Suchergebnisse

В статье рассматриваются противоречия между партикуляризмом дворянства на местах и централизаторскими стремлениями коронной администрации. Выявляются способы взаимодействия губернатора с представителями дворянской корпорации, выясняются причины конфронтации и негативных оценок личности губернаторов. Отмечается, что, несмотря на продворянскую ориентацию и деятельность, губернатор зачастую оценивался дворянством негативно, как представитель бюрократии, чиновник, чуждый интересам губернии и корпорации. Показано, что наличие разобщенности между властью и обществом на местном уровне, дистанцирование губернатора от местных проблем и конфликты с представителями дворянской корпорации способствовали нарастанию отчужденности и обостряли политическую ситуацию в губерниях. В связи с этим дворянство выступило противником правительственного проекта губернской реформы. Для характеристики взаимоотношений власти и общества используется структурно- функциональный анализ. В статье отмечается, что события первой российской революции стали серьезной проверкой на прочность губернаторского корпуса, показали недостаточный уровень компетентности, организаторских способностей и авторитета губернаторов для решения политических конфликтов. Оппозиционный характер I и II государственных дум частично был связан с тем, что местные власти не сумели реализовать правительственные интересы во время избирательных кампаний. Одновременно выявляется мотивация действий представителей дворянской корпорации, полагающих, что они имеют приоритет в оценке особенностей жизни российской провинции. Сравнительно-сопоставительный метод позволил выявить общее и особенное в оценках представителей губернаторского корпуса. Корпус исторических источников представлен воспоминаниями губернаторов, анализ которых позволил объяснить управленческие решения автора в сложных исторических условиях. В статье ставятся и решаются научно значимые задачи, в которых рассматривается специфика взаимоотношений между представителями коронной власти губернаторами и органов дворянского сословного самоуправления предводителями дворянства в начале ХХ века. ; In the article contradictions between particularism of nobility on places and centralization aspirations of crown administration are considered. Ways of interaction of the governor with representatives of noble corporation come to light, the reasons of confrontation and negative estimates of identity of governors become clear. It is noted that despite pro-noble orientation and activity, the governor was often negatively estimated by the nobility as the representative of bureaucracy, the official alien to the interests of the province and corporation. It is shown that existence of dissociation between the power and society at the local level, distancing of the governor from local problems and conflicts with representatives of noble corporation promoted increase of estrangement and aggravated political situation in provinces. In this regard the nobility has acted as the opponent of the government project of provincial reform. For the characteristic of relationship of the power and society the structural functional analysis is used. In the article it is noted that events of the first Russian revolution became serious check on durability of the governors case, have shown the insufficient level of competence, organizing abilities and the authority of governors for the decision of political conflicts. The oppositional nature of I and II State Dumas has partially been connected with the fact that local authorities havent managed to realize government interests during the electoral companies. At the same time the motivation of actions of representatives of noble corporation believing that they have a priority in assessment of features of life of the Russian province comes to light. The comparative method has allowed to reveal general and special in estimates of representatives of the governors case. The case of historical sources is presented by memoirs of governors which analysis has allowed to explain administrative decisions of the author in difficult historical conditions. In the article scientific and significant tasks in which the specifics of relationship between representatives of the crown power governors and bodies of noble class self-government leaders of the nobility at the beginning of the XX century are considered are set and solved.

El propósito de este artículo es compartir las reflexiones surgidas a partir de la presentación y la lectura del libro A ruego de mi superior cacique, Antonio Modesto Inakayal,de Adrián Moyano, articuladas con algunas de las categorías de la teoría performativa del sujeto generizado de Judith Butler. El enunciado central de este análisis es que el llanto compartido por una vida que merece ser llorada y la elaboración del duelo como proceso, se convierten en recurso político, en tanto ambos construyen identificaciones y comunidad.En el libro, objeto del presente análisis, el autor pone palabras a la experiencia del Longko Inakayal, recuperando voces y fuentes que han sido acalladas y ocultadas por relaciones de poder dominadoras, iluminando un lugar de silencio histórico. Desmonta la historia colonial que aún circula en las escuelas y en el sentido común de nuestra sociedad, abriendo el pensamiento a posibles modos otros de vivir y hacer política. Desnaturaliza los mapas oficiales impuestos, creando una cartografía que da lugar a un territorio con prácticas sociales que hoy podríamos llamar interculturales. Ofrece un relato encarnado que da cuenta de la pérdida de un modo de vida causado por el genocidio perpetrado al Pueblo Mapuche, y de situaciones de violencia y exterminio del pasado que explican situaciones de racismo y discriminación en el presente. El duelo, en tanto proceso público de elaboración de una pérdida, requiere ampliarse socialmente, ya que, siguiendo a Butler, sin reconocimiento de las vidas que merecen ser lloradas no habrá condiciones que nos posibiliten como sociedad saber más acerca de quiénes somos y de cómo cambiamos a propósito de las pérdidas sufridas. ; The purpose of this article is to share the thoughts which came from the presentation and reading of Adrian Moyano's book titled A In plead to my superior chief (A ruego de mi superior cacique, Antonio Modesto Inakayal) articulated with some categories from Judith Butler's performative theory of genderized subject. This analysis' main thesis is that both creating an idea of mourning as a process and the sharing of the tears of a life that deserve to be cried, become a political resource, in that they construct identifications and community. In the book, corpus of the present analysis, the author puts into words the experience of Longko Inakayal, recovering voices and sources that have been silenced and hidden for reasons of the dominant powers, thus showing the space of historical silence. It dismantles the colonial narrative which still circulates in schools and in the common sense of our society, opening our thought to other possible ways of living and practicing politics. It questions the authority of the imposed official maps, creating a new cartography which gives room to a territory of social practices which we could call intercultural. It offers an embodied narrative which explains the loss of a way of life caused by the genocide perpetrated against the Mapuche People, and the situations of violence and extermination of the past which explain situations of racism and discrimination in the present time. Mourning, as the public process of the elaboration of loss, requires to grow socially, in that, following Butler's line of thought, without the recognition of the lives which deserved to be cried there will be no conditions that will allow us to society to know more of who we are and how we change with respect to our grief.