Suchergebnisse

The object of this research is the Zaberezinskis family among the political elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: the association of the family's history (its genealogy, economic, political, foundational activity) with the rest of the environment of the GDL rulers of the Jagiellonian Dynasty. The general backdrop of the political life of the GDL makes it possible to see and evaluate the weight of the Zaberezininkis family among the country's ruling elite. From the late 15th to the middle of the 16th century, the aristocratic authority with its ages-old roots acquired institutional form. Foreseeing the possibility of rulers residing outside the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (as during Kazimierz Jagiellonian's rule), Alexander Jagiellonian's privilege of 6 August 1492 authorized broader prerogatives for the Council of Lords. At the same time, on the eve of the proclamation of the Grand Duke, the summoned parliament initiated the tradition of representation of the nobility. Institutional changes were accompanied by the reception of humanistic ideas, legal culture and political theory, linked to the custom, increasing at the time, of nobility sending their offspring to universities to pursue higher education. The story of the Zaberezinskis family, descendants of Rimvydas, is presented In the context of the formation of the GDL Republic (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), a political nation of descendants of the Romans (as the Lithuanian nobility portrayed themselves). The earliest data on the kin are associated with the times of Sigismund Kęstutaitis, and the latest with those of Sigismund Augustus. Members of the family played a particularly significant role in the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the times of Kazimierz Jagiellonian and his two sons Alexander and Sigismund the Old, from the 1480s until 1544. Responding to the postulates of the modern science of genealogy, the story of the family is presented according to its different branches. Against the background of key events in Lithuanian history, beginning from Jurgis Rimvydaitis and Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, the careers of the latter's children and their descendants, their interrelationships, and factors influencing their careers are analysed. Due to the different status of different members of the family and the different amounts of data available in the sources, the questionnaire applied to different members of the family differs. Jonas Jurgaitis and his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis, who reached the highest posts, are the most significant, and the most extensive treatment is given to their biographies. The composition of the landholding and the development of the network of towns are discussed in a separate part of the study. The available data (including property holdings) do not directly confirm a family relationship between the Zaberezinskis and the Manvydas families. No sources have been found in which the Zaberezinskis in any way mention Manvydas or his brother, or a family relationship with them. In the view of the author of this work, the success of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky's career can be attributed to his holding the strategic post of Vicar of Polotsk at a key moment, the favour of Lithuanian Grand Duke Alexander and strong personal abilities. In consequence, Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky proved one of the most prominent personalities on the Council of Lords, achieving the particularly high offices of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall, and personally taking part in the most important events in the interstate relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For a variety of reasons (often due to early death), the only descendent of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis who achieved a significant political career was his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis (~1473-1538), who ultimately, like his father, assumed the posts of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. His relations with the other most influential high-ranking noblemen of the period are considered, especially the meaning of marriages contracted by him and arranged by him for his descendants and relatives. The gathered data regarding the formation and distribution of the family's latifundium show that the most important stage in the formation of the estate was the time of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, although later the family also acquired significant properties through marriage and purchases. A major step in this process was the marriage of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis to the daughter, Ona, of Jonas Nasuta, who held large properties in Palenkė (Podlasie). Other ways land was acquired were purchases and gifts of the rulers (Casimir and Alexander). One such event that stands out is Alexander's gift in 1506 of the regions of Alytus and Simnas. Many of the surviving papers written by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis in the final period of his life, when he resided in Alytus as Keeper of the City and the Region, testify to intense internal colonization of the area of Alytus and Simnas by the Nemunas River. Alytus and Simnas also include the most noteworthy church foundations made by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis and his family, a clear witness to the founders' piety. As he gave the decisive impulse for Alytus and Simnas to become city-like settlements, he can properly be considered the founder of those cities. The political self-awareness of the Lithuanian aristocracy is best captured by the term from that period "the Republic of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania" (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), as D. Kuolis has accurately observed. The theory of the Roman origins of the Lithuanian nobility, with all its consequences (such as e.g. the rule of law), can be considered the highest peak of the political culture of the ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1525 (well before the Union of Lublin, which is often associated with Lithuanian republican traditions) Albertas Goštautas's memorial to the Grand Duchess Bona associated the notion of nobility with loyalty to the ruler and responsibility for the commonwealth (the republic). Although it can be said that certain Republican ideals drawn from antiquity thrived among the Lithuanian aristocracy, their dominant trait was conservatism (unwillingness to admit lesser nobility to the structures of power). The high-rank nobility clearly recognized the ruler as the head of the political body of the Grand Duchy, and sought for him a crown. The programme for a Kingdom of Lithuania should be linked to the need, fostered by aristocracy, for the GDL to have its own distinct identity, though having a separate ruler was important also for practical reasons: the unquestioned centralized government accelerated the defence mechanisms of the state. A contemporary observer testifies that, when the ruler was absent, the Lithuanian lords "did not know what to do, remained undecided and did nothing." The ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, both in their actions and in what they wrote (in the Lithuanian chronicles and elsewhere), unequivocally showed that no agreements with the Polish Crown bound them. The role of the aristocracy in the political emancipation of the lesser nobility and the importance of the latter for the maturing of the Lithuanian-Polish Union are issues that still require further research. Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis gave some of his nobles personal freedom and economic autonomy, which can be regarded as a precondition for political emancipation.

