsgottesdienste in den oberösterr. Pfarren. (Die nicht eingeklammerten Zahlen bezeichnen den Beginn des Gottesdienstes im Sommer (in der Regel ab Georgi), die eingeklammerten im Winter (ab Micheli). (112) Werbung (114) Straßen- und Hausbesitzer-Verzeichnis der Stadt Linz samt Vororten. (115) Adlergasse. Altstadt. Am Damm. Anastasius-Grün-Straße. Andreas-Hofer-Straße. Annagasse. Anton-Dimmel-Straße. Anton-Weiguny-Platz. Anzengruberstraße. Auberg. Aubergstraße. (115) Auerspergstraße. Auf der Gugl. Bachl. Badgasse. Bahnhofstraße. Dr. Bahrgasse. Bancalariweg. Bauernberg. Baumbachstraße. (116) Beethovenstraße. (116) Bergern. Bergschlösselgasse Berggasse. Bethlehemstraße. Billrothstraße. Bischofstraße. Bismarckstraße. Blütenstraße. (117) Blumauerstraße. (117) Bockgasse. Brückenstraße (linke). Brückenstraße (rechte). Brucknerstraße. Bürgerstraße. Christian-Coulin-Straße. Darrgutstraße. Derfflingerstraße. Dierzerstraße. (118) Domgasse. Donatusgasse. Donaustraße (rechte). Donaustraße (linke). Droutstraße. Dürrnbergerstraße. Dr.-Edlbacher-Straße. Ederstraße. Dr.-Eigner-Straße. Eisenbahngasse. Eisenhandstraße Elisabethstraße. (118) Fabrikstraße. (119) Fadingerstraße. Feldstraße. Ferihumerstraße. Figulystraße. Fischergasse. Flügelhofgasse. Flußgasse. Franckstraße. (120) Freinbergstraße. (120) Freistädterstraße. Friedhofstraße (Linz). Friedhofstraße (Urfahr). Füchselstraße. Garnisonstraße. Gärtnerstraße. Gerstnerstraße. Gesellenhausstraße. Ghegastraße. Gilmstraße. (121) Goethestraße (121) Graben. Greilstraße. Grillparzerstraße. Grünauerstraße. Gründberg. Gstöttnerhofstraße. Güntherstraße. Gürtelstraße. (122) Gußhausgasse. Haerdtlstraße. Hafenstraße. Hafferlstraße. Hafnerstraße. Hagen. Hagenstraße. Hahnengasse. Halbgasse. (123) Hamerlingstraße. (123) Hanriederstraße. Harbach. Harrachstraße. Hauptstraße. (124) Heilham. (124) Heizhausstraße. Herrenstraße. Herstorferstraße. Hinsenkampplatz. Hirschgasse. Höchsmannstraße. Hofberg. Hofgasse. Holzstraße. (125) Honauerstraße. (125) Hopfengasse. Hoppichlerstraße. Huemerstraße. Humboldtstraße. Hyrtlstraße. Jägerstraße. Jahnstraße. Im Hühnersteig. Im Tal. In der Neuen Welt. (126) Ingenieur-Stern-Straße. Johann-Konrad-Vogel-Straße. Johannesgasse. Jungwirthstraße. Kaarstraße. Kaisergasse. Kapellenstraße. Kaplanhofstraße. (127) Kapuzinerstraße. (127) Karl-Fiedler-Gasse. Karl-Marx-Straße. Karl-Wiser-Straße. Kaserngasse. Keimstraße. Kellergasse. (128) Keplerstraße. Khevenhüllerstraße. Kinderspitalstraße. Kirchengasse. Klammstraße. (129) Kleinmünchen. (129) Klosterstraße. Knabenseminarstraße. Kollegiumgasse. konrad-Deubler-Straße. Körnerstraße. Krankenhausstraße. Kraußstraße. Kreuzstraße. Kroatengasse. Kudlichstraße. Kürnbergerweg. Landgutstraße. (131) Landstraße. (131) Langgasse. Lasingergasse. Lastenstraße. Leonfeldenerstraße. Leopold-Hafner-Straße. Lerchengasse. (132) Lessingstraße. (132) Limonigasse. Lindengasse. Lissagasse. Liststraße. Löwengasse. Ludlgasse. (133) Lustenau. (133) Lustenauerstraße. Magazingasse. Makartplatz. Makartstraße. Margarethen. (134) Mariahilfgasse. (134) Marienstraße. Marktplatz. Marktstraße. Martinsgasse. Melicharstraße. Mittelstraße. Mozartstraße. Mühlkreisbahnstraße. Museumstraße. Neugasse. (135) Neutorgasse. (135) Niedernharterstraße. Niederreithstraße. Nißlstraße. Noßbergerstraße. Novaragasse. Obere Donaulände. Oberfeldstraße. (136) Ottensheimerstraße. (136) Parzhoffstraße. Pestalozziplatz. Petrinumstraße. Pfarrgasse. Pfarrplatz. Pfeifferstraße. Pichlerstraße. Pillweinstraße. Pflaster. (137) Platz des 12. November. (137) Pöstlingergstraße. Pöstlingberg. Prinz-Eugen-Straße. Promenade. Prunnerstraße. Quergasse. (138) Raimundstraße. (138) Rathausgasse. Reindlstraße. Richard-Wagner-Straße. Ringstraße. Riesenhofstraße. Römerstraße. Roseggerstraße. Rosenstraße. (139) Rosenauerstraße. Rudigierstraße. Sandgasse. (140) St. Peter. (140) St. Peterstraße. Scharitzerstraße. (141) Scharlinz. (141) Schillerstraße. (142) Schlossergasse. Schmiedegasse. Schmidtorstraße. Schratzstraße. Schubertstraße. Schulertal. Schulstraße. Schützenstraße. (143) Schweizerhausgasse. (143) Seilerstätte. Semmelweißstraße. Sonnensteinstraße. Sophiengutstraße. Spittelwiese. Stadlbauerstraße. Starhembergstraße. Steingasse. Stelzhamerstraße. (144) Stifterstraße. (144) Stockbauernstraße. Stockhofstraße. Talgasse. Tegetthoffstraße. Tiefer Graben. Tummelplatz. Umschlagplatz. Unionstraße. (145) Untere Donaulände. (145) Urfahrwänd. Verlängerte Kirchengasse. Versorgungshausstraße. Vielguthstraße. Volksfeststraße. Volksgartenstraße. Wachreinerstraße. (146) Wagnerstraße. Waldeggstraße. Walterstraße. Webergasse. (147) Weingartshofstraße. (147) Weißenwolffstraße. Wiener Reichstraße. Wildbergstraße. Willemerstraße. (148) Wimhölzelstraße. Wurmstraße. Zellerstraße. Zeppenfeldstraße. Ziegeleistraße. Zizlau. Zollamtstraße. (149) Verschiedenes zum Nachschlagen. ([150]) I. Steuer-Tarife. (Von einem Finanzjuristen nach den neuesten Vorschriften zusammengestellt.) ([150]) A. Vorbemerkungen. ([150]) B. Einkommensteuer-Tarif. ([150]) [Tabelle]: a)Veranlagung für das Steuer- zugleich Betriebs-(Geschäfts-)jahr 1924 ([150]) b) Veranlagung für das Steuer- zugleich Betriebs-(Geschäfts-)jahr 1925 (151) Anmerkungen zum Einkommensteuertarif. (151) C. Erwerbsteuer-Tarif (allgemeine Erwerbsteuer) (152) [2 Tabellen]: (152) D. Vermögenssteuer-Tarif (153) [Tabelle]: (153) Anmerkungen zum Vermögenssteuertarif. (153) E. Einige Bemessungsbeispiele zu B, C und D (153) II. Stempel- und Gebühren-Anzeiger. (Von einem Fachmanne nach den neuesten Vorschriften ergänzt und richtiggestellt.) (154) Art der Sempelmarkenverwendung. Der Stempelaufdruck. Das Abstempeln der Marke mit der Privat-(Namens- oder Firma-)Stampiglie des Ausstellers,. Ausstellung einer Urkunde in mehreren Exemplaren. (154) Ausnahmen: (154) Stempelpflicht der weiteren Bogen einer Urkunde oder Schrift. Stempelumtausch. Nachteilige Folgen der Gebührengesetzübertretungen. (155) Gegenwärtig gültige Stempelskalen (155) Skala I: (155) Skala II: (155) Skala III: (156) Kurzer Auszug aus dem Stempel- und Gebührentarif. (156) Post- und Telegraphengebühren für den Verkehr im Inlande, mit Rumänien, Ungarn, Deutschland, der tschecho-slowakischen Republik, dem Königreich S. H. S. und den Weltpostvereinsländern. (162) Werbung (163) Einband ( - )
Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. Bruce, Robert B. A Fraternity of Arms: America and France in the Great War. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003. Bruce, Robert B. "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917." Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066. Clements, Kendrick A. "Woodrow Wilson and World War I." Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004): 62-82. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. Coffman, Edward M. The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968. Egerton, George W. "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920." 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New York: Penguin Group, 2013. Page references are to the 2013 edition. Trask, David F. The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918. Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993. Weigley, Russell F. "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition." Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, edited by Roger Chickering and Stig Förster. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000: 327-345. Widenor, William C. "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement." Modern American Diplomacy, edited by John M. Carroll and George C. Herring. Lanham: SR Books, 1996: 41-60. Williams, William Appleman. The Tragedy of American Diplomacy. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959. Reprinted for Fiftieth Anniversary with a foreword by Lloyd C. Gardner and afterword by Andrew J. Bacevich. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009. Page references are to the 2009 edition. Winton, Harold R. 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Edited by Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin. New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919. Evans, Martin Marix, ed. American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents 1917-1920. New York: Routledge, 2013. Kindle. Kirchwey, George W. "Pax Americana." The Annals of the American Academy for Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 40-48. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. Lippmann, Walter. "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 1-10. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. Lloyd, Newson. How We Went to War. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922. https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Pershing, John J. Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces.Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919. ———. My Experiences in the World War. 2 vols. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931. Bailes 43 Wilson, Woodrow. Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President. Edited by Mario R. DiNunzio. New York: NYU Press, 2006. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.1-18. ———. The New Freedom: A Call For the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913. www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf.
Issue 35.5 of the Review for Religious, 1976. ; REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS IS edited by faculty members of St Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Braiding, 539 North Grand Boule-vard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copyright (~) 1976 by REVlEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $2.00. Subscription U.S.A. and Canada: $7.00 a year; $13.00 for two years; other countries, $8.00 a year, $15.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. Change of address requests should include former address. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Robert Williams, S.J. Jean Read Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor Book Editor Assistant Editor September 1976 I"olume 35 Number 5 Renewals,-new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to REVIEW FOR RELICtOUS; P.O. BOX 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to REVIEW FOrt REL~CIOt~S; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boule-vard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gailen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. The Prayer of Jesus' Paul VI The Holy Father delivered the following address~ in the General Audience of June 14, 1976. The text is taken from Osservatore Roma/to, no. 26 (430), June 24, 1976. In these times, in these days so busy with human events, we are ~till mind- " ful of the spiritual cyclone that Pentecost was for the world and especially for the Church. We turn our thought again to prayer, to its legitimacy, its necessity, its procedure. We are well aware that the study of religions, the study of Christian prayer, the study of human psychology, have dwelt upon this expression of the human spirit. This almost places in a quandary one who, from such a great mass of experiences, customs and literature, wishes to draw a comprehensive and guiding idea,, sufficient for the modern secular man to classify in the summary of a mental index-card that which it is enough to know on this subject, now alien to his empirical and positive mentality. Accepting this imperious simplifying method, we conclude our reflection on prayer with two major propositions. These are: prayer, first, presupposes oft God's side an interest, a listening to the voices addressed to him by man, that is, a "Providence"; and, second, it presupposes on man's side, a hope, an expectation of being satisfied 'and helped. Thus we see that we have, it is true, constructed the essential pattern of prayer, that is, a possible con-versation betweeh man. and God, but that we still know very little, if any-thing, about the validity of this conversation. Is it an imaginary hypothesis, or does it really establish a relationship; a bilateral relationship, a bene-ficial relationship? Meaning of Prayer Well, among the greatest favors tha~t Christianity, faith, nay more Jesus 641 642 / Review lor Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 Christ in person, conferred on mankind, there is precisely this real, valid, indispensable, very opportune prayer. Christ established communication between man and God; and this communication, which prevails over all our marvelous modern technical and social communications, has as its first, normal expression, prayer. Praying means communicating with God. Christ is himself this fundamental communication with the manifestation o[ himself. We enter the sanctuary of the exploration of who Christ is, the subject, today still, of tormented and, fundamentally, inevitably negative investigations for those who break with the Chalcedon definition of the one person of the Word, living in two natures, divinerand human (cf. Denz- Schoen. 301-302; Bouyer, Le Fils eternel, 469 ft.); the "bridge," as St. Catherine said (Dial 25, ft.). Jesus himself is the most luminous example of prayer, which, documented in the Gospel, becomes for us the highway to prayer and spiritual life. People who follow him and believe are still tireless students in this school. "By what way can I reach Christ and his message?", a well-known modern Catholic thinker asks himself; and he answers: "there is one very short and simple way: I look into the soul of Jesus as he prays, and 1 believe" (C. Adam, Cristo nostro Fratello, 37, see the fine chapter: "la preghiera di Gesh,"). And likewise the powerful synthesig on the "'Message de Jdsus,'" by L. De Grandmaison, Jdsus Christ, 1I, 347, ft.). Jesus Prays But, how and when did Jesus pray? Oh, how beautiful and instructive an excursion into the Gospel pages would be, picking like wildflowers the almost incidental references to the Lord's prayer! The" evangelist Mark writes: "And rising up long before daybreak, he (Jesus) went out (probably it was Peter's house, at Capharnaum, see V. 29), and departed into a desert place, and there he prayed" (1, 35). See, for example, after the multiplica-tion of the loaves: "And when he had dismissed the crowd, he went up the mountain by himself to pray. And when it was late, he Was alone" (Mt 14, 23). The Lord's prayers, about which the Gospel informs us, would deserve such long meditation. The famous one, for example, in chapter XI of Matthew, which lets us "enter the deepest secret of his life';: "At that time Jesus spoke and said. 'I praise thee Father, Lord of heaven and earth, that thou didst hide these things from the wise and prudent, and didst reveal them to little ones' " (verse 25). And what can we say of the prayer that concludes the talks of the Last Supper? "And raising his eyes to heaven, he said, 'Father, the hour has come!~-.Glorify thy Son, that thy Son may glorify thee', . " We recall it: it is the prayer for unity: "that all may be one" (Jn 17, 21-22). And then the triple groaning, heroic praye~" at Gethsemane, just before the passion: "Father, if thou art willing, remove this cup from me! Yet not my will but thine be done" (Lk 22, 42). The Prayer o] Jesus / 643 Union in prayer What a revelation not only of the drama of the Saviour's life, but also of the complexity and depth of human destinies, which even in their most tragic and mysterious expressions can be linked, by means of prayer, to the goodness, the mercy, the salvation deriving from God. Pray, then, like Jesus. Pray intensely. Pray today: always in the con-fident communion that prayer has established between us and the Father. Because it is to a father, it is to the Father that our humble voice is ad-dressed. So let it be, always. .O ¯ . . be silent now and try to listen within yourselves to an inner proclama-tion! The Lord is saying: "Be assured, i am with you" (see Mt 28:20). I am here. he is saying, because this is nay Body! This is the cup of my Blood!'