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Ochrona praw i wolności, a także należytego bezpieczeństwa osób z niepełnosprawnością to ważne wyzwanie dla edukacji praw człowieka w społeczeństwach i państwach współczesnej Europy. Oznacza zmianę perspektywy – zamiast wyłączności tradycyjnej pieczy administracyjnej w formie pomocy lub opieki społecznej, wciąż ważnej i potrzebnej, wybieramy perspektywę osoby z niepełnosprawnością, z poszanowaniem jej godności, potencjału i woli realizacji własnych praw, takich jak prawo do pracy, edukacji czy prawo wyborcze. Specyficzna sytuacja osób z niepełnosprawnością sprawia, że często na pierwszy plan (w sposób zrozumiały przesłaniając subiektywnie wszystko inne) wysuwa się prawo do leczenia, uzyskania środków pomocniczych czy terapii, jednakże rośnie świadomość nierównego traktowania w innych dziedzinach – od edukacji po prawa polityczne i bezpieczeństwo, które stanowi współcześnie jedną z najważniejszych potrzeb ludzi, szczególnie tych borykających się z różnymi formami niepełnosprawności. Wzrostowi tej indywidualnej świadomości nie towarzyszą wystarczająco szybkie zmiany w działaniach państw. Celem opracowania jest ukazanie roli i znaczenia kwestii prawno-instytucjonalnych jako ważnego uwarunkowania bezpieczeństwa osób niepełnosprawnych. Artykuł zawiera prezentację międzynarodowych regulacji prawnych dotyczących praw osób niepełnosprawnych, poprzedzoną omówieniem pojęć dotyczących praw człowieka oraz zarysem historycznym międzynarodowych aktów zawierających gwarancje tych praw. Pomimo że na przestrzeni wieków powstało wiele dokumentów normatywnych regulujących kwestie związane z funkcjonowaniem tej grupy w społeczeństwie, osoby niepełnosprawne ciągle mogą mieć poczucie dyskryminacji i wykluczenia z wielu obszarów działalności ludzkiej. Współczesność wymaga, by kwestie związane z pełnym, a przez to aktywnym ich uczestnictwem w głównym nurcie życia społecznego znalazły swoje odzwierciedlenie w przepisach prawnych. Autorka formułuje tezę, że stworzenie instrumentów normatywnych pozwoli osobom niepełnosprawnym dochodzić własnych praw oraz wymagać ich respektowania przez innych. Niezwykle ważnym przedsięwzięciem jest także powoływanie instytucji stojących na straży przestrzegania przez organy państwowe, podmioty pozarządowe i społeczeństwo tych uregulowań oraz służących pomocą i wsparciem osobom niepełnosprawnym. ; The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, it aims to present the current challenges and opportunities facing by the European antidiscrimination policy, and second it aims to move beyond the myth and stereotypes to take a closer look at 'rights parity' for disable people. It seeks to off er an overview of the problems of educational discrimination and disadvantage faced by disabled people, and the current legislative and policy measures for addressing these at international and EU levels. It examines some of the gaps, and barriers to eff ective implementation of measures in the fi eld of education and training, highlights areas where further eff orts is needed and makes some recommendations for actions at European, national and educational institutional levels. The author formulates thesis saying that the large number and diversity of legal acts concerning disabled people raises social awareness in this area, at the same time causing, however, an informational chaos in which it is hard to point to the instruments of effi cient execution of such rights. Therefore, it is vital for their real respect that the obedience to those laws is monitored both by especially nominated public subjects and non-governmental organizations. Although, in recent years, there has been a considerable change approach to close the protection gap and ensure that persons with disabilities enjoy the same standards of equality rights and dignity as everyone else, the most compelling human rights issues of our day – built environments and accessibility of persons with disabilities, still requires constant attention. Persons with disabilities face discrimination and barriers that restrict them from participating in society on an equal basis with others every day. They are denied their rights to be included in the general school system, to be employed, to live independently in the community, to move freely, to vote, to enjoy social protection, to access justice, and to choose medical treatment.

El propósito de esta tesis es ofrecer una lectura crítica de la propuesta de la filósofa estadounidense Martha Nussbaum sobre el papel de las emociones en la vida pública, mostrando que algunas de ellas se configuran como elementos útiles para evaluar el bienestar y alcanzar la justicia social y el desarrollo humano. Para ello, en la primera parte de la investigación se presenta un análisis general de algunas concepciones de la emoción que se han elaborado a lo largo de la historia del pensamiento y se abordan algunas distinciones relevantes y conceptos clave en torno a las emociones, a fin de brindar un panorama general e introductorio de las diversas discusiones que se han planteado sobre el tema. En la segunda parte se estudia la propuesta de Martha Nussbaum analizando la concepción cognitivo-evaluadora de la autora que define las emociones como juicios de valor reconociendo su racionalidad, y describiendo algunas objeciones que se le han formulado. Luego se presenta el Enfoque de las Capacidades como teoría alternativa para evaluar el bienestar, reflexionando sobre el lugar de las emociones en el mismo. A partir de estas consideraciones se plantea la pregunta en torno a cuáles serían las emociones políticas relevantes en la vida pública, destacando el lugar de la compasión por su potencial humanizador y el sentido de la justicia social que contiene, y señalando algunas críticas que pueden plantearse. También se estudian algunas emociones socialmente perniciosas como el asco, la vergüenza, el miedo y la envidia que podrían obstaculizar el desarrollo de la compasión cívica. Finalmente, se propone reflexionar sobre la posibilidad de educar las emociones como estrategia para el fomento de la compasión y el control de las emociones perniciosas, destacando el papel de los relatos, especialmente a través del arte y las humanidades, como una herramienta potencialmente útil en tal sentido. ; The purpose of this thesis is to provide a critical reading of the concept about the role of emotions in public life proposed by the American philosopher Martha Nussbaum, showing that some of them are considered useful tools to assess well-being and to achieve social justice and human development. Therefore, on the first part of the research, a general analysis of some concepts on emotions developed along the history of thought is introduced. Relevant distinctions and key concepts related to emotions are considered in order to provide an introductory overview of the different issues that have arisen about such subject matter. On the second part, Martha Nussbaum?s proposal is studied and her cognitive-evaluative theory is analyzed. The author defines emotions as value judgments, recognizes their rationality and describes some objections received. Then, the Capability Approach is introduced as an alternative theory to assess well-being and the role of emotions in it is taken into account. Based on these considerations, the question about which political emotions will be relevant in public life arises, highlighting the role of compassion for its potential humanizing and the sense of social justice it implies, and also pointing out some critics that may arise. Some socially pernicious emotions like disgust, shame, fear and envy that may hinder the development of civic compassion are also studied. Finally, it is proposed to think about the possibility of educating emotions as an strategy for the promotion of compassion and the control of pernicious emotions, pointing out the role of narrative, specially through art and humanities, as a potentially useful tool in that sense ; Fil: Battaglino, Vanesa Lorena. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.