Changes in the global economy are increasingly accelerating and deepening. This work invites you to read and appreciate them through the performance of its main protagonists: transnational corporations and national States.The two types of organizations keep a relationship that is ambivalent: they repel and confront but at the same time they prove to need each other.The features of the link define what has been called "late capitalism" since J. Habermas. The tension knot between the two types of organizations is today the feverish rate of reproduction of capital and the ensuing battles waged by transnational corporations in order to expand their markets and concentrate ownership and control of the means of production in order to feed the process indefinitely.During the second half of the twentieth century, a recipe was introduced in Latin America to promote the autonomous development of different sub-regions, which were reported to have been compromised by the actions of transnational corporations. Following this recipe were designed companies with participation or under the state promotion to compete with transnational corporations. While the initiatives failed again and again, some recent policy orientations lead the author to wonder about their viability. In this sense, the evolution of the global system suggests that such political projects are impossible to fulfill.What about the reasons that prevent the creation and management of companies under political guidelines? At first, technological waves are replacing products, services, processes and productive activities and thus expel from the markets the same populations that the economic system claims peremptorily as consumers and users. National states -which technocratic fantasies even today regard as anachronistic beings-reappear on the international scene, trying to bear the internal social cost of these segregations. Thus, paradoxically and as far as they can, they must feed back to the same system. It is a restorative task that cannot be done without transnational corporations, but must count on them.In particular, developing country states make a commitment in the only possible way that they can do so in order to be predictable: through detailed inter-governmental regulations, under the so-called "free trade agreements". These treaties, usually bilateral, are joining and converging laboriously. Its regulations, embedded in a multilateral support still in force, allow national states and transnational corporations to meet their mutual expectations under conditions of economic belligerence, which can only be achieved through unprecedented strategic and operational flexibility on both sides.As a result of their confrontation or cooperation, depending on the issues involved, these actors are changing among themselves as they interact in multiple networks of increasingly complex and integrated systems. It is then mutual relationships that are redefining at all time their respective entities.Is it possible to conjecture about the historical sense of the current trend? At the moment it should be noted the increasing uncertainty generated by the adverse effects of the global system when its territorial spread in the developed world is already well known. And there are also warnings about potential climatic events whose occurrence would be uncontrollable. In this picture the exacerbation of connectivity seems contraindicated. Hence the overcoming challenge: the reconversion of public and private organizations so that they can support themselves in interrupting external connections, when they have to be rebuilt and having the suitability to operate in the transition even without such connections. ; Las transformaciones en la economía global son cada vez más aceleradas y profundas. Este trabajo invita a leerlas y apreciarlas a través del desempeño de sus principales protagonistas: las empresas transnacionales y los Estados nacionales.Los dos tipos de formaciones mantienen entre sí una relación ambivalente: se repelen y confrontan pero a la vez demuestran necesitarse recíprocamente.Las características del vínculo definen lo que desde J. Habermas se denomina "capitalismo tardío". El motivo central de la tensión entre ambos tipos de formaciones es hoy día el ritmo febril de reproducción del capital y las consiguientes batallas que libran las empresas transnacionales con el objeto de ampliar sus mercados y concentrar la propiedad y el control de los medios de producción para poder realimentar dicho proceso indefinidamente.Durante la segunda mitad del siglo xx se difundió en América Latina una receta destinada a promover el desarrollo autónomo de distintas subregiones, que según se advirtió estaba comprometido por la acción de las empresas transnacionales. Siguiendo esta receta fueron diseñadas empresas con participación o promoción estatal para competir con las empresas transnacionales. Si bien las iniciativas fracasaron una y otra vez, algunas orientaciones políticas recientes llevan al autor a preguntarse por su viabilidad. En tal sentido, la evolución del sistema global indica que semejantes proyectos políticos resultan de imposible cumplimiento.