. Yes, he is calling you, each one by. name! The mystery of the Eucharist is, above all, a personal mystery: personal, because of his divine presence-- the presence of Christ, the Word of God made man; personal, because the Eucharist is meant for each of us: for this reason Christ has become living bread, and js multiplied in the sacrament, in order 'to be accessible to every human being who receives him worthily, and who opens to him the door of faith and love. Paul VI to the Eucharistic Congress in L'Osservatore Romano, August 19, 1976, p. 3. Prayer Father Joris,, O.F.M. Father Joris (Heise) has taught scripture at St. Leonard's College in Dayton, has recently completed an as-yet-unpublished translation of the Gospel o] St. Matthew, and regularly contributes Old Testament exegesis to "Homily Helps" published by St. Anthony Messenger: he is presently on detached service in metropoliffan Washington. He usually signs his name simply Joris, in imitation of evangelical simplicity. Prayer is not a thing, not even an action. It is a quality, a dimension of living. Prayer is not the words you say. Jesus says for us togo into our cryptic place, and pray in the dark. He tells us not to say, "Lord, Lord!" He tells us not to go up front and rattle off repetitious or self-centered information. Prayerbooks--we will always have them. The Book of Psalms is the prayerbook, and it is a good one. It has in it litanies and moods and orchestras (Psalm 150); it stiggests common prayer and has some very pri-vate ones that are shared with the world. But no prayerbook is a prayer. Prayer is us, me, when I stop and my soul's face turns to God, when I really edge into desperation and need and joy. Prayer is that quality of openness that happens in response to discovery of newness, whether of pain, of belief, or sharing, or insight--into the real state of things. Prayer is that dimension when the person's bud blooms into a maturity beyond just coping, just drifting. For instance, when I talk with God (talking sort of to "myself) about how to treat some visitors who have complicated my life, really, and no particular answer is ready--that is prayer. When I find myself in a new territory where I do not have an answer at all, and I am waiting for onew that is prayer. When I discover someone else shares a shame or a wonder 644 Prayer / 645 or an interest--that discovering is itself a prayer. That edge-of-truth, like a blade that enters skin, is prayer. Established Prayer (the Pr,ayerbooks of Liturgy and Childhood) I received in the mail recen.tly a "prayerbook" that included many of my childhood prayers and songs: "The Way of the Cross," litanies, prayers to Mary, prayers to "Most Sweet Jesus." It served to remind me of the differences between Prayer and prayers, between the things, called "prayer" pointed to by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount and the kind of prayer he thought was right. ,, I think that children need "prayers." They need to hear litanies and to memorize grace at meals. They need to hear the repetitions of Mass prayers, the "Our Father," songs that will be sung over and over as "old favorites." I think that the.child who continues to live inside us throughout our lives--that child--needs to hear old and familiar "prayers" that give us a comfortable feeling, a sense of belonging here to the club of tradition. I think that this set of simple prayers, memorized, repetitious and senti-mental, needs to be accompanied by other non-verbal features: stained-glass windows, incense, vestments, an intonation of authority in the priestly voice, familiar tunes that are even mawkishly sentimental (like some Mary-hymns based on old romatic or drinking songs). But it is essential that we remember that these traditional prayers, as they are done, are done so as to cater to the child-in-us. If these are the only prayers, the only forms of prayer we_ take seriously, then we are not adults who have "turned and become a child again," but rather we are simply immature persons. We never grew up in the first place; we "fixated," to borrow a term from psychological jargon. Furthermore, a person who limits himself to forms that just come close to these, a person not creating his or her. own forms of prayer, will not enter the Kingdom of Heaven, as Jesus warned. They are receiving their reward already: the comfortedness they feel, the sense of belonging, the nurturedness, the peace. These are all qualities, of the drug world, too-- qualities condemned throughout th~ Gospels. It is a false world, a self-centered, self-rewarding form of prayer. It is valid for children and valid to begin with. It is not valid to stay there. It is the validity of blossom that needs the autumn fruit. Conversation ~vith God All of us talk tO ourselves. Sometimes we really talk, in deep conversa-tion, with other people. We reach a stage of conversation that is just more than usual, it means something more than the day-to-day exchange of com-ments. Prayer is that talking--that talking when we have no answer, when our need or, question or wonder or shame or comments form into words but 646 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 without any answer ready,set and cut. Not ~rambling;~on the contrary, the words focus some human matter that is definitely bothering us--or helping us grow. It is a moment when we gather "it" together and say it, not know-ing what the answer is or whether there is an answer. That is prayer--that "talking out" of what is inside of me. It has that quality of truth-which-is-more-than-facts, more than honesty even, because "honesty" is "saying something that is true." This "talking out" is the very creation of truth, the appearance of truth that is discovery of it. Real prayer is the birth of the words of truth--it has been carried inside of oneself, but has not yet come to light. Everybody who matures, 1 think, begins this conversation with God, this phrasing of problems (and expression of wonder and they are often the same thing. They certainly have the same quality.) ~ This kind of prayer-~-these prayers--occur during moments of pause and work, during habitual actions. (like driving, scrubbing, planning jobs, parties, schedules). They touch .significant elements of life as well as little things. (God is interested in it all, of course.) ~The solitary person as well as the very active person can discover to their surprise that they both do the very same thing on the inside--and perhaps spend as much time at it. Some people do it with deliberate advertence to God: the words are ad-dressed to "You, God." (Both the Tevye of Fiddler on the Roof and Jesus used such ~xpressions of direct address--they half, praise God for such good-ness and half-haggle with God about the possibilities of the future.) Other people are officially atheistic. The conversations of such people may, surprisingly, contain references to "God" in the form of cursing or "bad language"; and the surprise is that the very reference indicates the quality of prayer that it really is. I have. known an agnostic administrator-- a Dr. Bill Fitzgerald--whose determination 'and decisions were colored by some kind of "swearing": "By God, . . o " or "Jesus Christ! We're going to . " I studied his habit and noticed that he used these words only in connection with this quality of truth, this edging into a real commitment, this formulating of a communion of the office people so that .action would result. It was a "creation of truth"--and I found it funny that the little '~flag of prayer" was his reference to God. Still others do not connect their serious self-conversations with "re-ligion" or God. But they are prayer, they are real prayer. They are truth emerging and commitment forming. They are care rising into practice. They are small and large crises--listening then for what is the "right thing to do." They are a turning on of the radio to the "station" of God. The very turning on is the listening for God, the words that come to mind are the presence of fresh truth; the coining of the phrases the way the situation appears--is itself the belief in solution, the belief that some intrusion, from somewhere, from Someone, can measure up to the words uttered. Prayer / 647 Into the darkness the words go, and a response is expected that may be beyond words. Such a "conversation" is of God, is prayer. Beyond Conversation with God Years ago, some monk wrote a book titled something like Common Mystical 'Prayer. His point as I recall it, was tO ~.say that "mystical prayer" is far more common than we suppose. I'agree with that monk. Prayer is a quality, a facet, of the good person, it is a habit or even a limb of the good person.In the end, 1 cannot picture a good person without a "side" that is prayer--a side that faces God nor-mally, continuously. Bye that I mean that, besides successful actions~ deliberateness, care, kindness, strength and truth, there is in the good person an attention to what is, right, an internal facing forwards that is nothing else but prayer. By prayer here I mean that quality of a person which is his or her validity-and-awareness, an aliveness that is more than simply living. To be alive is a gift. It happens to every human being born and growing. But prayer is the "choice to live" and the many ramifications of that choice --all the nobility and pain and acceptance which mark the person who is doing more than "suffering through life." In other Words, prayer is as~integral to the good person as blood; as thought, as the electrical charge of all the body's cells. Prayer is the mystery gurrounding someone who is "different" when we cannot quite say why he is different. Prayer is the "reason" for our feeling that this person is mature and that ~person is not; prayer is the quality bf deliberateness that makes some mistakes "all right," but other mistakes are in fact ',guilty" ones. Prayer is the humble honesty of a person who retrieves a mistake or failure, and converts it into a more valuable event than could be thought. Prayer is the, power to make decisions on a basis deeper than the facts would indi, cate, on principles beyond the conflicting, shallower principles of popular debating. Prayer is the way we are--the whole root of, and then reflection on the meaning of the decisions that we make. Prayer is the connection we keep making .between the momentary commitments and the larger ripples--and ultimate results, those commitments which we make in our lifetime and in our world. Prayer is the belief that everything I do has meaning--and mean-ings-- touching far beyond what I can see. And so i need a constant help in doing them. God, of course, is the you for whom this attention, this search for principles, this belief in. value, is done. It is not that we pay attention to a mere "god of tradition" out there. The One we are paying attention to in this silent discourse is our God. We are paying attention to a Mystery, to a quiet source of answers, of truth, to someone who is beyond being just a 648 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 person or a "non-im-personal." T.his "wail" we address with our very self, so often without even any words at all, is God, the very meaning of a god. This is the value-giver, the ultimate, the Final One we "bounce against" at the end. Community, Shared Prayer ~ Without living these previous forms of mature, complex, and human prayer, community-shared prayer is meaningless. When 1 go into a church on Sunday, I find so often that there is so little effort to connect community prayer with these other elements of--- "elemental prayer." No effort at all, sometimes. Such liturgical prayers then are the empty voicing of words, gestures "and pomposity which Jesus condemned so strongly. They are magic and not prayer. They are sleight of mind and hand; but not prayer at all. We have Great Traditions. ' We have the Gathering of People regularly and the wonderful gift of ever-fresh Scripture. We have the hierarchical leadership of order and the application of talents, such as in music. We have all the right elements to comprise a living body of shared prayer. But there is almost a conspiracy to suppress quality, to reduce Prayer to prayers, to eliminate human communication as though that hinders Holy Communion, to supply clich6s instead of truth, to repeat anything that once proved good in the past, without realizing that such a repetition is to freeze and kill prayer that is alive. Shared prayer--contrary to all of this--is the sharing of elemental selves, the gathering of the greatness of our past and pouring it into our present as a "way of life." (Incidentally, I hate "relevancy" as simply a plastic imitation of real prayer. Prayer is relevant, but because it is prayer, not because its ideas or words or stories or music are "relevant:") Shared prayer is the spirit of wonder ("What really does it mean?") at the traditional Scripture. The repetition of the act of Jesus in giving, breaking, blessing the bread needs to be seen as a strange and puzzling thing, a curiosity that makes our minds wonder what is going on. The readings from the Bible become praye~ in the exploration of what it means--not the assurance of what that meaning is. The readings--when read with appro-priate emotional and intellectual sincerity--are themselves prayer and beget prayer. (How tragically often the Bible is read in church with an over-pious tone of voice. The finest reading I heard, 6ver, was a boy of ten who read Genesis, chapter one, as though he was just discovering the whole wonder of how creation has happened.) The community at prayer needs to receive everything as wonder and gift--the words from the past, the songs with their emotional impact, the presence of one another (and the mystery we are to one another). Hassling about ~clothing and place, about whether to stand or sit or kneel, about themes or style--these are distractions, inappropriate, even sinful--is alien Prayer / 649 to the quality which is the prayer of the gathering group of people. Every-thing there is to serve the prayer of the praying persons. The leader of such prayer, the priest, is the uncommon person whose heart and eyes, are as a sponge absorbing the people here. The leader uses the p~ast and the future to focus on these people; this is the nature of his prayer. The leader draws the sacred attention of. all together towards the mystery where all the threads meet, where all the human wants and joys hunger for fulfillment, where all the quests for meaning meet in their com-monness. The persons who enter the praying community on Sunday morning come not just for religious reasons, but for their entire lives and the meanings hunted and mysteries encountered in day-to-day events. They need religious jargon--but only insofar as it enlightens and judges the unfolding of daily ,work and play, of marriage responsibilities and growth, of jobs and adoles-cent children and political choices, andso on. The person of prayer is in the habit of scrutinizing all these things for what they mean--or might mean. In coming together, this person is searching with others to find where they, the ones who pray, are, what they have concluded, how they are cre-ating and finding true directions for living. The coming together becomes a matter of "spirit" when this quest and this finding is perceived in other persons who care and ripen like oneself. Without some "communion" between people in church (not just the leader to each individual, or the past .words to the present--but sideways, one to another), the whole gathering is only partial towards its fulfillment. The facets need to interlock, the side of true prayer in each good person to fit the sides of others. We need one another. We need the surprising side of each other, the edging into revelation that is faith that there is someone worthwhile--someone godly--there. We need to hear the admissions of guilt which this truthfulness so often is. We need to hear the shared needs, the outspoken hungers that are new discOveries. We need to feed one another with a handed-on Bread, the sharing of the single Cup. (This physical act, so rarely seen i~nd' practiced in our churches, is designed [by Jesus, no less] to represent and facilitate the.