The given article deals with the problem of comparison of literary and political works of Ivan Bahrіanyі and George Orwell, as well as with an objective to prove that these two writers make up a far from random parallel for comparison. On the basis of scientific works it proves that one can trace a genetic similarity in the main ideas highlighted in a number of works by these two writers. Both of them had a kind of indirect dialogue on the topics of freedom, equality and struggle against anti-humane regimes. The article also highlights the face that there is more to the indirect dialogue of Ivan Bahrіanyі and George Orwell than it seems. Biographical insight used for the research proves that both men faced similar struggles in their lives, their political views were really close and their interpretation of the ongoing events serves as evidence. Consequently the article brings to attention the fact that biographies of the writers might become a key for understanding their works and positions. Another fact to support the above-given idea is that both writers use their own lives and personal experience as a basis for literary interpretation; this was proved by the researches of both George Orwell and Ivan Bahrіanyі literary heritage. As a result we can research their works from the point of comparative typology in synchrony on the double grounds: the indirect dialogue about crucial human problems (mainly a solitary personal struggle against totalitarian regime) as well as usage of a similar artistic method to bring it to their audience. The article deals with the problem of freedom as a core problem highlighted in literary and political works of Ivan Bahrіanyі and George Orwell. It traces similarities and differences in the authors' perception of the notion and ways it changes in various circumstances. It proves that the Ukrainian author pays more attention to the national aspect of freedom than his British counterpart does, which might be explained both by the differences in the worldviews (Ivan Bahrіanyі always defined himself as a socialistic patriot, while George Orwell often was perceived as a generalist and the citizen of the world) and by the political conditions of the nations the writers represent. In terms of personal freedom both authors claim it to be a crucial value for every person as it is closely connected with notions of dignity, self-respect, dreams realization etc. and defines the very existence of humankind. Generally the article emphasizes the role and place of the writers in the anti-totalitarian discourse of the XX century. It draws attention to the fact that Ivan Bahrіanyі and George Orwell devoted all their lives and literary efforts to the struggle for a free personality, who is not to be oppressed by any political regime. Keywords: Ivan Bahrіanyі, George Orwell, typological approach, genetic similarity, indirect dialogue, freedom, liberty, anti-totalitarian discourse, dignity, biographical approach. ; Дана стаття присвячена проблемі порівняння творчості Івана Багряного та Джорджа Ор­вел­ла, а також виявлення літературного та біографічного підґрунтя для їх зіставлення у синхронії. У роз­від­ці проаналізовано літературні особистості авторів (на основі біографічних та літературознавчих до­сліджень вітчизняних та закордонних науковців), а також встановлено, що застосування біогра­фіч­ного підходу для вивчення і трактування їх публіцистичних і художніх творів дає змогу краще зрозуміти і точніше виділити основні проблеми та ідеї авторів. Основна увага приділяється особливостям трак­ту­вання понять волі та вільної людини в антитоталітарному дискурсі письменників, а також дослі­дженню передумов та причин ведення ними непрямого діалогу в художніх та публіцистичних творах. Ключові слова: Іван Багряний, Джордж Орвелл, типологічний підхід, генетична спорідненість, непрямий діалог, воля, свобода, антитоталітарний дискурс, гідність, біографічний підхід.

В статье приводятся результаты анализа частотной для текстов законов лексики, передающей семантику действия: существительных, глаголов, причастий, деепричастий. (Концепция частей речи рассматривается автором с опорой на взгляды профессора В.М.Бельдияна.) При рассмотрении существительного затронуты вопросы терминирования, продуктивности / непродуктивности словообразовательных моделей, субстантивации и омонимии. Уделено внимание наименованиям субъектов юридического дискурса, содержащим семантику действия. Глаголы рассматриваются в аспекте форм реализации права (исполнение, использование, соблюдение), политемпоральности. Отмечается, что с помощью глагольных форм нормы закона формулируются безотносительно временных рамок и действие закона, главным образом, направлено на возможное будущее, последующие события. В некоторых случаях семантика действия распространяется на прошедшее время (когда прошлому времени приписывается признак реальности). Приводятся схемы и примеры вербальных комплексов, маркированных по степени необходимости совершения действия с помощью слов: «вправе» – «может» – «должен» – «обязан». Особый акцент сделан на частицах (бы, ли, не), дифференцирующих и усиливающих модальность предложения. Приводятся примеры речевых формул, используемых для передачи семантики волеизъявления. Уделяется внимание номинализации – замене глагольных форм сочетаниями глаголов и отглагольными существительными. Причастие и деепричастие рассматриваются в качестве полупредикативных частей речи. Частотность причастий рассматривается с точки зрения формальных признаков, по типу суффикса. Деепричастия рассматриваются в аспекте типов текстов, множественности дополнительных действий, которые выражаются деепричастными оборотами. Обращается внимание на то, что в предложении с деепричастными оборотами основное и дополнительные действия могут быть даны безотносительно к субъекту волеизъявления. Особое внимание уделяется конкретизации семантики действия с помощью наречий. Теоретические обобщения иллюстрируются примерами из Конституции России, федеральных и региональных кодексов и законов. ; The article presents the results of the analysis of the texts of laws in regards to the frequency vocabulary, which conveys the semantics of action: nouns, verbs, participles, and gerunds. (The parts of speech are understood by the author basing on the views of Professor V. Beldiyan.) The noun is explored in terms of naming, productive / non-productive word-building, substantivization and homonymy. Attention is given to the names of subjects of legal discourse that convey the semantics of action. Verbs are considered in the aspect of the forms of exercising law (execution, use, observance), polytemporality. With the help of verbal forms, the norms of the law are formulated regardless of time frames. The law is mainly aimed to be in effect in possible future, and for subsequent events. In some cases, the semantics of the action extends to the past (when the past is viewed as real). There are given schemes and examples of word combinations marked according to the degree of necessity to perform an action expressed by the words given. Particular emphasis is placed on particles that differentiate and enhance the modality of the sentence. There are also given examples of set phrases used to convey the semantics of «will expression». Attention is given to nominalization. The participle and the gerund are considered as semi-predictive parts of speech. The frequency of participle usage is considered from the point of view of formal characteristics, manifested by the type of suffix. The gerunds are considered through the types of texts, and the multiplicity of additional actions, which can be expressed by the participial constructions. Attention is drawn to the fact that in a sentence with an adverbial participial phrase the main and additional actions can be expressed irrespective of the subject of volition. Particular attention is paid to specifying the semantics of action with the help of adverbs. The theoretical statements are illustrated by examples from the Russian Constitution, federal and regional codes and laws.