¿Cuáles son entonces los motivos que en el capitalismo tardío impiden la creación y gestión de empresas políticamente condicionadas? En primer lugar, las oleadas tecnológicas van sustituyendo productos, servicios, procesos y actividades productivas y de ese modo expulsan de los mercados a las mismas poblaciones que el sistema económico reclama perentoriamente como consumidores y usuarios. Los Estados nacionales –que las fantasías tecnocráticas hasta hoy mismo reputan como entes anacrónicos- reaparecen en la escena internacional, procurando cargar con el costo social interno de esas segregaciones. Así, paradójicamente y hasta donde puedan, deben realimentar al mismo sistema. Es una tarea reparadora que no puede prescindir de las empresas transnacionales, sino que ha de contar con ellas.En particular, los Estados de países en desarrollo asumen el compromiso de la única forma posible que pueden hacerlo para que se les reconozca previsibilidad: a través de minuciosas regulaciones intergubernamentales, encuadradas bajo los denominados "tratados de libre comercio". Son tratados, usualmente bilaterales, que se van ensamblando y convergiendo laboriosamente. Sus regulaciones, enancadas sobre un soporte multilateral todavía vigente, permiten que los Estados nacionales y las empresas transnacionales acoten sus expectativas mutuas dentro de condiciones de aguda beligerancia económica, lo que sólo puede lograrse mediante una inédita flexibilidad estratégica y operativa de uno y otro lado.Como resultado de su confrontación o cooperación, según sean las cuestiones en juego, dichos actores van modificándose entre sí al interactuar en un entramado de múltiples redes de redes cada vez más complejas e integradas. Son entonces las relaciones mutuas las que están redefiniendo a toda hora a sus respectivas entidades.¿Se podrá conjeturar sobre el sentido histórico de la tendencia en curso? Por el momento habría que tomar nota de la creciente incertidumbre generada por los efectos adversos del sistema global cuando ya es notoria su propagación territorial en el propio mundo desarrollado. Y adicionalmente aparecen alertas acerca de potenciales eventos climáticos cuya ocurrencia sería incontrolable. En este cuadro la exacerbación de la conectividad parece contraindicada. De ahí el desafío sobreviniente: la reconversión de las organizaciones públicas y privadas para que puedan sustentarse a sí mismas a la hora de interrumpir las conexiones externas, cuando deban recomponerlas y teniendo la idoneidad para funcionar en la transición sin poder contar con ellas.

This thesis explores the complexity of the notion of heritage from a Caribbean context, both specific and intimately linked to world movements since the sixteenth century. It examines the in-between that characterizes heritage, between the inherited dimension-perceived as an inalienable given, and the dimension constructed in the present for a becoming, manifested by what one wishes to transmit to the future generations. The heritage unfolds in the singular-collective relationship of which it invokes the imaginary world, the connections between spaces and different temporalities. It can be perceived as a barometer of the capacity of societies to fit into a communication order envisaged as an act of sharing. The proposed multidirectional perspective confronts historicized mobilizations of a patrimony that is a tool of the powers taken up in political, economic and technical convergences, in which the order of knowledge is also forged, to the social functions of heritage which refer to a quest for meaning, social bonding, resources and is part of complex territorialities. The Caribbean, a polythetic territory, presents an unprecedented point of view to question this heritage / territory couple and the problematic paradigms that its institutionalization naturalized during the period of formation of European national identities, a period correlated with the emergence of Modernity. The Transatlantic Slave Trade, the slave system based on race and then colonization, is a history associated with suffering, a complex transnational past, the sharing of which is still problematic, a legacy that no one wishes to accept, but which still impact social relations. The capacity to perform, to cope with the contribution of each one, to transmit know-how has been deployed in the Caribbean societies with and against the systems of oppression, as a form of resistance and survival, an essential vital resource from a practical and symbolic point of view. Long ago rejected from the normative space of the heritage, these legagy incorporate perceptions that are incompatible with the definitions and the fixed treatment methods of the institutional heritage articulated around the material productions. The Caribbean poetic and intellectual discourse from the years 1960-1970 was forged in a double dynamic, associating the critical deconstruction of the instituted order initiated by the first generation with an imaginary of the common space inspired by the will to revalorize the heritages, their creativity and the ability of Men to reinvent the imaginations of the world based on the Relation. This Caribbean project is here