~ore significant one of hand-ing on our care, our truth towards one another, our passion, interest, in-volvement- our love.) Essential Prayer , Prayer is not a concept. It is even "inconceivable." Prayer is a "person facing." Prayer is a reflectiveness outward. Prayer is a tone of our life, a "how" we look at someth!ng. Prayer is a deliberate meaning towards choices--a meaning not in words, and certainly not a meaning that comes afterwards! Prayer is the meaning I sense for doing something, the ~ood I am when I am about to make a choice. Prayer erupts'into words (but is 650 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 not the words afterwards repeated); it is the developing process (like a photograph) from a need into making a decision that is the "good reason why," as well as the commitmeni itself involved in the ~lecision. Prayer, in other words, is never simply something we do or say: Prayer, rather, is the quality with which we do something, the rootedness and hope-fulness involved in living, our deliberate Jiving. It is the thinking and thank-ing which is our delicate dialogue with our environment and with ourselves. Prayer is facing God as God really is (and not just' some religious, narrow view of God, a religious jargon about God). Prayer presumes an ultimate of truth for some issue I face--and God provides it. Prayer means confronting' this new edge of truth for me, this searching for it and into it, and believing it when it is found. Prayer means involving the best we can do in what we do. Prayer, then, is an "always-freshness" about our lives, a constant ripen-ing towards fruition. Prayer is .my opening to discovery, my lifting up of myself towards exposure of some divine light, my waiting for whatever comes next from God. Prayer is placing myself to wait for what God wants. I ~m black, but comely, daughters o] Jerusalem . . . Do not regard me only as one dark With sin, for there is God-like beauty here. Too easily i'm seen to miss the mark Of all my high resolves, and it is clear That dark 1 will remain. With angry scorn My loved ones gave to me a servant's place Which I have filled, with patient merit borne, A Quie.t joy upon my dusky face, Because I am beloved. Like to the tents of Kedar on the glowing summer sand 1 take from each day's gift the light from whence My shadowed beauty shines. Simply to know I am beloved of Him--this is the band Of golden hope that gives my life its glow. Cornelius Askren P.O. Box 783 Bothell, WA 98011 Centering Prayer--Prayer of Quiet M. Basil, Pennington, O.C.S.O. Father Pennington is a frequent contributor to these pages. He resides at St. Joseph's Abbey; Spencer, MA 01562. We live in one of the greatest moments in the history of the human race. We live in the Christian era when God has sent his very own Son to bring to us the fullest revelation of his love and his inner life and to share that life with us. We live" in the time of a council, when there is a special out-pouring of grace and light to enable the People of God to achieve a deeper and fuller insight into the Revelation, And certainly the Second Vatican Council was one of the more significant of the twenty Councils which the Lord has granted to his Church in the course of her twenty centuries of life. But over and beyond this, we live in the time of a Second Pentecost. The humble-Vicar of Christ, Pope John XXIII, dared to call upon the Father to send forth the Holy Spirit in that same powerful and unique way in which he did at the birth of Christianity. The Spirit is abroad new, among us as never before, enlivening us and calling us forth to ever fuller life. In a very real sense this is absolutely necessary. For the human family has made such strides forward that .it is only by a greater infusion of the Spirit that the Christian can hope to respond to the many new challenges of our times in a faith-full way. One of the more significant changes for Western civilization, where Christianity largely resides, is the evolution from a conceptual era to an experiential one. Since Gutenberg's wood-_cuts first touched paper, the printed word and the ideas it disseminated more and more dominated Western culture. But in these last decades audiovisuals have led men to seek an ever fuller experience of reality. Technology's success has awakened desires.; its failure to satisfy awakens yet deeper desires. The spirit of man has come alive in a way that now transcends cultures. And the man of the West finds that the stirring within him is the same as that which stirs within 651 652 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 his brothers and sisters in what has sometimes been considered the "primi-tive" culture of the natives of many lands and in the more ancient cultures of the East. The Christian nurtured in this climate is no longer c6ntent to ruminate on truths of dogma to develop motivating thoughts and feelings in an effort towards union with God. He wants to ex.perience God as present, loving and caring. And the Lord seems to be very willing to respond to this aspira-tion which ultimately springs from his providential care of those whom his love has created. I think this is the significance of the widespread charismatic movement. Among those who open themselves to the Spirit of God, he seems to be granting, in what is commonly referred to as the "Baptism of the Spirit," that experience of himself which the classical mystical writers have called a grace of union. ,But not all are attracted to seek the experience of God in the enthusiastic and communicative climate which surrounds most charismatic groups. Many are drawn rather to seek this experience in the quiet of their own inner sanctuary where the Word dwells in his eternal stillness. There is ample evidence of this in the multitude of Christians who are flocking to the masters from the East to learn the methods of Zen and Yogic meditation, especially the Transcendental Meditation taught by Maharishi Mehesh Yogi. Turning to the East A ~:ouple of years ago I had occasion to visit a Ramakrishna temple in Chicago. Here I found twenty-four disciples gatheredaround a relatively young swami. The man was not unusually impressive, but he lived what he taught and spoke out of a~ personal inner experience. His disciples were an impressive group, twenty-two to fifty-five years of age. They expected an-other twenty-four disciples to join them that year and were inaugurating a subsidiary ahsram in nearby Michigan. All twenty-four disciples were from Christian backgrounds. When I asked them what had drawn them to the temple, they invariably answered that they were not able to find anyone in their own Church who was willing to lead them into the deeper ways of the spirit where they could truly experience God. Then they met the swami and he was willing to do that. They still worshipped Christ, but now, un-fortunately, as only one of many incarnations of God. In their search they have somewhat lost their way because there was no Christian master (or, to be: more faithful to our own traditional terminologyi no spiritual father) ready to guide them, sharing with them from the fullness of his own lived experience. Over the years in retreat work I have talked to many, many priests and religious. I have found that in most cases, though not all, in the .seminary or the novitiate they have been taught methods, of prayer and active meditation. In many cases they have also had a course in ascetical and Centering Prayer--Prayer of Quiet / 653 mystical theology in which they have heard about the various stages of con-templative prayer. Unfortunately they have usually been left with the im-pression or have been actually taught that it is a very rare sort of.thing, usually found only in enclosed monasteries. To seek it is presumptuous. One must plug away faithfully at active meditation and perhaps some day, in the far distant future, after long years of fidelity, God might give one this precious but rare gift of contemplative prayer. In no instance have 4 yet found anyone who had been taught in the seminary or the novitiate a simple method for entering into passive meditation or contemplative prayer. This is sad. Especially in face of the fact that St. Teresa of Avila.had taught that those who were faithful to prayer' could expect in a relatively short time--six months or a year--to be led into a prayer of quiet. Dom Marmion believed that by the end of his novitiate, a religious was usually ready for contemplative prayer. One of the signs that St. John of the Cross pointed to as an indication that one is ready for contemplative prayer is that active meditation no longer works--an experience very many priests and religious do have. Faced with this experience, and ~vith no one showing them how to move on to contemplative prayer, many give up regular prayer. A faithful few plug on, sometimes for years, in making painful meditations that are any-thing but refreshing. Given this state of affairs, it is not surprising that Christians seeking help to enter into the quiet, inner experience of God find little guidance among their priests and religious. If a person desiring, to seek the experience of God. in deep meditation does go to one of the many swamis found in the West today, he or she will be quickly taught a simple method to pursue this goal. "Sit this way. Hold your hands this way. Breathe thus. Say this word in this manner. Do this twice a day for so many minutes." And if the rec'ipient does this, he usually has very good experiences. We can see this~ practice, up to a point, as a good thing. For often, whether the person kno~ws his name or not, he or she is in fact seeking God. And in carrying through this exercise, in devoting mind and heart to,this pursuit, he is actually engaging in a very pure form of prayer. The sad part of it is that his pursuit and his experience, probably of God's very real presence in him in his creative love, is not informed by faith. Sadder still is the fact that, in .not a few cases, grateful recipients, so helped by the swami's meditation-technique, begin to accept from him as well his philoso-phy of life, thus abandoning their Christian heritage. Some of the greater swapnis, such as Swami Satchidinanda and Maharishi Mehesh Yogi, certainly advise against this. But such advice can fall on ears deafened by an almost cultic veneration for a truly' selfless master. These good masters from the East are truly a challenge, whether they intend to be or not, and in more ways than one. For one thing they cer-. tainly remind us that the effective teacher, at least in the area of life-giving 654 / Review lor Religious, VoluJne 35, 1976/5 teaching, must be one who lives what he teaches. For a minister to try to teach the Christian Gospel with its strong bias for the poor' and its way of daily abnegation ("If you would be my disciple, take up your cross daily and come follow me.") and still to be busy pursuing the same pleasures and immediate goals as the wc~rldly'materialist is to condemn himself to a fruit-less ministry. We must teach more by what we are and how we live than by what we say, if we want our hearers to take us seriously. The swamis' response to seekers makes us ask ourselves, are there not in our own Christian tradition some simple methods, some meditation techniques, which we can use to enter into quiet, contemplative union with God? Before responding, I would like .to say, we Christians should not hesitate to make use of the good techniques that our wise friends from the East are offering, if. we find them,' in fact, helpful. As St: Paul said: "All things are yours, and you are Christ's and Christ is God's." Many Chris-tians, in fact, who take their prayer life seriously have been greatly helped by Yoga, Zen, TM and similar practices, especially where they have been initiated by reliable teachers and have a solidly developed Christian faith to giv~ inner form and meaning to the resulting experiences. But to return to our question: Do we have, in our Christian tradition, simple methods or techniques for entering into contemplative prayer? Yes, we certainly do. The Use of "Technique" First of all, "techniques," methods, are certainly not foreign to the prayer experience of the average Catholic. The rosary is a "technique"-- and certainly not one to be readily discounted. It has led many, many Chris-tians to deep contemplative union with God. The Stations of the Cross are another "techn!que." So are the Ignatian Exercises, which are directly ordered to contemplation. Well enough known in the West today, at least by name and reputation, is the ancient Eastern Christian technique of the "Jesus Prayer." We have, in fact, many Christian techniques. The use of a technique or method in prayer to help us come into con-tact with God present to us, in us, and to bring our whole selves into quiet-ness to enjoy that presence and be refreshed by it, is certainly not, in itself, Pelagian. Mystical theologians have not.hesitated to speak of an "acquired contemplation" (in distinction to "infused contemplation"), a state or experience which the contemplator has taken some part in bringing into being. All prayer is a response to God and begins with him. To deny this would be Pelagian. God's grace is not operative only in infused contemplation. When the little child lisps his "Now I lay me down to sleep . . ." if there is any movementi of faith and love there, any true prayer, grace is present and operative. Every prayer is a response to a movement of grace, whether we are explicitly aware of it or not, whether we conscious!y experience the Centering Prayer--Prayer of Quiet/ 655 movement, the call, the attraction, or not. God present in us, present all around us, is calling us. to respond to his presence, his love, his caring. We are missing reality if we think otherwise. When we use a technique, a method, to pray, we are doing so because God?s grace, to which we are freely responding, is efficaciously, inviting us to do this. That we have been taught the technique and have responded to the teaching is all his grace at work, inviting us, leading us, guiding us to have a deeper experience of our union with him. That iswhy it takes a certain courage---or foolhardiness--to learn such a technique. For it is, indeed, an invitation from the Lord to enter and abide within. The Prayer of the Cloud Yes, we do have in our Christian tradition simple methods~ "tech-niques," for entering into contemplative prayer, a. prayer of quiet. I would like to share one such method with you, drawn from a little book called The Cloud of Unknowing. This is indeed a.popular book in our time.1 At the time of our author's writing there was a vibrant spirituality alive and widespread in ~the Christian West. The swell had begun with the great Gregorian reform in the eleventh century and the ensuing monastic revival. This was followed by the enthusiasm of the sons of St. Francis and the other mendicant orders. All, even the poorest, the most illiterate, the vil-lainous, were invited to intimacy with the Lord. The fourteenth century was a high tide for the Christian spirit in the West. Unfortunately it would soon enough ebb. With the Reformation, the monastic centers of spiritual life would be swept away by the new currents that flowed through much of Europe. And on the rest of the continent the prosecution of Quietists and Illuminists by an overly zealous and defensive Inquisition would send contemplation to hide fearfully in the corners of a few convents and monasteries. A great movement of the Christian spirit flowed away with the undercurrent, only to surface and return under the impulsion of the mighty .winds of a Second Pentecost, These winds blow across the face of the whole earth. They certainly are not contained by the Church. But the Church, the Christian commuhity, cannot afford to be slow to respond to them: True renewal must begin with each .Christian, respond-ing to the call of the Spirit within, to the call to the center where God dwells, waiting to refresh, revitalize, renew. There is a simple method of entering into contemplative prayer which has been aptly called "centering prayer." The name is inspired by Thomas 1At p.resent the book is available in 'four different paperback editions. The one edited by William Johnston and published by D~ubleday is the best. The author is an un-known English Catholic writer of the fourteenth century. He could hardly have put his name to the work, for all that it teaches belongs to the common heritage of the Christian c~mmunity. 