Der Artikel präsentiert Forschungen zum Modell der Stadtgemeinde, wie es sich im Selbstbild der wichtigsten Städte in Preußen und Livland im Mittelalter herausbildete, und seinen Verbindungen mit der sozialen und politischen Wirklichkeit. Eine Analyse der in der Korrespondenz und in den Dokumenten angewandten gewohnheitsmäßigen Praktiken ergab, dass sich die preußischen und livländischen Städte im 13. Jahrhundert als Stadtgemeinden präsentierten, die mit Hilfe von Organe der Gemeindeherrschaft (Ortsverwalter, Stadtrat) funktionierten. Mit Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts wurde in den wichtigsten preußischen Städten eine Tendenz zur Betonung der Oberrigket des Stadtrates gegenüber der Bürgergemeinschaft erkennbar. In Livland galt das Bild einer egalitären Gemeinschaft bis in die zweite Hälfte des 14. Jahrhunderts. Trotz der dominierenden politischen Rolle der oligarchischen Stadträte überwogen die Ideen des Gemeinwohls und der Beteiligung der Bürger an der Herrschaftsausübung. Der Autor zeigt, dass die Stadträte in Zeiten des Konflikts mit dem Territorialherrscher und jedesmal, wenn es zu inneren Kämpfen kam, unabhängig von der politischen Wirklichkeit versuchten, das Bild einer egalitären Gemeinschaft zu kreieren, die an den meisten politischen und administrativen Entscheidungen beteiligt war. In Livland sollen die Gilden im 15. Jahrhundert eingeladen worden sein, über Stadtgemeinden (Riga, Reval) betreffende Angelegenheiten mitzuentscheiden. Die als Teil des Selbstbildes der Städte geschaffenen Bilder sollten als Kommunikationsmittel betrachtet werden, die dem Erreichen bestimmter politischer und sozialer Ziele dienten. In beschränktem Maße würden sie die wirkliche politische Kondition der preußischen und livländischen Städte widerspiegeln. ; The article presents the research on the model of an urban municipality as created in the self-image of major cities in Prussia and Livonia in the Middle Ages and its connection with the social and political reality. The analysis of the habitual practices used in correspondence and documents indicates that in the 13th century, Prussian and Livonian towns presented themselves as civil communities acting through the bodies of the communal authority (the head of the village, the city council). From the beginning of the 14th century in the major Prussian cities there arose a tendency to highlight the supreme authority of the city council over the community of citizens. In Livonia the image of the egalitarian community remained valid until the second half of the 14th century. Despite the dominant political role of the oligarchic city councils, the ideas of the common good and the citizens' participation in governing the city prevailed. The author indicates that in periods of conflict with the territorial ruler and whenever internal infighting occurred, the city councils, irrespective of the political reality, tried to create a picture of an egalitarian community that took part in the most important political and administrative decisions. In Livonia in the 15th century, guilds would be invited to the process of making decisions concerning the urban municipalities (Riga, Tallin). The pictures created as part of the cities' self-image should be treated as a means of communication serving to achieve certain political and social aims. They only reflected the actual political conditions of Prussian and Livonian towns to a limited extent. ; Artykuł przedstawia badania nad modelem gminy miejskiej, jaki uformował się we własnym wizerunku głównych miast w Prusach i Inflantach w wiekach średnich, oraz jego powiązania z rzeczywistością społeczną i polityczną. Analiza zwyczajowych praktyk stosowanych w korespondencji i dokumentach wskazuje, że w XIII w. pruskie i inflanckie miasta przedstawiały się jako wspólnoty miejskie działające poprzez organy władzy gminnej (zarządca miejscowości, rada miejska). Wraz z początkiem XIV stulecia w głównych miastach pruskich pojawiła się tendencja do podkreślania zwierzchniej władzy rady miejskiej nad społecznością mieszczan. W Inflantach wizerunek egalitarnej wspólnoty obowiązywał do drugiej połowy XIV stulecia. Mimo dominującej roli politycznej oligarchicznych rad miejskich, przeważały idee dobra wspólnego i udziału mieszczan w sprawowaniu rządów. Autor wskazuje, że w okresach konfliktu z władcą terytorialnym i za każdym razem, kiedy pojawiały się walki wewnętrzne, rady miejskie, niezależnie od rzeczywistości politycznej, próbowały wykreować obraz społeczności egalitarnej, która uczestniczyła w podejmowaniu większości decyzji politycznych i administracyjnych. W Inflantach w XV w. gildie miały być zapraszane do podejmowania decyzji dotyczących gmin miejskich (Ryga, Tallin). Obrazy wytworzone jako część autowizerunku miast powinny być rozpatrywane jako środki komunikacji służące osiąganiu określonych celów politycznych i społecznych. W ograniczonym stopniu odzwierciedlały one rzeczywistą kondycję polityczną miast pruskich i inflanckich.