read as the proposal of a creative heritage break linked to the maling of a territory in breach with the superposition-fusion of the political, physical and cultural space imposed by the prism of the national imagination. This thesis takes as its starting point the traces of these relational dimensions in which historical constructions, multiple trajectories and territorialities intervene, and then tries to bring to light the naturalized paradigms, the inheritances and the contemporary constraints which participate in this heritage impediment which is not unrelated to conflicts arising from the treatment of the past in public space. The last movement puts this research in perspective of the observation of effective projects: the digital libraries of the Caribbean. The author analyzes the methods of construction, questions the individual and collective contexts and the multiple territorialities that intervene in these ultimate heterotopies of the Caribbean, manifestations of the Caribbean utopia. This observation makes it possible to measure the obstacles of all kinds facing actors engaged in projects that aim to shape or reveal relations between territories that are both distinct and connected and to treat the heritage both as traces of the past and as a living, dynamic phenomenon, constantly enriched by contemporary experiences. ; Cette thèse explore la complexité de la notion de patrimoine depuis un contexte caribéen, à la fois spécifique et intimement lié aux mouvements du monde depuis le XVIe siècle. Elle s'intéresse à l'entre-deux qui caractérise le patrimoine, entre la dimension héritée -perçue comme un donné inaliénable, malgré soi-, et la dimension construite au présent pour un devenir, manifestée par ce que l'on souhaite transmettre aux générations futures. Le patrimoine se déploie dans la relation singulier-collectif dont il convoque les imaginaires du monde, les connexions entre des espaces et des temporalités diverses. Il peut être perçu comme un baromètre de la capacité des sociétés à s'inscrire dans un ordre communicationnel envisagé comme un acte de partage. La perspective multidirectionnelle proposée confronte des mobilisations historicisées d'un patrimoine outil des pouvoirs, pris dans des convergences politiques, économiques et techniques dans lequel se forge également l'ordre de la connaissance, aux fonctions sociales du patrimoine qui renvoient à une quête de sens, de lien social, de ressources et s'inscrit dans des territorialités complexes. La Caraïbe, territoire polythétique, présente un point de vue inédit pour remettre en question ce couple patrimoine/territoire et les paradigmes problématiques que son institutionnalisation a naturalisé pendant la période de formation des identités nationales européennes, période corrélée à l'émergence de la Modernité. La Traite négrière transatlantique, le système esclavagiste fondé sur la race puis la colonisation constituent une histoire associée à la souffrance, un passé transnational complexe dont la mise en partage est encore problématique, un héritage que personne ne souhaite accepter et qui marque pourtant encore à divers égards les rapports sociaux contemporains. La capacité à performer, à composer avec l'apport de chacun, à transmettre des savoirs-faire s'est déployée dans les sociétés caribéennes avec et contre les systèmes d'oppression, comme une forme de résistance et de survie, une ressource vitale essentielle du point de vue pratique et symbolique. Longtemps rejetés de l'espace normatif du patrimoine, ces héritages incorporent des perceptions peu compatibles avec les définitions et les modalités de traitement figées du patrimoine institutionnel articulées autour des productions matérielles. Le discours poétique et intellectuel caribéen à partir des années 1960-1970 s'est forgé dans une double dynamique, associant la déconstruction critique de l'ordre institué initiée par la première génération, à un imaginaire de l'espace commun inspiré de la volonté de revaloriser les héritages, leur créativité et la capacité d'action des Hommes à réinventer des imaginaires du monde fondés sur la Relation. Ce projet caribéen est ici lu comme la proposition d'une rupture patrimoniale créatrice liée à un territoire en rupture avec la superposition-fusion de l'espace politique, physique et culturel imposé par le prisme de l'imaginaire national. Cette thèse part sur les traces de ces dimensions relationnelles dans lesquelles interviennent des constructions historiques, des trajectoires et territorialités multiples, puis tente de mettre au jour les paradigmes naturalisés, les héritages et les contraintes contemporaines qui participent de cet empêchement patrimonial qui n'est pas sans relation avec des conflits que suscite le traitement du passé dans l'espace public. Le dernier mouvement met ces recherches en perspective de l'observation de dispositifs effectifs : les bibliothèques numériques de la Caraïbe. Il en analyse les modalités de construction, interroge les contextes individuels et collectifs qui les animent et les territorialités multiples qui interviennent dans ces hétérotopies ultimes de la Caraïbe, manifestations effectives de l'utopie caribéenne.