656 / Review Ior, Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 Merton. In his writings he stressed that the only way to come into contact with the living God is to go to'one's center and from there pass into God. This is the way the author of The Cloud of Unknowing would lead us, although his imagery is somewhat different. The simple method he teaches really belongs to the. common heritage of man. I remember on one occasion describing it to a teacher of Tran-scendental Meditation. He repli,ed, "Why, that's TMo" I could not agree with him. There are very significant differences, but perhaps it takes faith really to perceive them. I can also remember, when I was in Greece a. couple of years ago, finding a Greek translation of The Cloud. The late Orthodox Archbishop of Corinth had written the Introduction. In it he stated that this was the work of an unknown fourteenth-century, English, Orthodox writer. He was certain it belonged to his own Christian tradition. If one reads The Cloud of Unknowing on his own, as perhaps many of my readers have, he is not apt effectively to draw from the text the simple technique the author offers. This is not to be wondered at. One would have the same experience reading books on the "Jesus Prayer." As the spiritual fathers on Mount Athos pointed out to me, no spiritual father would seek to teach this method of prayer by a book~ It is meant to be handed on per-sonally, through a tradition. The writings are but to support the learner in his experience and help him place the practice in the full context of his life. This, too, I believe is the case with The Cloud o] Unknowing. Simply read-ing it will not usually teach the method. And so let me try to spell out the "technique" of The Cloud of Un-knowing quite concretely, adding some practical advice and explanation. To do this I would like to sum up the method in three rules. Posture and Relaxation But "first let me say a word about posture. Some wonderful ways of sitting have come to us from the East. They are ideal for meditation. But unless we are 10ng practiced, and in most cases, have gotten an early start, our muscles and bones do not too readily adapt° themse.lves to these pos-tures. I think for most of us Westerners the best posture for prayer is to be comfortably settled in a good chair--one that gives firm support to the back, but at the same time is not too hard or stiff. As the author of The Cloud says, "Simply sit relaxed and quiet . " Most imprrtant, the body should be relaxed. When our Lord said, "Come to me all you who labor and are heavily burdened, and I will refresh you," he meant the whole man, body, soul and spirit--not just the spirit. But the body is not apt to be refreshed if we begin the prayer physically tense. Settling down in our chair ahd "letting go," letting the chair fully support the body, is sacramental of what is to take place in the prayer. In centering prayer we settle in God, "let ourselves go," let him fully support us, rest us, refresh us. Centering Prayer--Prayer o] Quiet / 657 Posture and relaxation-are important. It is good, too, if we close our eyes during this prayer.: The more we can gently eliminate outside distur-bances the better. That is why it is good, if possible, to make this prayer in a quiet place, a place apart, though this is not essential. More important is it that it be a situation in which we will not be disturbed in the course of the meditation. Quiet will usually be found helpful. Psychologically, also, it is experienced as helpful if one has a sort of special place for meditation--a place apart, even though "apart" may be only a corner of a room where there is a presence sacramentalized in Bible, icon or sacred image, and the going apart simply involves swinging around in our chair from desk to shrine. The physical set-up and the bodily movement itself reinforce the sense of passing now from the frenetic activities of the day to a deeper state of prayerful rest and divine refreshment. Three Rules the But now let us get on with the "rules" for entering into centering prayer, prayer of quiet, contemplation. Rule One: At the beginizing o] the prayer we take a minute or two to quiet down and then move in ]aith to God dwelling .in our depths; attd at the end oI the' prayer we take several minutes to come out, mentally praying the "Our Father." Once we are settled down in our chair and relaxed, we enter into a short period of silence, Sixty seconds can initially seem like a long time when we are doing nothing and are used to being constantly on the go. Better to take a little more time rather than less. Then we move in faith to God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, dwelling in creative love in the depths of our being. This is the whole essence of the prayer. "Center all your attention and desire on him and let this be the sole concern of your mind and heart" (The Cloud oI Unknowing, c.3). Faith moving towards its Object is hope and love--this is the whole of the theological, the Christian life. All the rest of the method is simply a means to enable us to abide quietly in this center, and to allow our whole being to share in this refreshing contact with its Source. Faith is fundamental for this prayer, as for any prayer. We will have no desire to enter into union and communion, to pray, if we do not have at least some glimmer in faith of the all-Lovable, the all,Desirable. But it is more especially a "wonderfUl work of love," a °response to him who is known, by living faith. -"It is true, some techniques like Zen call for keeping the eyes open. But these are usually effortful techniques. This method, however, is effortless; it is a letting go. "It is simply a spontaneous desire, springing from God . . ." (The Cloud, c.4). 658 / Review [or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 The Inner Presence When God. makes things, he does not just put them together and toss them out there, to let them fly along in his creation. "One is good--God.'':~ And One'is true, and beautiful, and all ':being--our God. And everything else is only insofar as it here and now actively participates in him and shares his :being. At every moment God is intimately present to each and every particle of his creation, sharing with it, in creative love, his very own being. And so, if we really see this paper, we do not just see the paper, but we see God bringing it into being and sustaining it in being. We perceive the divine presence. If this i~ true of all the other elements, how much more true is it for the greatest of God's creation: man, made to his own image and likeness. When we go to our depths we find not only the image of God, but God himself, bringing us forth in his creative love. We go to our center and pass from there into the present God. Yet there is still something even more wonderful here for the Christian. We have been baptized into Christ. We are in some very real, though mysteri-ous way, Christ, the Son of God, the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity. "I live, now not I, but Christ lives in me." As we go to the depths, we realize in faith our identity with Christ the Son. Even now, .with him and in him, we comeforth from the Father in eternal generation, and return to the Father in that perfect Love which is the Holy Spirit. What prayer! This is really beyond adequate conception. Yet our faith°tells us it is so. It is part of that whole reality that revelation has opened up to us. And it is for us to take possession of it. We have been made sharers in the divine nature by baptism. We have been given the gi]t of the Holy Spirit. We have but to enter into what is ours, what we truly are. And that is what we do in this prayer. In a movement of faith that is hope and love, we go to the center and turn ourselves bver to God in a simple being there, in a presence that is perfect and complete .adoration, response, love, an "Amen" to that movement that we are in the Son to the Father. This is what St. Paul was talking about when he said, "We do not know how to pray as we ought, but the Spirit himself prays for us . " Coming Out 'of Contemplation In this prayer we go .very deep into ourselves. Some speak of a fourth state of consciousness, a state beyond waking, sleeping or dreaming states. Tests have shown that meditators do achieve a state of rest which is deeper than that attained in sleep. We do not want to come out of contemplative prayer in a jarring way. Rather we want to bring its deep peace into the whole of our life. That is why it is prescribed that we take several minutes :~See Mt 19, 17. Centering Prayer Prayer o] Quiet / 659 ~zoming out, moving from the level ot~ deep, self, forgetful contemplation to silent awareness and then a conscious interior prayer, before moving further into full activity. When the time we have determined to pray is over, we stop using the prayer word we have chosen," savor the silence, the Presence, for a bit, and then begin interiorly to pray the "Our Father." I suggest saying the "Our Father." It is a perfect prayer, taught us by the Lord himself. We gently let the successive phrases come to mind. We savor' them, enter into them. What matter if in fact it takes a good while. It is a beginning of letting our contemplative prayer flow out into the rest of our live~. A Valuable Asceticism I strongly recommend two periods of contemplative prayer in the course of a day. It introduces into our day a good rhythm: a period of deep rest and refreshment in the Lord flowing out into eight or ten hours of fruitful activity, and then anotho: period of renewal to carry us through (what is for almost everyone today) a long evening of activity. This is certainly much better than trying to base sixteen hours of activity on the morning prayer. Twenty minutes seems to be a good period to start with. Less tharl this hardly gives, one a chance to get fully into the prayer and be wholly re-freshed. Some will feel themselves drawn to extend the period to twenty-five or thirty minutes or perhaps thirty-five. On a day of retreat or when we are sick in bed, and our activity is curtailed, we can easily add more periods of .contemplative prayer. This might be better than prolonging individual periods. Those who are generally living a contemplative life'may find somewhat longer periods helpful. For most of. us, the real asceticism of this form ot~ prayer comes in scheduling into*our daily life two periods for it. Once we are going full steam, it is difficult to stop, drop everything, go apart and simply be to the Lord. And yet there is a tremendous value ,here. All of us theoretically subscribe to the theme, "Unless the Lord build the house, in vain the masons toil." But in practice most of us work as though God could not possibly get things done if we did not do them for him.The fact is there is nothing that we :are doing that God could not raise up a stone in the field to do for him. The realization of this puts us in our true place. Though, lest we do get too defeated by such a realization, let me hastento add that there is one thing that we alone can give God-- our personal love. The very God of heaven and earth wants, and needs because he wants, our personal love. And if, while we pray, someone 'has to wait at our door, for ten or fifteen minutes, he will probably learn a lot about prayer while he waits-- certainly more than if he were inside listening to us talk about prayer. 4See below, under Rule 2. 660 / Review Ior Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 Actions speak louder than words. Those around us will not fail to notice, even though we might prefer they would not, when we begin to give prayer prime time in our busy lives. Rule Two: Alter resting ]or a bit ~it~ the center in ]aith-lull love, we take up a single simple word that expresses this response attd begiu to let it repeat itsel] within. As the author of The Cloud puts it: "If you want to gather all your desire into one simple word that the mind can easily retain, choose a short word rather than a long one. A one-syllable word such as 'God'. or 'love' is best. But choose one that is meaningful to you. Then fix it in your mind so that it will remain there, come what may . Be careful in this work and never strain your mind or imagination, for truly you will not succeed in this way. Leave these faculties at peace" (c.4,7). What we are concerned with here is a simple, effortless prolongation ~'or abiding in the act of faith--love--presence. This is so simple, so effort-less, so restful, that it is a bit subtle and so needs some explanation. A spiritual act is an instantaneous act, an act without time, "The will needs only this brief fraction of a moment to move toward the object of its desires" (The Cloud, c.4). As soon as we move in love to God present in our depths, we are there. There a perfect prayer of adoration, love and presence is. And we simply want to remain there and be what we are: Christ responding to the Father in perfect Love, the Holy Spirit. To facilitate our abiding quietly there, and to bring our whole being as much as 'possible to rest in this abiding, after a brief experience of silent presence we take up a single~ simple word that expresses for us our faith-love movement. We have seen that the author of The Cloud suggests such words as "God" or "love." A word in the vocative case seems usually to be best. We begin very simply to let this word repeat itself within us. We let it take its own pace, louder or softer, faster or slower; it may even drift off into silence. "It is best'when this word is wholly interior without a definite thought or actual sound" (The Cloud o[ Unknowing, c. 4). We might think of it as though the Lord himself, present in our depths, were quietly repeating his own name, evoking his presence and very gently summoning us to an attentive response. We are quite passive. We let it happen. "Let this little word represent to you God .in all his fullness and 'nothing less than the fullness of God. Let nothing except God hold sway in your mind and heart" (The Cloud, c.4). The subtle thing here is the effortlessness. We are so .used to being effortful. We are a people out to succeed, to accomplish, to do. It is hard for us to ',let go" and let God do. Yet we have but to let go and let it be done unto us according to his revealed Word. The temptation for us is to change the quiet mental repetition of the prayer-word (which simply pro-longs a state of being-present) into an effortfui repetition of an ejaculation Centering Prayer Prayer ol Quiet / 661 and to use it energetically to knock out any thoughts or "distractions" that come along.' This brings us to our third rule. Rule Three: Whenever in the course o[ the prayer we become aware o] any-thing else, we simply gently return to the prayer word. I want to underline that word aware. Unfortunately we are not able to turn off our minds and imaginations by the flick of a switch. Thoughts and images keep coming in a steady stream. "No sooner has a man turned toward God in love when through human frailty he finds himself distracted by the remembrance of some created thing or some daily care. But no matter. No harm done: For such a person quickly returns to deep recollec-tion" (The Cloud, c.4), In this.prayer we go below the thoughts and images offered by the mind and imagination. But at times they will grab at our attention and try to draw it away from the restful Presence. This is so because thoughts or images refer to something that has a hold on us, something wefear, or desire, or are in some other way intensely involved with. When we become aware of these thoughts, if we continue to dwell on them, we leave our prayer and become involved again in tensions. But if, at the moment we become aware, we simply, gently, return to our prayer-word (thus implicitly renewing our act of presence in faith-full .love), the thought or image with its attendant tension will be released and flow out of our awareness. And we will come into a greater freedom and peace that will remain with us after our prayer is ended. Should some thought go on annoying you demanding to know what you are doing, answer with this one word alone. If your mind begins to intellectualize over the meaning and connotation of this little word, remind yourself that its value lies in its simplicity. Do this and I assure you these thoughts will vanish (The Cloud o! Unknowing, c.7). We can see how pure this prayer is. In active forms of prayer we use thoughts and images as sacramentals and means for reaching out to God. In this prayer we go beyond them, we leave them behind, as we go to .God himself abiding in our depths. It is a very pure act of faith. Perhaps in this prayer we will for the first time really act in pure faith. So often our faith is leaning on the concepts and images of faith. Here we go beyond them to the Object' himself of faith, leaving all the concepts and images behind. We can see, too, how Christian this prayer is. For we truly die to our-selves, our more superficial selves, the level of our thoughts, images and feelings in order to live to Christ, to enter into our Christ-being in the depths. We "die" to all our thoughts arid imaginings, no matter how beau-tiful they may be or how useful they might seem. We leave them all be-hind, for we want immediate contact with God himself, and not some thought, image or vision of him-~only the faith-experience of himself. "You are to concern yourself with no creature, whether material or spiri- 662 / Review 1or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 tual, nor with their situation or doings, whether good or ill. To put it briefly, during this work you must abandon them all" (The Cloud o[ Un-knowing, c.5). "By Their Fruils . . ." There is another consequence of this transcending of thought and image. This prayer cannot be judged in itself. As it goes beyond thought, beyond image, there is nothing left by which to judge it. In active medita-tion, at the end of the prayer we can make some iudgments: "I had some good thoughts, I felt some good affections, I had lots of distractions, and so forth." But all that is irrelevant to this prayer, If we have rots of thoughts--good, lots of tension is being released; if we have few thoughts --good, there was no need for them. The same for feelings, images, and more. All these are purely accidental; they do not touch the essence of the prayer, which goes on in all its purity, whether these be present or not. There i~ nothing left by which to judge the prayer in itself. If we simply follow the three rules, the prayer is always good, no matter what we think or feel. There is, however, one way in which the goodness of this pra)Ter is con-firmed for us. Our Lord has said, "You can judge a tree by its fruits." If we are faithful to this form of prayer, making it a regular part of our day, we very quickly come to discern--and often others discern it even more quickly--the maturing in our lives of the fruits of the Spirit: love, joy, peace, patience, benignity, kindness, gentleness--all the fruits of the Spirit. I have experienced this in my own life and I have seen this again and again in the lives of others, sometimes in a most remarkable way. What happens, ¯ the way the Spirit seems to bring this about, is that in this prayer we experi-ence not only our oneness with God in Christ, but also our oneness with all the rest of the Body of Christ, and indeed with the whole of creation, in God's creative love and sharing of being. Thus we begin, connaturally as it were, to experience the presence of God in all things, the presence of Christ in each person we meet. Moreover, we sense a oneness with them. From this ~flows a true compassion--a "feeling-with." This contemplative prayer, far from removing us from others, makes us live more and more conscious of our oneness with them. Love, kindness, gentleness, patience grow. Joy and peace, too, in the pervasive presence of God's caring love in all. Not only does contemplative prayer help us to take possession of our real transcendent relationship with God in Christ, but also of our real relationship with each and every person in Christ. 