Eser, Sultan (Balikesir Author) ; Background In 2015, the second cycle of the CONCORD programme established global surveillance of cancer survival as a metric of the effectiveness of health systems and to inform global policy on cancer control. CONCORD-3 updates the worldwide surveillance of cancer survival to 2014. Methods CONCORD-3 includes individual records for 37.5 million patients diagnosed with cancer during the 15-year period 2000-14. Data were provided by 322 population-based cancer registries in 71 countries and territories, 47 of which provided data with 100% population coverage. The study includes 18 cancers or groups of cancers: oesophagus, stomach, colon, rectum, liver, pancreas, lung, breast (women), cervix, ovary, prostate, and melanoma of the skin in adults, and brain tumours, leukaemias, and lymphomas in both adults and children. Standardised quality control procedures were applied; errors were rectified by the registry concerned. We estimated 5-year net survival. Estimates were age-standardised with the International Cancer Survival Standard weights.Findings For most cancers, 5-year net survival remains among the highest in the world in the USA and Canada, in Australia and New Zealand, and in Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden. For many cancers, Denmark is closing the survival gap with the other Nordic countries. Survival trends are generally increasing, even for some of the more lethal cancers: in some countries, survival has increased by up to 5% for cancers of the liver, pancreas, and lung. For women diagnosed during 2010-14, 5-year survival for breast cancer is now 89.5% in Australia and 90.2% in the USA, but international differences remain very wide, with levels as low as 66.1% in India. For gastrointestinal cancers, the highest levels of 5-year survival are seen in southeast Asia: in South Korea for cancers of the stomach (68.9%), colon (71.8%), and rectum (71.1%); in Japan for oesophageal cancer (36.0%); and in Taiwan for liver cancer (27.9%). By contrast, in the same world region, survival is generally lower than elsewhere for melanoma of the skin (59.9% in South Korea, 52.1% in Taiwan, and 49.6% in China), and for both lymphoid malignancies (52.5%, 50.5%, and 38.3%) and myeloid malignancies (45.9%, 33.4%, and 24.8%). For children diagnosed during 2010-14, 5-year survival for acute lymphoblastic leukaemia ranged from 49.8% in Ecuador to 95.2% in Finland. 5-year survival from brain tumours in children is higher than for adults but the global range is very wide (from 28.9% in Brazil to nearly 80% in Sweden and Denmark). Interpretation The CONCORD programme enables timely comparisons of the overall effectiveness of health systems in providing care for 18 cancers that collectively represent 75% of all cancers diagnosed worldwide every year. It contributes to the evidence base for global policy on cancer control. Since 2017, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development has used findings from the CONCORD programme as the official benchmark of cancer survival, among their indicators of the quality of health care in 48 countries worldwide. Governments must recognise population-based cancer registries as key policy tools that can be used to evaluate both the impact of cancer prevention strategies and the effectiveness of health systems for all patients diagnosed with cancer. ; American Cancer Society Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Swiss Re Swiss Cancer Research foundation Swiss Cancer League Institut National du Cancer La Ligue Contre le Cancer Rossy Family Foundation US National Cancer Institute Susan G Komen Foundation

The goal of this paper is to determine the role played by the moral emotion of shame in the mechanisms of the moral responsibility of organised collectives (corporations, self-regulated associations, governmental organisations). Retrospective moral responsibility is closely connected with the blame attributed to a transgressor of a moral norm. They are liable for external blame, and they are expected to blame themselves. Self-blame is considered to be genuine only when a negative self-evaluation is accompanied with painful negative emotions of self-appraisal, such as guilt and shame.Within the research, the author perceives shame as a negative emotion appearing in the background of other people's actual or potential awareness of the transgression and concentrated on the transgressor's moral quality revealing itself in their deed. Guilt, in its turn, is not stipulated by external factors and concentrated on the moral quality of the action and its consequences. Organised collectives may be regarded as agents that can bear moral responsibility. This status is ensured by their internal decision structures (the term of P. French). For example, decisions of corporations can be distinguished from the decisions of their managers that do not express a collective intention. One of the main obstacles to the admission of organised collectives into the community of moral agents is their alleged lack of affective reactions: an agent who is incapable of emotional self-blame is not subject to moral blame. However, a deeper analysis of the features of organised collectives makes it possible to state that they are endowed with some functional analogues or substitutes of emotional self-appraisal. Those are more similar to individual shame than individual guilt. An organised collective can both express and fear shame. This peculiarity of organised collectives should be reflected in the system of corporate punishment. It is appropriate to use so-called shaming legal sanctions against transgressing corporations, which causes serious damage to their reputation. ; Цель данной статьи — выявить место моральной эмоции стыда в механизмах моральной ответственности организованных коллективов (бизнес-корпораций, самоуправляющихся ассоциаций, государственных организаций). В своих ретроспективных проявлениях моральная ответственность тесно связана с осуждением нарушителя нравственной нормы. Нарушитель подлежит внешнему осуждению, но и от него самого также ожидается осуждение совершенного им поступка. Признаком подлинности самоосуждения принято считать наличие негативных эмоций самооценки, таких как вина и стыд.В рамках данного исследования используется такое понимание стыда, при котором он является негативной эмоцией, возникающей на фоне действительной или потенциальной осведомленности других людей о совершенном нарушении и сосредоточенной на проявившемся в поступке моральном качестве личности нарушителя. Вина, в свою очередь, не обусловлена внешними факторами и сосредоточена на моральном качестве самого действия и его последствий. Организованные коллективы можно рассматривать в качестве деятелей, способных нести моральную ответственность в силу наличия у них внутренних структур принятия решений (термин П. Френча). К примеру, решения бизнес-корпорации можно отграничить от решений ее менеджеров, не выражающих намерений организованного коллектива. Существенным затруднением для признания таких коллективов ответственными моральными деятелями является отсутствие у них аффективной составляющей поведения: тот, кто не способен осуждать себя в эмоциональных формах, не подлежит моральному осуждению. Однако более глубокий анализ свойств организованного коллектива позволяет утверждать, что он обладает функциональными аналогами или субститутами эмоций самооценки. При этом они гораздо больше похожи на индивидуальный стыд, чем на индивидуальную вину. Организованный коллектив способен как выражать стыд, так и опасаться стыда. Эта его особенность должна найти отражение в системе наказания бизнес-корпораций. В их отношении уместно использовать так называемые пристыжающие санкции, наносящие удар по корпоративной репутации.