ABSTRAK Bahwa untuk penetapan tersangka sendiri harus berdasarkan bukti permulaan yang cukup seperti yang diatur dalam pasal 1 ayat 14 KUHAP dan pasal 17 KUHAP, namun didalam pasal-pasal tersebut baik didalam penjelasan pasalnya tidak disinggung atau tidak diuraikan secara lengkap apa-apa saja yang dimaksud ‗bukti permulaan yang cukup', kemudian dalam rangka penetapan tersangka masuk kedalam objek praperadilan yang dalam pelaksanaannya sekarang terjadi inskonsistensi dari pengadilan menerima atau memutuskan gugatan praperadilan tersebut bukan hanya berdasarkan ‗bukti permulaan yang cukup' tetapi meluas tanpa batasan, seperti sampai ke legalitas penegak hukum yang melakukan penyidikan tersebut dipertanyakan, seperti permohonan praperadilan yang dilakukan oleh Hadi Purnomo, kemudian juga terjadi dalam permohonan praperadilan La Nyalla Mattalitti dan masih banyak permasalahan yang terjadi akibat perubahan dari objek praperadilan itu sendiri yang diajukan oleh beberapa tersangka lainnya yang akan dibahas oleh penulis pada bab-bab selanjutnya, dan yang menarik dari kesemuanya contoh permohonan praperadilan yang akan dibahas, kesemuanya terkait dengan perkara korupsi yang dilakukan oleh pejabat negara dan dengan ditetapkannya para pemohon tersebut sebagai tersangka mempunyai dampak/kepentingan lain selain dampak/kepentingan penegakan hukum, seperti dampak/kepentingan politis dan kepentingan lain yang menarik perhatian masyarakat Indonesia. Permasalahan penelitian ini adalah (1) Bagaimana pelaksanaan praperadilan di Indonesia setelah penetapan tersangka masuk kedalam objek permohonan praperadilan ? (2) Bagaimana perbandingan atau pelaksanaan permohonan praperadilan di negara-negara lain ? Tipe penelitian yang dipakai dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif atau penelitian yuridis normatif dan penelitian yuridis empiris1.penelitian yuridis normatif adalah penelitian yang mengacu 1Zainuddin Ali, Sosiologi Hukum, cet. 2. Jakarta, sinar Grafika. 2007. Hal 13 2 kepada norma hukum praperadilan yang terdapa dalam Undang-Undang No. 8 tahun 1981 tentang KUHAP dan putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi yang menguji pasal tentang praperadilan. Dalam perkembangannya dan kenyataan yang terjadi di Indonesia untuk proses pelaksanaan praperadilan, dengan ditambahnya objek praperadilan seperti penetapan tersangka, penggeledahan dan penyitaan, kemudian dikaitkan lagi dengan perbandingan praperadilan di Indonesia dengan negara-negara tersebut diatas yang berangkat dari satu sumber/konsep lembaga praperadilan yaitu habeas corpus, sehingga dengan dimasukkannya objek baru dalam praperadilan tersebut karena KUHAP yang lama tidak lagi sesuai dan mengakomodir untuk melindungi hak – hak masyarakat dan konsep kenapa diadakan lembaga praperadilan tersebut. Dengan kata lain, praperadilan sebenarnya merupakan forum perbaikan terhadap proses penyidikan yang dilakukan aparat penegak hukum untuk dapat menghormati hak asasi manusia dan putusan praperadilan bukan akhir perjuangan penyidik untuk membuktikan terjadinya suatu peristiwa pidana. Inti dari praperadilan adalah melindungi hak asasi manusia terhadap siapa saja yang berhadapan dengan hukum pidana indonesia, karena dalam hukum pidana terdapat upaya paksa dalam pelaksanaannya yang dikenal sebagai ultimum remedium. Hal tersebut sesuai dengan asas atau prinsip yang dianut oleh KUHAP sendiri yang berusaha melindungi hak asasi manusia lebih dari HIR sehingga setiap perbuatan / tindakan hukum yang dilaksanakan oleh penegak hukum dalam melaksanakan / menegakkan hukum pidana yang mempunyai upaya paksa bisa dilakukan usaha / tindakan praperadilan jika dirasa tidak sesuai aturan terlepas dari upaya paksa yang sudah diatur dan bisa dilakukan upaya praperadilan. Kata kunci:Praperadilan, penetapan tersangka, keadilan 3 ABSTRACT Whereas for the determination of the suspects themselves shall be based on sufficient preliminary evidence as provided for in article 1 paragraph 14 of the Criminal Procedure Code and Article 17 of the Criminal Procedure Code, but in those articles either in the explanation of the article is not mentioned or not described in full what is meant by 'evidence A sufficient beginning ', then in the framework of the determination of the suspect entered into the pretrial object which in the present implementation occurs the inconsistency of the court accepting or declaring the pre-trial suit not only on the basis of' sufficient preliminary evidence 'but widespread without limitation, such as to the legality of law enforcement Such investigations are questioned, such as pre-trial pleas done by Hadi Purnomo, then also occurred in the preliminary appeals