'Charismatic Spirituality and. the Catechist Johannes Ho[inger, S.J. Father Hofinger is well known for his work and writing in the field of catechetics. He resides at the Center of Jesus the Lord~; 1236 N. Rampart St.; New Orleans, LA 70116. The true value of any ramification of Christian spirituality must always be judged according to its potential of leading to authentic union with God in a life lived according to God's saving plan. Some valuable side-effects or some partial aspects of this basic criterion cannot ultimately determine the worth of a given spirituality. But good side-effects, too, have their value and deserve to be properly estimated, of course always in the light of the cen-tral aim: an ever closer union with God. With this in mind it may be worthwhile to ask what charismatic spiritu-ality can contribute to a fruitful-engagement in the apostolate of catechetics. A large percentage of religious serve the Kingdom of God in one or other activity'involving religious education. A continuously growing number of them also participate in charismatic prayer meetings. Thus the question may well arise: what can authentic charismatic spirituality contribute to their cate-chetical apostolate?. How can genuine charismatic spirituality dispose them to become ever more perfectly what Christ expects of them if they are to proclaim with him the Good News of God's saving love.? No one would say that all who regularly participate in charismatic prayer meetings have therefore grasped genuine charismatic spirituality and really live it, just as no one would contend that all who live in Jesuit communities have grasped and really live genuine Jesuit spirituality. Be-cause of this, it is definitely meaningful to make explicit inquiry into the apostolic values of the spirituality of Jesuits---or of charismatics. 663 664 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 The Pentecostal Origin of Christian Catechesis Before entering into an analysis of charismatic spirituality and its potential for the catechetical apostolate, it may be worthwhile to remember the pentecostal origin of Christian catechesis. The New Testament is very explicit in this regard. True, all gospels mention how, even before Pente-cost, Christ had commissioned his disciples to preach the Good News in his name, but John (14, 15-17) and Luke (24, 49; Ac 1, 8) insist that Christ explicitly promised them the indispensable assistance of the Holy Spirit in order to fulfill their difficult task. In Acts 2 we are given a detailed report as to how the first powerful proclamation of the Good News started with Pentecost. It may truly be said, then, that Christ formed his first messengers through the Holy Spirit. The catechesis of the primitive Church was plainly charismatic in character. To this historical fact Acts and the epistles of the apostles give irrefutable testimony. The starting point of the original evangelization is the pentecostal experience of the life and exaltation of the risen Christ, the emphatic proclamation that he is Lord. "All the people of Israel, then, are to know for sure that it is this Jesus, whom you nailed to the cross, that God has made Lord and Messiah" (Ac 2, 36). This experience of the apostles was so overwhelming that they could simply not cease to speak of what they had seen and heard (see Ac 4, 20). The extraordinary results of this apostolic preaching were not due to any particular method, but to the religious depth of their charismatic ex-perience and the power of the Holy Spirit which accompanied it. "When I came to you," St. Paul reminded the Corinthians, "I was weak and trembled all over with fear, and my teaching and message were not de-livered with skillful words of human wisdom, but with convincing proof of the power of God's Spirit. Your faith, then, does not rest on man's wisdom, but on God's power" (1 Co 2, 3-5. See also Ga 3, 1-5). Is there any indication in the Scriptures or in ecclesial tradition that God later on wanted to lose the original intimate connection of charismatic experience and the proclamation of his Good News? What does the testi-mony of history tell us about the spirituality of the most outstanding heralds of the Gospel throughout all the centuries? Surrender to Christ Even a good number of charismatics may not be sufficiently aware of what constitutes the basic charismatic experience. They may overrate some valuable, particular gift such as prophecies, healing, or the gift of speaking or singing in tongues, and not see these particular gifts clearly enough against the background of the much more' fundamental gift which consists in the total surrender to Christ under the impulse of the Holy Spirit. Surely we cannot blame the Scriptures for such misunderstandings. Although they were showered with the particular gifts we have just men- Charismatic Spirituality and the Catechist / 665 tioned, the e.mphasis of the primitive Church and of its leaders rested unequivocally upon the overwhelming experience they had of God's saving power and love as experienced in their Spirit-given encounter with Christ the Lord and Savior. This holds good not only for the very first disciples who personally have seen and heard the risen Christ, but also for the others who, on the word of the apostles, believed in Christ and accepted him as the Lord of their lives. The original preaching of the Gospel was the enthusiastic proclama-tion of God's saving power with the Christ-event at its very center. "It is the.Good News," St. Paul wrote to the Romans: "I preach, the message about Jesus Christ . . . the secret truth which was hidden for long ages in the past. Now, however, that truth has been brought out into the open" (Ro 16, 25f). It is "a message that is'offensive to the Jews and nonsense to the Gentiles; but for those whom God has called . . . this message is Christ who is the power of God and the wisdom of God" (1 Co 1, 23f). The effect which this faith-surrender to Christ should have on our lives is perhaps nowhere described as impressively as in the writings of St. Paul. In Chapter 3 of his letter to the Philippians--his favorite Christian com-munity- he described the first impact of this surrender to Christ as he experienced it in his own life. After his encounter with Christ (which was real, but definitely charismatic in character) he says, "All things that I might count as profit I now reckon as loss, for Christ's sake. Not only those things; I reckon everything ~s complete loss for the sake of what is so much more valuable, the knowledge of Christ my Lord. For his sake I have thrown everything away; I consider it all as mere garbage, so'that--I might gain Christ, and be completely united with him . All I want is to know Christ and to experience the power.of his resurrection; to share in his sufferings and to become like him in his death, in the hope that I myself will be raised from death to life" (Ph 3, 7-11 ). St. Paul leaves no doubt that he .expects a similar Christ experience in the lives of all His friends. Significantly he concludes this passage of his epistle with the remark: All of us who are spiritually mature should have this attitude . Keep on imitating me, my brothers. We have set the right example, for you, so pay attention to those who follow it" (Ph 3, 15-17). Admittedly every surrender to Christ isn't always charismatic to this same degree. The impulse of the Holy Spirit that leads to it is not always experienced with the same awareness and depth of experience that was Paul's. But any true surrender to Christ is in fact always the result of the impulse of the Spirit. "No one can confess 'Jesus is Lord' unless he is guided by the Holy Spirit" ( 1 Co 12, 3). . What is important here is simply this. On the one hand we know that genuine Pentecostalism, as we find it at the beginning of Christianity, has the surrender to Christ as its fundamental experience. On the other hand, we all agree that authentic catechetical activity continues the preaching 666 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 of the Apostles; thus, it, too, must have Christ as its center and it, too, must communicate an existential knowledge of Christ that leads to a life of union with Christ the Lord'. What does this mean for the spiritual life of the religion-teacher him- .self? Must he not first himself live in an exemplary way what he teaches others? Could not the charismatic renewal bring him the spiritual encounter with Christ which is indispensable for his catechetical apostolate? Herald of the Good News The first "Pentecostals" were also the first catechists of the early Church. Although Christ had commissioned the Twelve with the proclama-tion of the Good News, and although they must have been aware of their apostolic obligation, there is nothing to indicate that their preaching was primarily the discharge of an incumbent task, but was rather the spontane-ous consequence of their overwhelming experience of God's saving power. Their own deep and joyful experience simply compelled them to com-municate their own spiritual riches. In the pentecostal movement of our times there is question again of a very similar experience. Whatever one may think of this movement, it is impossible to deny the fact of its tremendous evangelizing power which results from the experience of God's forgiving love. For various reasons the pentecostal experience may not always be equally sotind, but we should not overlook its unusual power of communication. Fundamentally it is the joyful experience of liberation and salvation through the undeserved love of God. Fcr a long time we did not stress enough in Catholic catechetics and homiletics the essentially joyful character of God's message which, by its very nature, is the "gospel," the "Good Tidings." The way, for example, that the message was presented for a long time in the Baltimore Catechism surely did not do justice to the "evangelic" character of God's saving mes-sage. Sorry to say, very few priests and even bishops noticed that some-thing was wrong. The kerygmatic renewal of the late 50's and early 60's opened our eyes; yet there was still much to be desired. All too many re-ligion teachers considered kerygmatics only as a new "method," and did not even grasp its basic point. What kerygmatics intended before all else was a new religious attitude on the part of the teacher himself, not simply a change of textbooks. The teacher of religion is called to proclaim. God's message as Good News. But he cannot do this properly if he has not first in his own life experienced the Christian religion as a liberating power and as the source of deep, interior peace and joy. As long as Christianity for the teacher of religion ,means primarily a matter of inescapable duty or a complex of "good and venerable traditions" which, after all, still deserve to be kept, he will never become a true "evangelizer." His message may be correct, but Charismatic Spirituality and the Catechist / 667 it will not be the "Gospel" which God intended to be given to his beloved children. It would be naive to think that only within the charismatic renewal of our times can the Christian message and Christian life be experienced as the source and guarantee of deep and lasting joy., But it is sufficient ,for our purpose here simply to show that authentic charismatic renewal can make a valid and powerful contribution in this regard. Catechetical and Religious Concentration Before Vatican II Catholic preaching and religious observance often suffered from a deplorable lack of concentration on the essentials, a fact which caused real scandal to our fellow-Christians. That devotional themes, often presented in a sentimental way, could for so long a~ time hold a preferential position .before essential themes, such as the meaning of the Holy Spirit, of true conversion and justice--and this even in the priestly catechesis in the course of the Eucharist--was a fact which clamored for correction. This is not the place to demonstrate how much the Council was aware of this shortcoming, and how it tried to remedy it (see, e,g., J. Hofinger, Our Message is Christ/Notre Dame, Fides, 1974; pp. 6-8). Preconciliar religion teachers (priests, religious, and lay-teachers alike) were usually very cohcerned about the orthodoxy of their teaching. Their c6ncern resulted from the conviction that, in the teaching of religion, the teacher is acting as a messenger of. God whose saving word must be faith-fully transmitted from generation to generation without any falsification. (In fact, we religion teachers of today could learn much from our predeces-sors and their concern to be faithful messengers of God!) But, while giving full credit to the validity of this concern, we might also mention that authentic orthodoxy in the messenger was often understood in much too narrow a way. In order to transmit a given message correctly and faithfully, it is not endugh merely to avoid particular statements which contradict the original message. A faithful messenger must also concentrate upon the central idea of the message that is given to him. He must make sure that all who listen to him grasp at least the main message and act accordingly. Secondary e~lements must be relegated to the peril0hery, or even .omitted altogether in circumstances in which the solid presentation of the more important ele-ments might demand it. Teachers of religion who speak more about the Little Flower or about Fatima than they do about the Holy Spirit are not heretics in the technical sense. But they do commit, objectively, a serious fault against one indispensable element of' their role as conscientious messengers. Historical studies of the last thirty years have proven convincingly that the. evangelization of the early Church excelled in its concentration upon the core of the Christian message. In our times, we might almost be 668 / Review lor Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 shocked by this resolute concentration, putting, as it does, its whole empha-sis on the core, while it remains surprisingly broad-minded in treating of the rest. The early catechesis forcefully proclaimed God's saving love "now," in the fullness of time, offered to everyone who accepts this love and believes in~.Christ the Lord and Savior. The center of the original message was, beyond any doubt, the Christ-event: tile exaltation of Christ crucified as the Lord of all. It is a joyful message of salvation, but it de-mands a thorough change of life. Ih the name of his Heavenly Father, the risen Christ calls his beloved brothers and sisters to a new life; he fills them with his Spirit; he unites them with himself in a communion .of life and love. The charismatic renewal has as its special purpose a ~horough renova-tion of Christian faith and Christian life in the spirit of its origins. Catholic charismatics are sufficiently aware that we cannot simply copy the primitive Church. Mere .pristine returns never work in history. But from the spirit of the early Church we can all learn. In dealing with the renewal of religious life, th~ Council rightly insisted that authentic renewal in a religious community must be characterized by the revival of the original spirit of the