Objectives: Health is the fundamental right of every human and a social goal and all governments and organizations are bound to supply individuals' health and organizational performance is considered one of the most important structures discussed in management projects and undoubtedly the most important criterion of assessing success in commercial companies. The general objective of this study is to examine the relation between general health and organizational performance of authorities and personnel of Shiraz city emergency in 2017. This study is applied in respect of objective. Methods: The statistical population in the present study includes all Shiraz City emergency personnel. And their number according to obtained results is 200 persons that based on the table of Cochran sample content, 125 persons were specified as research sample. In this study, two questionnaires were used. Firstly, for examining the general health, Goldberg and Hiller measurement instrument (1979) was used. Also, for examining the organizational performance, Heresy and Goldsmith questionnaire was used. For analysis of the collected data Pearson correlation coefficient test and regression were used and using SPSS software version 18, the research hypotheses were examined. Results: The results of the research showed that there is a significant and positive relation between general health and organizational performance of Shiraz City emergency personnel and also there is a significant and positive relation between physical symptoms, signs of social function as components of general health and organizational performance of Shiraz city emergency personnel. There is a negative relation between anxiety symptoms and depression symptoms as components of general health and organizational performance of Shiraz city emergency personnel. Conclusion: The results of multiple correlation coefficient show that there is a direct and significant relation between components of general health and organizational performance ( r=0.499) and the determination factor r2 shows that 25% of organizational performance variance is related to the mentioned factors and 75% is related to factors out of model. Therefore, training general health and organizational performance should be one of operational goals of Shiraz city emergency personnel and this should be considered in training planning. Peer Review History: Received 16 January 2018; Revised 25 February; Accepted 4 March, Available online 15 March 2018 UJPR follows the most transparent and toughest 'Advanced OPEN peer review' system. The identity of the authors and, reviewers will be known to each other. This transparent process will help to eradicate any possible malicious/purposeful interference by any person (publishing staff, reviewer, editor, author, etc) during peer review. As a result of this unique system, all reviewers will get their due recognition and respect, once their names are published in the papers. We expect that, by publishing peer review reports with published papers, will be helpful to many authors for drafting their article according to the specifications. Auhors will remove any error of their article and they will improve their article(s) according to the previous reports displayed with published article(s). The main purpose of it is 'to improve the quality of a candidate manuscript'. Our reviewers check the 'strength and weakness of a manuscript honestly'. There will increase in the perfection, and transparency. Received file: Reviewer's Comments: Average Peer review marks at initial stage: 6.0/10 Average Peer review marks at publication stage: 8.0/10 Reviewer(s) detail: Dr. Taiwo O Elufioye, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, toonitaiwo@yahoo.com Dr. Xinwei Li, Jilin University, China, lixinwei100@jlu.edu.cn Similar Articles: THE EFFECT OF HOSPITAL MANAGERS' SUCCESSION PLANNING ON ORGANIZATIONAL PERFORMANCE: A CASE STUDY OF SHOUSHTARI MATERNITY HOSPITAL IN SHIRAZ IN 2017

Анализируется оценка взаимовлияний фактов и символов в исследованиях Б. И. Колоницкого. Изучается символика как форма репрезентации власти, анализируется процесс превращения социальных, политических, идеологических, культурных мифов и симулякров в средство манипуляции общественным сознанием, а следовательно, в фактор конструирования реальности. Отмечается, что при взаимодействии с обществом власть использует политическую символику, стремится через политические символы добиться привлечения социума на свою сторону, продекларировать общность целей и задач, идентифицировать себя с выразителем общих чаяний и надежд, в том числе через властные персоналии, в результате представители властных структур становятся семиотическими знаками, с разной степенью достоверности, отражающими общность элитных и массовых стремлений, государственные политики превращаются, если им это удается, в символы революции. Стремление к этому у революционной власти есть всегда, но далеко не всегда поставленную задачу удается реализовать, однако отмечается, что и в случае успешной реализации «символического проекта», и в случае его провала историк, изучая персональную символику, получает возможность глубже проанализировать многие составляющие революционного процесса. Символы особенно важны в переломные моменты истории, во время таких общественных потрясений и катаклизмов, как российская революция 1917 г. ; The article analizes scrutiny of the mutual influences of facts and symbols in the studies of B. I. Kolonitskii evaluation of symbolism as a form of representation of power, examines of the process of transformation of social, political, ideological, cultural myths and simulacrums into a means of manipulating the public consciousness, and, consequently, in the factor of constructing reality. When interacting with the society, the government uses political symbols, strives to attract the society to its side through political symbols, declare the community of purpose and tasks, identify itself, including through power personalities, the spokesman of common aspirations and hopes. Representatives of power structures become semiotic signs, with varying degrees of reliability reflecting the commonality of elite and mass aspirations. State politicians are transformed, if they succeed, into symbols of the revolution. The revolutionary government always has the desire to achieve this, but it is not always possible to achieve the task set. However, in the case of the successful implementation of the «symbolic project», or in case of its failure, the historian, when studying personal symbols, gets an opportunity to analyze more deeply the many components of the revolutionary process. The author to the conclusion that symbols are especially important in the critical moments of history, during social upheavals and cataclysms. The Russian Revolution of 1917 unconditionally refers to such historical events. = Аналізуецца ацэнка ўзаемаўплыву фактаў і сiмвалаў у даследаваннях Б. І. Каланiцкага. Вывучаецца сімволіка як форма рэпрэзентацыі ўлады. Аналізуецца працэс ператварэння сацыяльных, палітычных, ідэалагічных, культурных міфаў і сімулякраў у сродак маніпуляцыі грамадскай свядомасцю і, адпаведна, у фактар канструявання рэальнасці. Адзначаецца, што пры ўзаемадзеянні з грамадствам улада выкарыстоўвае палітычную сімволіку, імкнецца праз палітычныя сімвалы дамагчыся прыцягнення соцыуму на свой бок, прадэклараваць агульнасць мэты і задач, ідэнтыфікаваць сябе з выразнікам агульных спадзяванняў, у тым ліку праз уладныя персаналіі. У выніку прадстаўнікі ўладных структур становяцца семіятычнымі знакамі, якія з рознай ступенню пэўнасці адлюстроўваюць агульнасць элітных і масавых імкненняў, дзяржаўныя палітыкі ператвараюцца, калі ім гэта ўдаецца, у сімвал рэвалюцыі. Імкненне да гэтага ў рэвалюцыйнай улады ёсць заўсёды, але далёка не заўсёды пастаўленую задачу атрымлiваецца рэалізаваць, аднак адзначаецца, што і ў выпадку паспяховай рэалізацыі «сімвалічнага праекта», і ў выпадку яго правалу гісторык, вывучаючы персанальную сімволіку, атрымлівае магчымасць глыбей прааналізаваць многія кампаненты рэвалюцыйнага працэсу. Сімвалы асабліва важныя ў пераломныя моманты гісторыі, падчас такiх грамадскіх узрушэнняў і катаклізмаў, як расійская рэвалюцыі 1917 г.

Copyright © 2018 The Author(s). Background: Comparable estimates of health spending are crucial for the assessment of health systems and to optimally deploy health resources. The methods used to track health spending continue to evolve, but little is known about the distribution of spending across diseases. We developed improved estimates of health spending by source, including development assistance for health, and, for the first time, estimated HIV/AIDS spending on prevention and treatment and by source of funding, for 188 countries. Methods: We collected published data on domestic health spending, from 1995 to 2015, from a diverse set of international agencies. We tracked development assistance for health from 1990 to 2017. We also extracted 5385 datapoints about HIV/AIDS spending, between 2000 and 2015, from online databases, country reports, and proposals submitted to multilateral organisations. We used spatiotemporal Gaussian process regression to generate complete and comparable estimates for health and HIV/AIDS spending. We report most estimates in 2017 purchasing-power parity-adjusted dollars and adjust all estimates for the effect of inflation. Findings: Between 1995 and 2015, global health spending per capita grew at an annualised rate of 3·1% (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 3·1 to 3·2), with growth being largest in upper-middle-income countries (5·4% per capita [UI 5·3–5·5]) and lower-middle-income countries (4·2% per capita [4·2–4·3]). In 2015, $9·7 trillion (9·7 trillion to 9·8 trillion) was spent on health worldwide. High-income countries spent $6·5 trillion (6·4 trillion to 6·5 trillion) or 66·3% (66·0 to 66·5) of the total in 2015, whereas low-income countries spent $70·3 billion (69·3 billion to 71·3 billion) or 0·7% (0·7 to 0·7). Between 1990 and 2017, development assistance for health increased by 394·7% ($29·9 billion), with an estimated $37·4 billion of development assistance being disbursed for health in 2017, of which $9·1 billion (24·2%) targeted HIV/AIDS. Between 2000 and 2015, $562·6 billion (531·1 billion to 621·9 billion) was spent on HIV/AIDS worldwide. Governments financed 57·6% (52·0 to 60·8) of that total. Global HIV/AIDS spending peaked at 49·7 billion (46·2–54·7) in 2013, decreasing to $48·9 billion (45·2 billion to 54·2 billion) in 2015. That year, low-income and lower-middle-income countries represented 74·6% of all HIV/AIDS disability-adjusted life-years, but just 36·6% (34·4 to 38·7) of total HIV/AIDS spending. In 2015, $9·3 billion (8·5 billion to 10·4 billion) or 19·0% (17·6 to 20·6) of HIV/AIDS financing was spent on prevention, and $27·3 billion (24·5 billion to 31·1 billion) or 55·8% (53·3 to 57·9) was dedicated to care and treatment. Interpretation: From 1995 to 2015, total health spending increased worldwide, with the fastest per capita growth in middle-income countries. While these national disparities are relatively well known, low-income countries spent less per person on health and HIV/AIDS than did high-income and middle-income countries. Furthermore, declines in development assistance for health continue, including for HIV/AIDS. Additional cuts to development assistance could hasten this decline, and risk slowing progress towards global and national goals. Funding: The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. ; The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation.

The present research work has an analysis of how the estimation of income is handled in the budget of the Decentralized Autonomous Government Municipality of Ambato, in terms of its calculation basis, and valuation. It is important to indicate that this study consists of analyzing the incidence and effectiveness of implementing a model for the formulation of a general income fund, making the Directorates that make up the Municipality of Ambato an active part in the generation of economic resources for the Institution, besides generating awareness in each of the employees and workers of the commitment we have when creating resources, to be responsible and organized in front of each of the competencies that have been delivered to the different dependencies of the municipality, this being a means technical assistance for the improvement of fiscal sustainability, that is, the fiscal capacity to generate income, the execution of expenses, the management of financing, including indebtedness, and the proper management of assets, liabilities and assets, of a public nature and management by results. The methodology used by this project is predominantly quantitative, and the types of research that were used are: field research applied to the actors directly involved in the preparation of the budget of the Decentralized Autonomous Government Municipality of Ambato, and a bibliographical investigation of topics related to This studio. Likewise, as part of the research process, a survey was applied to obtain data, which once tabulated were subjected to an analysis and interpretation of the author, in the same way the application of the statistical technique T-student for the verification of the hypothesis of this research work, under the independent variable General Income Fund, and the dependent variable Fiscal Sustainability. ; El presente trabajo de investigación tiene un análisis de cómo hoy por hoy se maneja la obtención de la estimación de ingresos en el presupuesto del Gobierno Autónomo Descentralizado Municipalidad de Ambato, en cuanto a su base de cálculo, y valoración. Es importante indicar que este estudio consiste en analizar la incidencia y eficacia de implementar un modelo para la formulación de un fondo general de ingresos, haciendo que las Direcciones que conforman la Municipalidad de Ambato sean parte activa en la generación de recursos económicos para la Institución, además de generar conciencia en cada uno de los empleados y trabajadores del compromiso que tenemos al momento de crear recursos, a ser responsables y organizados frente a cada una de las competencias que han sido entregadas a las diferentes dependencias de la municipalidad, siendo este un medio técnico para la mejora de la sostenibilidad fiscal, es decir, a la capacidad fiscal de generación de ingresos, la ejecución de gastos, el manejo del financiamiento, incluido el endeudamiento, y la adecuada gestión de los activos, pasivos y patrimonios de carácter público y gestión por resultados. La metodología que emplea este proyecto es predominantemente cuantitativa, y los tipos de investigación que se emplearon son: investigación de campo aplicada a los actores directamente involucrados en la elaboración del presupuesto del Gobierno Autónomo Descentralizado Municipalidad de Ambato, y una investigación bibliográfica de temas relacionados con este estudio. Asimismo, como parte del proceso de investigación se aplicó una encuesta para la obtención de datos, los cuáles una vez tabulados se sujetaron a un análisis e interpretación de la autora, de la misma manera la aplicación de la técnica estadística T-student para la comprobación de la hipótesis de este trabajo de investigación, bajo la variable independiente Fondo General de Ingresos, y la variable dependiente Sostenibilidad Fiscal.