particular institute. This principle is equally valid for any authentic renewal in the Church as a whole. And the return to the original spirit of Pentecost and of the early Church includes, as one of its main points, a healthy concentration upon the essentials of both the Christian mes-sage- and the Christian life. Charismatic renewal in our times has under-stood this, and so has resulted in a noticeable improvement among its adherents precisely in this regard. It is only realistic to note the fact that many of our most dedicated religion teachers come from those segments of the Christian people who were deeply influenced by the earlier, more devotional approach to re-ligion. These individuals often excel in their abundance of good will. But, at the same time, in their spiritual life they lack this necessary concentra-tion which, thus, was also lacking in their catechetical activities. It is en-tirely possible that participation in one or other solid charismatic p~:ayer group could help them to develop still more what was best in their earlier experience and, at the'same time, introduce into their lives and into their teaching the concentration that is so necessary to any life of faith and of apostolate. Importance of Prayer and Religious Experience The concentration that characterized evangelization and life in the early Church was not the product of professional theological reflection, but rather the result of God's gracious outpouring of the Holy Spirit. This outpouring was received in a situation of personal encounter with God expressed, above all, in prayer. The Pentecostal experience, throughout, was distinguished by exuberant and powerful religious emotions, but 'not in Charismatic Spirituality and the Catechist / 669 the sense of a purposeless emotionalism in which emotions figured as ends in themselves. Rather the experience was the result of their vivid aware-ness of our Lord's presence among them and of their astonishment about the marvels God had accomplished in their midst (see Ac 2:11 ). The Acts and all the epistles of the canon present" in this regard a similar picture. Apostolic preaching and apostolic ministry'was not geared to the cultivation of exuberant but irrational emotions. Rather they were geared to the implantation of faith in the sense of an unconditional accept-ance. of the gospel which was then, under the guidance of the Spirit, to lead to an authentic r61igious experience with profound and vigorou.s emotions. Whenever it came to the point of an overflow of emotions, the Apostles insisted upon the necessity of discernment and balance (see, for example, 1 Co 12:3; 14:23, 33; 1 Th 5:19-22). The pentecostal movement of our century must be understood as a re-action against a one-sided rational approach to religion; one which did not do iustice to its emotional side. In this reaction, the movement may at times have expressed itself exaggeratedly in the opposite direction. Still, overall, it would be easy to show that Catholic charismatics have moved toward a sound balance of religious insight, commitment and sentiment just as they have also demonstrated an awareness of their Catholic identity, keeping themselves open to the recommendations and warnings of. the best Catholic spiritual traditions. Even in cases where groups have yet to reach this de-sired balance, we still have to acknowledge their valuable contribution to religious renewal in bringing so many people to a new appreciation and practice of genuine prayer, and through their insistence on more spontaneity in the expression of religious conviction and sentiments. The significance of this contribution for catechetics becomes immedi-ately evident as soon ~as we try to evaluate it against the backg~:ound of our present catechetical situation. An impartial assessment o1~ this present situa-tion would disclose an unprecedentedly low general interest in religion, which stems primarily from our present culture with its secularized outlook on life. In this kind of situation, we need a powerful catechetical movement, one which insists above all on a new awareness of God in life, one which helps those affected to encounter God again in a very existential way. Yet, in fact, we have to admit that the catechetics of the past ten years have more and more stressed the merely human aspects of religious education, that catechetics have quite often favored a secularized outlook on life in-stead of a genuinely religious approach to it. Misled by a wrong interpreta-tion of God's immanence in his world, teachers of religion today seem.to be inclined to content themselves more and more with the "discovery" of inner-worldly values and with a proper use of such values in life without ascending from them to God, to a personal encounter with God in genuine prayer. Thus, catechetics in the past ten years may often have neglected, the 670 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 vertical dimension in the process of religious education, but they have surely not neglected at ail to stress the great importance of spontaneity, of gen-uine human experience and emotions in all spheres of'human activity. Mod-ern man, growing up as he is in a secularized culture, may find great difficul-ties in discovering God. But whenever he does discover God and does come to personal contact with ~him, modern man definitely favors the kind: of dialogue which is characterized by great spontaneity and by 'the engage-ment of strong emotions. Especially among younger people, today's person shox~s interest only in a religious movement which gives a great deal of room for spontaneity, for emotional expression. The Spirit of Community The charismatic spirituality of the early Christians was distinguished by conspicuous spontaneity. But this spontaneity must not be misinterpreted as religious individualism! Their pentecostal experience united them inti-mately into a single, closely knit community. When Luke describes (Ac 2:42-47) the life of the first Christians, he may well have idealized somewhat the historical reality. But he certainly expressed well the ideal image which the early Church had formed of herself and which she labored to realize in the various Christian communities of those early days--of course without ever realizing this ideal. Luke, of course, is fully aware of the leaciing position of the Apostles and of their important task, and even stresses it in unambiguous fashion. However, as he portrays her, the early Church is above all a communion of life and of love. His pentecostal community is exactly the ideal of what we call now-a-days the "basic community." There is no ~need to enter here upon an historical investigation of the causes which led this initial ideal of the Christian life to lose its original ur-gency and attraction. Suffice it to say that the change definitely did not come from a change on the part of the Holy Spirit and of his basic in-spiration. Rather it stemmed from a change on the part of ~the Christians-who did not listen to the Holy Spirit in the same way as did the first Chris-tians. As a result of unfavorable influences from without, and from a faulty development within the Church, Catholic theology and its catechetics have, for a long time, overly stressed the ingtitutional aspect of the Church. It needed the assistance of the Holy Spirit in the last council to restore once more the right balance, to see the Church again as, above all, a "communion" (withou.t forgetting or minimizing the God-given aspects of its institutional character). The General Catechetical Directory, published by the Holy See in 1971 as a guideline for all catechetical work, tries to make teachers of religion aware of this shift in emphasis: "The Church is a communion: She herself acquired a fuller awareness of that truth in the Second Vatican Council" (n. 66). Charismatic Spirituality and the Catechist / 671 In order to experience once again the Church as a communion of life and love, there is need for more than a mere shift in catechetical emphasis. There is. need for the formation of relatiVely sma.ll but dynamic Christian communities which can truly come to this experience. Our typical mammoth parishes cannot achieve this experience unless they build up within their structure much smaller groups of deeply committed Christians. Since the begin~ning of this century, small groups have been forming themselves in this renew~il of pentecostal experience. For the most part non- Catholic, these bands have regularly shown strong cohesion within the par-ticular group, while at the same time manifesting little concern for the universal church, coupled with a noticeable tendency to split among them-selves into yet smaller groups with markedly~ sectarian attitudes. Many years' later, when the pentecostal movement began to lay hold of Catholic circles, many feared that something similar would happen among Catholic charismatics. In fact, however, just the opposite took place. Pre-cisely at the time when many Catholics began to waver in their loyalty to the Church, the overwhelming majority of Catholic charismatics "were giv-ing convincing proofs of their loyalty. In fact, through the charismatic move-ment,, many Catholics found a new and vital contact with the institutional Church. In fact, an impartial assessment would lead to the impression that, in the overall scene; there is more interest on the part of charismatic groups in the institutional Church than there is interest on the part of the parochial clergy to provide pastoral care for the charismatic groups within their area --and this at a time when we desperately need the development of such small groups within the Church. It is not impossible that participation in some solid charismatic group. could give to today's religion teacher a valuable experience of Christian community of precisely the kind that he would need in order to present the Church'as a communion! A Zest for Scripture One characteristic feature of pentecostal spirituality is a zest for Scrip-ture. We encounter this everywhere in pentecostal prayer-meetings and in the members' daily prayer-life. This zest for Scripture comes from the first "Pentecostals"; it is a basic element of the spirituality of the early Church. In fact, we can even say that it is a valuable heritage which the young Church received from the Synagogue. The painful break with the Synagogue did not affect Christian attitudes toward the Scripture. Rather, early Chris-tians continued in their deep appreciation and ardent use of them. In our own time, many Catholics found new access to Scripture through the charismatic renewal. True, long before the beginning of Catholic charis-matic renewal, there was in the Church a powerful biblical renewal which had a decisive impact on the discussions and decisions of Vatican II. Just a few years before the first Catholic charismatic groups started, the Council had 672 ,/ Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 already vindicated, with unusual emphasis, the role of the Scriptures in authentic Christian spirituality (see Constitution on Revelation, nn. 21-26). There is no need for us to decide here which had in fact brought more Catholics back once again to the Scriptures: the teachings of Vatican II or the later charismatic prayer-meetings, It is sufficient for our purpose simply to point out that a genuine zest for Scripture and its religious wealth is not just a fad among charismatics, but an indispensable element of the spiritual-ity which is to be expected from any true Christian, and, of course, most especially, from the teacher of religion who acts as a messenger of God. Vatican II tells us: "In the sacred books, the Father who is in heaven meets his children with great love and speaks with them; and the force and power in the word of God is so great that it remains the support and energy of the Church, the strength of faith for her sons, the food of the soul, the pure and perennial source of spiritual life" (Constitution on Revelation, n. 21). If the Council really meant what it so emphatically stressed, what must follow for anyone who would take the Council seriously? In describing charismatic spirituality, we are fully aware that any move-ment like the pentecostal renewal is going to include groups which express and live this spirituality with enormous differences of perfection. It could easily happen that a given individual sincerely appreciates charismatic spirituality, yet is not at all satisfied with its realization in the group which meets next door. In such a situation, his remedy may well be to seek out another, more congenial group. The ideal solution for teachers of religion who work as a team~would be to form their own group from the members of the. team. That wotild, be the best answer to their special needs and to their particular aspirations. The Rope When a man reaches the' end of his rope, he comes to the beginning of God. Edward A. Gloeggler P.O. Box 486 Far Rockaway, NY 11~91 On Burying Our Isaacs Sister Mary Catherine Barron, C.S.J. Sister Mary Cath~erine has been a frequent contributor to ,our pages, her last having appeared in the March issue. Her address in the coming year will be: St. loseph's Provincial House; 91 Overlook Ax;e.; Latham, NY 12110. Th~ word of God is something alive and active: it i~uts',like any double-edged sword but more finely: it can slip through the place ~vhere the soul is divided from the spirit, or joint.s from the mar~row; it can judge the secret emotions and thoughts. No created thing can hide from him; everything is uncovered and open to the eyes of the one to whom we must give an account of ourselves (Heb 4, 12-13). It happened Sometime' ,later that God put Abraham to the test (Gn 22, 1). Abraham was a vulnerable man. He could never-quite master the art ~of resisting God. Always, he was too available. Had he been a more pragmatic human being, he would have quickly cultivated a quality of deafness where God.was concerned---rr at least a fair pretense of it. But that was his weak-ness: he was too receptive. Whenever God called, he answered. Such alacrity can be dangerous, especially wtiere Yahweh is involved. He is all-consuming. And so when, after a short span of years of relative peace and quiet, God once again cried out his name: "Abraham~ Abraham," our Old Testa-ment forefather responded as could be expected: "Here I am." He should have known better. He should have realized toe incipient danger of those words, because he had uttered them before and they had cost him quite a bit of pain. In ~fact, they had brought him to where he was then: in a strange land of strange people with a young son, the fruit of his and Sarah's old age. It had been a weary journey to this destination, filled with suffering and hope, alienation and promise, discouragement and fulfillment. But today, existence was peaceful and ,.God was benign and Abraham was happy in the new life growing up around him: Isaac, his son. So he never should have " 673 674 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 answered with such openness, such literalness, when he said: "Here I am." Those three words capsulized a whole lifetime of givenness and surrender on Abraham's part and God knew that. He knew the implied depths of Abraham's response because long ago he had blasted his foundation, carved him out, and molded him in faith. So God was not surprised at Abraham's reply. Hehad tested him before. Purgation is a messy business. No matter how finely wrought the.instru-ment, there is always pain and a certain amount of blood-letting. Ironically, although we are quite familiar with the concept, we are never much at ease in the throes of the process. Double-edged swords are dangerous, especially the ones that slip into the hidden place "where the soul is divided from the spirit," because eventually they strike the heart. Abraham had been prodded and probed before. But he had also lived long enough to realize that there are always untouched recesses, crevices of the heart, where the finger of God has not yet been felt. One of those crevices contained Isaac. And so Yahweh commands: "Take your son, your only child Isaac, wh~m you love, and go to the land of Moriah. There you shall offer him as~a burnt offering, on a mountain I will point out to you" (Gn 22, 2). God couldn't have~ been more blunt nor, apparently, more unfeeling~ With near ferocity, he highlights the very nadir points involved in Abraham's sacrifice: '~'son," "only child," "Isaac," "whom you love." And then he conjures up a picture of that supple-limbed first fruit of endless expectation: blackened--a burr~t offering on a wilder-ness mountaintop. Abraham makes no response because he has already made the 'total one of "Here I am." We are. simply told that early next .morning he rises and begins the three days' journey to Moriah. Whatever the outcome, the journey itself is part of the purgation, is already a piece of the burnt offer-ing, and the fact that.it is leading to final consummation only intensifies the pain. Anguish is not a very communicable emotion. It is too deep for utter-ance. So insistent is it that all other~feelings.give way before its flood. So Abraham says little on the pilgrimage to holocaust, but in grim irony loads Isaac with the wood and himself takes the knife and the fire. In stolid faith, Abraham bears in his own hands the purgative instruments that will cut. and sear his son. But more deeply, he bears the instruments that will cut and sear himsel[.olsaac is to suffer a holocaust ,of body; Abraham suffers a holocaust of heart. iOutrage always accompanies the destruction.of an innocent---outrage on the part of the non-participants. But who can fathom the outrage Abraham feels as he binds his only son and lays him on the altar? We cannot begin to plumb the depths of his grieving heart that still believes in the~irrevocable word of Yahweh. "Abraham stretched out his hand and seized the knife to kill his son" (Gn 22, 10). On Burying Our "lsaacs / 675 Once again the cry comes: "Abraham, Abraham" and once again the familiar responseis given:. ','I am here." And then come the sal~,ific words: "Do not raise your hand against the boy; do not harm him, for now I know you fear God. You have not refused me your son, your only son" (Gn 22, 11~13). Isaac is spared. What about Abraham? The holocaust of the body does not occur; the holocaust of the heart is complete. We are accustomed to naming Abraham our "Father in Faith." Is he not also the ',Father of Freed Love!'? All the time he thought the journey was made to annihilate Isaac. Now he discovers that it was made to annihi-late Abraham. Father van Breemen in his book, Called By Name, offers the following analysis: When Abraham descends from tl~e mountai'n~ with his son, both he and Isaac have changed; something has happened on that hilltop . Like a tree which has been turned full circle in the ground, Abraham's~roots have been cut loose, and he has returned a new man (p. 19). in what does his newness consist?' Abraham comes down the mountain with a living Isaac: Yetsomething in both of them is dead. Because he wag bent over the prone Isaac on the altar, we Could not 'see the pain in Abra-ham'S eyes, the look of utter bewilderment at what he was about to do, the trembling terror at the death of love by his o~wn hand. But Isaac could see~ And in that look of love that 'was exchanged b6tw~en them--father and son--the holocaust of the heart is accomplished. In that inst"~n't, Isaac cedes over his life to his father in trust and surrender. And Abraham cedes over his heart to Yahweh in a similar fashion. Because part of Abraham's heart is Isaac, that part of Isaac in Abraham's heart dies forever on Mount Moriah. Abraham returns to Beersheba with a son, but no longer with his son. Isaac is irrevocably gone, yielded over to Yahweh. Isaac returns ~vith a father who is no longer solely his father, but more radically is father to Yahweh's people. Both lose and gain life; both surrender the other and are given the other in return--but transformed. In The Letter to the Hebrews we are told: It was by faith that Abraham, when put to the test, offered up Isaac. He offered to sacrifice his only son even though the promises had been made to him and he had been told: It is through Isaac that your name will be carried on. He was confident that God had the power to raise the dead; and so, figuratively speaking, he was given back Isaac from the dead (Heb 11, 17-19). Centuries later, when speaking of losing and gaining life, Jesus would use the analogy of the wheat grain dying in the earth to produce a rich harvest. We might say that out of.the seed of love for Isaac which Abraham allows to die in the holy ground of Yahweh, com~s the rich harvest of transformed life. For Abraham, indeed, has Isaac back from the dead, but only after he has first let him go. In a sense, he leaves Mount Moriah having buried part of himself and his son there. 676 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 So what does the story mean to us? Certainly we are relieved that Isaac is not slain. We are glad that: Abraham's faith was vindicated: And we hope that we are never put to such a test. It is just such a latter mentality that is our mistake and our misfortune. For we all have our Isaacs--those, hidden crevices of the heart.where we do not even realize that "the soul is divided from the spirit." Unless we are willing to bur), them (our Isaacs) in a holo-caust of: the heart, our faith is weak and our love is unfree. And to that extent We,are poor spiritual progeny of our great desert patriarch. ' The Book of Judith tells us: We should be grateful to the Lord, our God, for putting us to the'test, as he did Our forefathers. Recall how he dealt with Abraham, and how' he tried Isaac; and all that happened to Jacob in Syrian Mesopotamia while he was tending the flocks of Laban, his mother's brother. Not for vengeance did the Lord p,ut them in the crucible to try their hearts, nor has he done so with us. It is by way of admonition that' fie chastises those who are close to him (J~t 8:25-27), Admonition for what? Admonition, so that eventually our hearts in the crucible will be so tot~ally purified'that we will, indeed, have lai~ to final rest all our Isaacs. Admonition, so that eventually our hearts in the cruc!.- ble will be so totally free that we too will be able to respond as did Abraham to Yahweh's cali :~ "Here I am." "The @ord of God is something alive and active"--in Abraham'~ day and in our own.'~Will we let it pierce us, double-edged though it might be? Some Practical Reflections on the General Congregation Pedro Arrupe, S.]. Father, Arrupe, General of the Society of Jesus, originallY, gave this talk as part of a series of cbnferences on the 32rid General Congregation which was sponsored by the Centrum lgnatianum Spiritualitatis (CIS; Borgo S. Spirito, 5; C. P. 9048; 00100 Roma, Italy),~which ~s presently preparing the conferences (in the languages in which they were delivered) in book form. I would like to speak tO you about the last section of Decree 4 of the recent 32nd General Congregation of the Society of Jesus. As you know, Decree 4 was on "Our Mission Today," and the last section of it dea!.t with "Prac-tical Dispositions." These practical dispo~sitions are applications that follow from t,h~e general decisions and guidelines developed throughout the decree. When the, Congregation states~, in this.decree, that "the mission of the Society of Jesus today is the service of faith, of which the promotion of jus~tice is an absolute requirement," it is not in the slightest way restricting the purpose, of the Society. That Society was founded, as you know, princi-pally "to serve the divine Majesty and his holy Church, under the Roman Pontiff, th~ Vicar of Christ on earth" and "to devote itself totally to.~the defense and spre~ad of the holy Catholic faith." Those words are taken from the F'ormula ol the Institute, approved by Pope Julius III (MI [ser. 3] I, 375-~76). The Soci.ety's purpose thus remains the same as ever: the ex-pression that,the 32nd General Congregation used is.simply a reformulation to meet the needs of the present-day world, which is characterized by so many and such flagrant injustices. And so, in discussing this D.ecree 4, we are simply showing how the So-ciety i~sflu~f!,~ll!ng its overall purpose:, how it is living up to its mission. The principle~s, attitu~.es and methods that the decree proposes thus acquire a 677 6711 / Review for Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 universal value much more far-reaching than the Decree itself, since every- ~thing is included in, and exemplified by, the way the Society carries out its purpose. The Originaiity of St. Ignatius The originality of St. Ignatius is to be found, not so much in the rea-sons that he "put down in writing, so as to be able to reflect on them" (Spiritual Diary, Feb. 11, 1544), as in "other illuminations" that he re-ceived from the Holy Trinity, with "feelings of intense emotion" (ibid.). 'Clearly, his originality will keep the same creativity and apostolic vigor down through .history, and the Society of today wants to continue to be--and should continue to be--what St. Ignatius made it. But there are certain moments in history when an inner force appears, stirring that originality to new external manifestations, and its dynamism acts with greater exuberance and creativity. Today is such a moment. In the aggiornamento that Vatican II called for, the Holy Spirit speaks more clearly to the Church (See Per- [ectae Caritatis, 2), and hence to the Society too, inviting us to a "thorough-going reassessment of our traditional apostolic methods, attitudes and in-stitutions, so as to adapt them to the changed conditions of our day" (De-cree 4:9). Our effort, then, after the congregation even more than during it, has to be to discern how we can provide the Society's distinctive service and carry out its mission with all its consequences. The new way of exercising this mission will require of the updated Society new or renewed attitudes, en-deavors, undertakings and institutions, which in turn presuppose new men, similarly reriewed fo~ today's generation. All these elements--"the Society of Jesus, its mission, its apostolate, its way of life"--are closely in~e'rrelated and cannot be considered or achieved separately. We cannot, therefore, discuss how the decree would have us carry out our apostolate, prescinding from our Order's special charism, or from the Jesuit'of today and his life style. In the constant advance of the pilgrim Church, which, vivified' by the Holy Spirit and under his impulse, comes ever closer to Christ (s~e LG 4), amid persecutions from the world" and consolations from God, the 32nd General Congregation is merely one episode in 'the life of this universal Church moving toward its eschatological perfection. The congregation too, as part of humanity and of the people of God, has felt itself inspired, guided and strengthened by that Spirit "who writes and impresses on hearts the law of charity and love" (Introd. to Constitutions, 1.) and keeps pressing toward "what is most conducive" (Sp. Ex. 23). A Return to Sources At this moment of history, the challenge the world offers has'brought the Society to a limit-situation, forcing it to go: back to the original soui'ces Some Practical Reflections on the General Congregation / 679 of Ignatian spirituality, to find there more effective means, to be able to face today's problems vigorously, not only in order to survive, but to come out of them purified and rejuvenated, and thus to.be more apt for giving the Church the service it desires. The return to Loyola, Manresa, Paris, La Storta and Rome was a .spontaneous movement in the Society of Jesus, and especially in the fathers of the General Congregation. We were, and we are, conscious that any renewal must always be inspired by those funda-mental :graces that St. Ignatius received for himself and the whole Society, by those mystical intuitions that begar~ with the spiritual infancy of Ignatius (.God treated him as an infant then, he tells us in his Autobiography) and continued through his full spiritual maturity, when he composed the Con-stitutions. The-me(hod that the congregation suggests for our ~practical applica-tion of what Decree 4 recommends is very simple, yet it is based on a deep theology and a logic and practical sense that give us the greatest guarantees. The Method Is the Message It has been said in another context that "the medium is the message." Here we may say that "the method is the message," because it includes such a wealth of elements that, though perhaps not altogether new, are under-stood and applied in so profound a way that their meaning and implications and correlations give them a great novelty. It is a method that uses new concepts, and when applied, sheds a new light on those concepts on which it is based. This method was not excogitated in an abstract or a priori way, but results fr6m a number of enriching ideas and concepts, of better studied, better tested situations. Thus it arose almost spontaneously, not so much as a logical deduction, but rather as the fruit of many vital° elements and their mutual Correlations, e.g., the concepts of mission, ofcommunity, of interpersonal relations, of service, of authority, bf poverty, and so' forth. It would be very easy to describe superficially thee manner of applying this decree, but that wa3~ we would not reach the real profundity of its method, nor would we catch the meaning and concrete manner of its application. It would b~ totally ineffective to proceed that way. Our deeper know!edge of certain concepts and circumstances enables us to work out a method v,e~ suited to the situations of this new world of ours. Thus, the application of this method, plus the experience, the intuitions and tile difficulties that contact with reality adds to it, enriches the ~concepts and gives them a greater r6alism. But that is not all: our new understanding of the ideas and their prac-tical apostolic applications call for renewed men~.who, incarnating this men-tality, will react in a fresh way, or at least will be able to adapt their ser-vice to the new needs of a Church and of a mankind we see rapidly becom-ing the great, universal human family. 680 / Review ]or Religious, l/olume 35, 1976/5 A Process of Reflection and Revision The final section of this decree, subtitled "Practical Dispositions," 6pen~ with a clearly Ignatian principle: "Considering the variety of situations in which Jesuits work, the°General Congregation cannot pi~ovide a single, uni-versally applicable program for producing this awareness and reducing it to 15ractice acco~rding to th~ decisions and guidelines gi,~en. Each province or group of provinces 'must undertake a program of reflection.and a review of our apostolate to discover what action is ,appropriate in each particular con-text" .(4.'71): It is the same princip!e that P.ope Paul stated for the whole Church in his Octogesima adveniens: "Faced with such varying situations, it is hard for Us~to formulate a single statement and propose a Solution with universal validity . It is for the Christian communities to analyse objec-tively their country's situation, to clarify' it in the light ofr'the unchanging words of the gospel" (4). ~ To find the appropriate mode of action, the congregation .gives us tWO basic principles that are implicitly contained in the Constitutions, the norms for the selection of ministries and those for the preparation of the instru-ment. We express these principles today by the terms "discernment" and "continuing formation." They are like two roads leading us to a personal knowledge, a conviction, and a more perfect pe~rformance of what God wants of us at each moment. Discernment , Discernment is, in all its profundity, the best way (I would say, con-sidering it in all its breadth, the only way) to be able to plan and choose among our concrete options, the proper apostolic strategy, in other words, to discover God's will for us here and now. The congregation recommends precisely this to us when it says that we need, "not so much a research program, as a process of reflection and evalua-tion, based on the.Ignatian tradition of spiritual discernment" (4:72). Psy-chological or purely t~chnical procedures are not sufficient; we need a deter-mination to .really "find God," using all the means, objective and subjective, indiVi~dual and collective, social, political, and so forth, through which he manifestos his will to us. A process of this sort requires a special divine assistance and a constant effol:t on our part to rid ourselves of every inordinate affection. For that reason, the °decree very properly underlines the word "indifference," when it tells us: "The primary stress is on prayer and the effort to attain 'indiffer-ence,' that is, an apostolic readiness for anything" (72). The seriousness of this discernment 6alls for thos~e perfect dispositions that St. Ignatius demands' inthe election, that culminating point in his Exer-cises. This .is a divine-human, personal, ecclesial act, inserted into the one plan of salvation that leads to the building up of the Kingdom of Christ in time, and comes, even now,~under eschatological judgment. St. Paul d~fines Some Practical Reflections on the General Congregation / 681 it: "Think+before you do anything; hold on,to what is good and avoid every form of evil" (1 Th 5,21~22)., .4 This~Pauline discernment is not~only a key to the New Testament; it is also a key for apostolic planning in the exercise of our :~'mission," remind-ing us