The article is devoted to the consideration of internal political processes in the Soviet Union at the final stage of its existence, in particular, the political struggle between the President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev and Republican leaders in the course of the preparation of the draft Union Treaty in the autumn of 1991 («Novo-Ogarevo-2»). The task of the research is to reconstruct the process of preparation of the draft Union Treaty in September-November 1991, its discussions during the meetings of the State Council of the USSR, and to assess the role of this Treaty in the dismantling of the USSR`s political system. The main source of this research was the verbatim records of the State Council`s meetings, numerous comments and additions to the autumn draft of the Union Treaty, which are stored in the archive Gorbachev Foundation. On the basis of these archival documents, as well as press materials, documentary collections, memories of eyewitnesses of those events, the author compares the positions of the Union and the Republican leaders on the structure of the future Union of the USSR: membership in the updated Union, the tax system, state bodies, the legal system. The key problem, to which all discussions of the Union Treaty were reduced, concerned distribution of power between the Union and Republican elites. The analysis of the sources allows us to conclude that during the autumn negotiations a compromise between the Union and the Republican leaders was impossible - the project "Novo-Ogarevo-2" was doomed to failure initially. If M.S. Gorbachev made attempts to legally secure the preservation of the Union in the form of a confederation, the Republican leaders, first of all, the President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin, based on the adopted Declaration of sovereignty, sought independence and separation from the USSR. The Union Treaty, originally designed to create the necessary balance in the relations between the Center and the republics, in practice was an instrument for the implementation of the ambitions of the Republican elites and became one of the factors of the USSR`s collapse. ; Рассмотрены внутриполитические процессы в Советском Союзе на завершающем этапе его существо-вания, в частности, политической борьбе между президентом СССР М. С. Горбачевым и республикан-скими лидерами в ходе подготовки проекта Союзного договора осенью 1991 г. («Ново-Огарево-2»). За-дача научного исследования состоит в реконструкции процесса подготовки проекта Союзного договора в сентябре-ноябре 1991 г., его обсуждений на совещаниях Государственного совета СССР, и оценке роли этого Договора в ходе демонтажа политической системы СССР. Основным источником данно-го исследования стали стенографические записи совещаний Госсовета, многочисленные замечания и дополнения к осенним проектам Союзного договора, которые отложились в архиве Горбачев-фонда. На основании этих архивных документов, а также материалов прессы, документальных сборников, вос-поминаний очевидцев автор проводит сравнение позиций союзных и республиканских лидеров относи-тельно устройства будущего Союза ССР: о членстве в обновленном Союзе, налоговой системе, госу-дарственных органах, юридической системе. Ключевая проблема, к которой сводились все обсуждения Союзного договора, касалась распределения властных полномочий между союзными и республикан-скими элитами. Анализ источников позволяет сделать вывод, что в ходе осенних переговоров компро-мисс между союзными и республиканскими лидерами был невозможен - проект «Ново-Огарево-2» был обречен на провал изначально. Если М. С. Горбачев предпринимал попытки юридически закрепить сохранение Союза в форме конфедерации, то республиканские лидеры, в первую очередь, президент России Б. Н. Ельцин, опираясь на принятые декларации о суверенитете, стремились к независимости и отделению от СССР. Союзный договор, изначально призванный создать необходимый баланс в от-ношениях между Центром и республиками, на практике явился инструментом реализации властных амбиций республиканских элит и стал одним из факторов распада СССР.

The problem of adaptation of the post-Soviet administrative elite to the social relations formed as a result of reforms in the USSR - Russia at the end of XX century - in the beginning of XXI century. The peculiarity of the study is the consideration of the problem in the General context of social changes of this period. The author shows that the usual theoretical and methodological schemes based on the opposition of the late Soviet and modern Russian political elite do not contribute to the approach to the truth. Thus, reliance only on official documents, statistics and other sources reflecting the external side of the processes under study appears to be insufficient. Therefore, the attention is drawn to the need for more active involvement of sources of personal origin, allowing to trace the evolution of consciousness of the ruling elite, the change of its stereotypes, values and norms. The such issues of adaptation of the modern Russian elite to new conditions as changing its attitude to ideology, to the goals of education, to the procedures of admission to the civil service, its passage and withdrawal from it, are highlighted. It is noted that in General, the post-Soviet administrative elite successfully and very quickly adapted to radical social changes. The number of factors that have ensured this adaptability is analyzed. It is noted that a special role in the processes of adaptation of the elite was played by factors of socio-cultural order: the ability to play by changing rules, moral and ideological relativism, following the established traditions, formed norms and values. However, it is necessary to take into account that the adaptation process is not completed, neither in elite nor in society in General. Thus, the process of adaptation of the Russian political elite is considered against the General background of post-Soviet transformation, which allows a deeper understanding of the mechanisms and results of the development of Russian society as a whole. ; Рассмотрена проблема адаптации постсоветской управленческой элиты к общественным отно-шениям, сложившимся в результате реформ в СССР - России конца ХХ в. - начала XXI в. Осо-бенностью исследования является рассмотрение поставленной проблемы в общем контексте общественных перемен указанного периода. Показано, что привычные теоретико-методологи-ческие схемы, основанные на противопоставлении позднесоветской и современной российской политической элиты, не способствуют приближению к истине. Так, опора лишь на официальные документы, статистику и другие источники, отражающие внешнюю сторону изучаемых процес-сов, представляется явно недостаточной. Поэтому обращено внимание на необходимость более активного привлечения источников личного происхождения, позволяющих проследить эволюцию сознания представителей правящей элиты, смену ее стереотипов, ценностей и норм. Освеще-ны такие вопросы адаптации современной российской элиты к новым условиям, как изменение ее отношения к идеологии, к целям получения образования, к процедурам поступления на го-сударственную службу, ее прохождения и ухода с нее. Отмечается, что в целом постсоветская управленческая элита успешно и весьма быстро адаптировалась к радикальным общественным изменениям. Проанализирован ряд факторов, обеспечивших эту адаптивность. Отмечено, что особую роль в процессах адаптации элиты сыграли факторы социокультурного порядка: умение играть по меняющимся правилам, нравственно-идеологический релятивизм, следование сложив-шимся традициям, формируемым нормам и ценностям. Вместе с тем надо учитывать, что адап-тационные процессы отнюдь не завершены ни в элите, ни в обществе в целом. Таким образом, процесс адаптации политической элиты России рассмотрен на общем фоне постсоветской транс-формации, что позволяет глубже понять механизмы и результаты развития российского общества в целом.