of the interplay of divine grace and human freedom in Christian ilife. Thus the apostle feels integrated into salvation history, associated with the central kairos of the Incarnation and Resurrection, and:the final eschatologi-cal~ kairos. Understood in this,way, discernment explains and renews the meaning of,Ignatian solid pruden(e, "discreet charity," And thus the "mis-sion" received under0obedience can be applied concretely to the different and changeable situations of the problematic of today's world. At the same time, discernment is the great force that enables us" to grow spiritually,,in a rapid but solid way, since it obliges us to have our soul always inca disposition of total detachment from created things. As a conse-quence Of this active-passive "indifference,, discernment disposes the soul for the inspirations of the Spirit, no-matter .how they come or where ~they come-from. In particular, it disposes the soul for that basic inspiration of faith,~ hope and "discreet charity" that awakens it to desire the magis, i.e., to choose always what is better, what iS~"~.'God's will'here and now." An ac-tive indifference, always seeking the'magis, is, indeed, the Ignatian equiva-lent~ of ~"finding God in all things," or as Nadal put it in a dense and pro-found, phrase, the "contemplativus in actione" (contemplative in action). In addition to this inner disposition of Spirit, so necessary for a real dis-cernment, we also need as complete and deep a knowledge as possible of the reality that is the object of our .discernment, so that we can discover in that reality the expression of God's will f6r the world. To discover this, we need, first of all, a real "conscientization,, or critical contact with reality; and after that, an "insertion," an "evaluation," and finally an "incultura-tion." The basic elements of.,this process of discernment and conscientization, of insertion and inculturation~ are described briefly in Octogesima adveniens, which the 32nd General Congregation. quoted. They are: experience, re-flection, choices, action,, a constant reciprocal relationship. These are steps that lead, by their own inner force, to a "change in our.thought patterns and a conversion of souls and hearts so that we can make apostolic decisions" (4:73). ¯ Conscientization To know thoroughly the reality that we meet or in which we live, we need more than a superficial glance at it in a random contact, or a one-time experience of that reality. "Knowing thoroughly"means going beyond a mere spontaneous grasp, to a critical understanding. Real conscientization is a critical insertion into historical reality. This obliges man to accept the role of a subject who makes the world---or better, remakes it. It forces man to 6112 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 create his existence out of the material that life offers him. This is based, naturally, on the human capacity to work consciously on reality: hence conscientization necessarily includes the combination of our reflection on the world and our action on it. It also follows from this that real conscientization has to be a process constantly in act, so that the new reality that is evolving can in turn be grasped in a new conscientization, which again will produce a still newer reality. It is an ongoing process; conscientization is always creative. "Think-ing of the new reality as something-untouchable is simplistic and reactionary, just as much as saying that the old reality was untouchable; if men, as working beings, continue to accept a 'made' world, they will very soon be plunged into a new darkness."' And so, as conscientization increases, the manifestation of.reality also increases, and the penetration of its phenomenological sense. If we merely contemplate reality, we are no more than false intellectualists. Without the binomial action-reflection, there can be no conscientization; in other words, there can be no conscientization apart from practical action. The dialectical unity "action-reflection" will always be man's most distinctive mode of being, his only effective way of changing the world (see ibid. 30). There has to be, therefore, an insertion into reality 'and a reflection on reality. This double function enables us to know and act on re.ality, which in turn then acts on us. In other words, the external reality that we change then changes us in our very. depths, and that very change makes us become "agents for change." This interaction is a manifestation and an effect of the intimate action of the Holy Spirit, who integrates, simultaneously and har-moniously, the progress of a pilgrim mankind toward its true fatherland and each one's growth in divine life that the Spirit cbmmunicates to him. Insertion To~ know reality, to change our attitudes and achieve a true discern-ment, we must first be inserted into reality in an effective way, When I speak of insertion, I am referring to a real, critical insertion among the men of today, in order to create and shape society in an evangelical way. A genuine, insertion thus requires a change of personal attitude, the giving up, under many aspects, of our manner of being, thinking and acting, so we can understand and come closer to the new realities that we want to evangelize. It is a real problem of life and experience, which gives us a special profound and realistic knowledge which makes us solidary with men, particularly with the poor and the weak. Scripture itself and the entire theology of evangelization invite us to this insertion: "To become all things to all men" (1 Co 9, 22), to make other 1(See Paulo Freire, Conscientizaci6n [Sp. version], 2a ed., 30-36, in Coll. Educaci6n hoy, 4, Asociaci6n de publicaciones educativas, Bogot~i). ~ Some Practical Reflections on the General Congregation / 6113 people's problems ours, "to make ourselves servants of others" (Decree 2". 29), to. be "segregatus in evangelium" ["specially chosen to preach the Good News"] (Rom 1, 1), and to become the "salt of the earth" (Mt 5, 13). For that re.ason, the 31st Congregation recommended that our residences be built and set up among workers and the most downtrodden classes, so that Ours, spending their lives with the poor Christ, may [thus] practice their various apostolates (27: 8). This insertion or "incarnation" means solidarity with those who suffer, even to being identified with their lives. Here we find the most profound meaning of the poverty of the poor Christ, whom we want to imitate and follow. That phrase of the Exercises that describes our contemplation "as if I were actually present" (Ex 114)~-takes on a vivid meaning that re-flects the gospel words: "What you did to the least of my brothers, you did to me" (M~ 25, 40). If we juxtapose St. Ignatius's tw.o key lines from the Exercises: "What shall I do for Christ?" (Ex 53) and "being poor with the poor Christ" (Ex 167), with those words of Christ: "What you did to the least of my brothers, you did to me," everything takes on a new light, whose brilliance shakes our consience. It_is the apparition of Christ among the poor, his real presence among them.: This reality of Christ in the world of today plays a decisive role in our choice of ministries and in our lives. "Have we realized that conversion to Christ implies a conversion to our neighbor, particularly our most abandoned neighbor? This requires a change of mentality that is not at all easy, a change of attitude and of life on the personal, collective and apostolic level. In a word, it transports us. to the heart of the painful tension of the election" (ibid. 199). Not every insertion has~ the value and meaning of a truly apostolic in-sertion. To see if our insertion is apostolic, we will have to look for some of its characteristic features. First of all, it should be evangelical, i.e., inspired and guided by the Gospel, by the spirit of the Gospel, which we find in the Beatitudes, in the cross and the resurrection of Christ. On the contrary, an insertion inspired by radicalism or a revolutionary spirit, one seeking class struggle or vindica-tion, one that exalts itself, regarding itself as a model far better than any other, is not the insertion a religious should seek. In practice, we often lose sight of our evangelical spirit, even though we~protest that our aim is to "evangelize." Sec6nd, this insertion should be apostolic, i.e., inspired by an apostolic motivation and idealism, not by merely sociological or humanitarian con- ~iderations, which are a completely different thing. It has to be rooted in '-'(See J. ,Alfaro, "Ejercicios y Constituciones: Unidad Vital," in Mensajero, Bilbao, 1974, 195-199). 61~4 / Review ]or Religious, Volume 35, 1976/5 faith, built on prayer, purified of all,selfishness. Such an attitude cannot be had from natural forces alone, but comes only from the force of the Spirit. Third, the insertion of the religious has to be the expression of a mission, that is, something more than the fruit of one's own ideas or some project oil-one's own. It has to be the object of a mission that follows, under obedi-ence, God's will, rather than the whims of a self-appointed group thatmakes independent decisions, ignoring or opposing those of their superiors. It must be the result of mission precisely conferred or approved by Obedience. A true insertion requires a series of qualities in the individual or the community: ,. --First of all, it calls for humility and conversion, i.e.; the desire of leading a more evangelical life and the recognition of one's own limita-tions, without considering oneself superior to anyone--and especially without~judging anyone, even if exteriorly he may seem to be leading a less evangelical life. --Second,. such an insertion calls for a clear sense o] one's identity, inas, much as the harsh experiences that can come to those who live such an insertion, and the observance of others' sufferings and injustices can strike us in so forceful and passionate a way as to take away our re-ligious and evangelical sense and lead us to adopt' positions and atti-tudes foreign to the Institute to which we belong. --Third, to be truly and solidly inserted, we need a well'integrated personality, capable of resisting the "shock" caused by the effort of adapting to a very different set of surroundings. Not a few.religious~men and women, full of generosity but without a solidly integrated personal-ity, have lost their vocations because of this "shock," and h'ave then succumbed to irreparable crises. -~Fourth, we need a solid [ormation. Some'have to learn to experience this insertion in surroundings and situations that are not sufficiently formed for that level of hardship. A full insertion into new s.urroundings calls for a very'solid and balanced formation,'which'usually takes a long time and experience. Only a serious preparation can give su~cient maturity and ability to integrate all the elements of the apostolic pro-cess: experience-reflection-choice-action. With it, the insertion can be kept within proper limits and will allow the maximum .of productivity. --Fifth, it requires serious reflection. Experience alone is not enough; it has to be tested by reflection, without which we can never have opti-mum results and avoid the mistakes due to either excess°or deficiency. Reflection on the concrete experience will expand o~r understanding of the situation, and will suggest the proper options find the changes that must be made for a more. effective apostolate. That is, it will make our action not only tend in the right direction, but have some likelihood of continuing and succeeding; too. Some Practical Reflections on the General Congregation / 685 ¯ ---Sixth,~-we need~ close collaboration with others. A genuine insertion invites and produces such collaboration. It is a stimulus and an apt means for fitting into the overall pastoral plan and activities of other groups and sectors. -z-Seventh, we need pluralism. Insertion needs and introduces a broad pluralism in the sense that modes of service have to be different urider differing circumstances. Insertion is not limited to a particular social stratum, e.g., the poor, but takes in all worlds: intellectual, univei'sity, ~ ,.professional, cultural, infracultural, etc. ~ If all these conditions are verified, the insertion will be 'much more ef-fective, organic and "differentiated: W~ will avoidduplications--and 6mis-" sions--of projects and methods for ~vhich, others~ are better qualified; each one will ,produce to the maximiam, having found his plac.e in the overall pastoral' plan of the local and universal Church. This insertion can also resolve the tension betweenthose who learn and those who teach, because, as experience shows, p~articularly in times of rapid change, life and human contact, even with the less cultured and humbler," are a "marvelous school, in which we learn from others th~it very lofty science, the "science of man," which we can never acquire without this contact with reality and every-day life. Insertion will make us feel the need to be always in the posture of a disciple, which is indispensable .for the apostle working for contemporary man in the world of today. Eyaluation TO ~be able to make an objective and effective discernment, so we can give to our labors, 6ur projects and institutions a new orientation, we need not only conscientization iihd insertion, but an~evaluation of our activitie~ too. Decree 4 suggests this to us very clearly: "Where do'we live? Where do we work? How? With whom? What, in the final analysis, really is our in-volvement with, dependence on, or commitment tO ideologies, or to those who wield power? Is it only to the converted that we know how to preach ,Jesus, Christ? These are some Of the questions w~ should ask about ourselves individually, as well as about our commumtles and restitutions (4:74). It0is very important to evaluate~ our acti~'ities and our works. We are urged to make such an evaluation by Decrees 4, 6 and ]5: "Our Mission Today," "The Formation of Jesuits," and "Ceritral Government." Our evalu-ation would consist in analyzing the quantity and quality of the results we are obtaining, in relation to our.objectives, in, order to have some'idea of their effectiveness. Evaluation presupposes that we have'logically ~¢ell-defined goals, suffi-ciently recognized as such.- : o Unfortunately, the Society has not always stopped to evaluat~ its work, or at least it has not always done so with precision, scientifically. Usually, 6116 / Review ]or Religious, l/olume 35, 1976/5, it has.gone about this effort in an improVised and haphazard fashio.n, mak-ing obvious, superficial judgments that do not enable us to reach valid con-clusions. What is more, we seem to be afraid of such evaluations at least subconsciously, considering them a threat. When they are asked to rate their efforts, some feel threatened and called into question, as though such a re-quest implied a negative judgment or a challenge to the project in which they are engaged. But an evaluation is the indispensable means for being able to upgrade. our projects. If in certain cases it should turn.out that a certain project.ought to be revised or disappear completely because it no longer accomplishes its purpose,~ or because ~it blocks projects of ~greater importance, that is the moment for Ignatian indifference. Indeed, why should ~we keep a work going that once upon,a time was co~astructive, but now has become an ob-stacle? The sufferings we naturally feel when told to give up some work are not against indifference; they are an understandable human reaction, a normal manifestation of the love we feel for a project on which we' have ~pent.ourselves, perhaps for many years. But such an evaluation has to be made. The argument from authority comes into play here, since not only GC 32, but the Holy Father, too, wants such evaluations (Acta Romana XVI, 432). Moreover, experience a.nd the intrinsic value of making periodic evaluations also. urge us,to make them, if we want to be consistent with the Ignatian magis which bids us always to offer the greatest possible service of God. The 32nd General Congregation recommends, therefore, that "there should be a definite mechanism for the review of our ministries" (4:77). This mechanism is the indispensable condition,.for having an evaluation, and hence a rational "choice of ministries and sel~ting of priorities and pro-grams" (4:75). The congregation therefore added: "Now is a good time to examine critically how these arrangements are working and, if need be, to replace them by others that are more effective and allow for a wider participation in the process of communal discern, ment" (4:77). The data proyided by an evaluation of this sort will be most helpful and even essential for knowing thoroughly the works to be examined by an apostolic discernment, and they will enable u