of La Nyalla Mattalitti and there are still many problems that arise as a result of a change from the pre-trial object itself filed by some other suspects Ng will be discussed by the author in subsequent chapters, and interesting from all examples of pretrial requests to be discussed, all of which are related to cases of corruption committed by state officials and with the stipulation of the applicants as suspects having other interests other than impacts Law enforcement, such as political impacts and other interests that interest the people of Indonesia. The problems of this study are (1) How is the implementation of pretrial in Indonesia after the determination of the suspect entered into the object of pre-trial request? (2) How is the comparison or implementation of pre-trial applications in other countries? The type of research used in the writing of this thesis is normative legal research or normative juridical research and empirical juridical research. Normative juridical research is a study that refers to the legal norms of pretrial justice in Law no. 8 of 1981 on the Criminal Procedure Code and the decision of the Constitutional Court which examines the articles on pre-trial. 4 In its development and the facts that occurred in Indonesia for the process of pretrial execution, with the addition of pretrial objects such as the determination of suspects, searches and seizures, and then linked again with the pretrial comparison in Indonesia with the countries mentioned above that depart from one source / concept of pretrial institutions namely habeas Corpus, so that with the inclusion of new objects in the pretrial because the old Criminal Procedure Code is no longer appropriate and accommodate to protect the rights of the community and the concept of why such pretrial institutions are held. In other words, pre-trial is actually a forum for improvement of the investigation process by law enforcement officials to be able to respect human rights and pretrial decisions not the end of the investigator's struggle to prove the occurrence of a criminal incident. The essence of pretrial justice is protecting human rights against anyone who is dealing with Indonesian criminal law, because in criminal law there is a forced effort in its implementation known as ultimum remedium. This is in accordance with the principle or principle adopted by the KUHAP itself which seeks to protect human rights more than the HIR so that any legal actions carried out by law enforcers in implementing / enforcing the criminal law that has a forced effort can be done business / pretrial action if deemed Not in accordance with the rules regardless of the prescribed forced measures and pre-trial efforts. Keywords: Pre - trial, determination of the suspect , justice

The article is devoted to the analysis of media influence on social mass consciousness. Based on foreign and national scientific heritage author describes three fundamental degrees of media impact, that provide quenching the desires of members of the mass society. Research aims to show that distortion of reality in the minds of masses through the media is the consequence human choice. Density and continuity of modern communications is quite clearly shows us the trend of rapid increase in the value of timely information received. Within these realities, the communicative impact of the media is the qualitatively new phenomenon that needs proper scientific analysis and deeper understanding. As a result, quite topical scientific analysis of media influence on awareness of the average Ukrainian social reality in which it exists. The working hypothesis of our study is the assumption on which the perception of reality thoughts final recipient of the outlets are dictated operated based media owners, but is a response to the unconscious desire of recipients to participate in events without the active participation in it. Thinking the reality of the stories, articles and news, there is one member communication without the need to enter into its essence and without active intervention in the collective understanding of the events. Yet today it is a necessity without which it is difficult to imagine everyday life of the consumer media. Therefore, it is important to realize that the media can not cover completely unbiased information to us, and thus they give knowledge about reality can not be absolute. Curiosity as a way to "review" of interest ignores the essence of things guided only displays events that cause the desired emotional response. It is this aspect and leads the way coverage in the media: attempts as closely as possible to satisfy the curiosity of the recipient. When you enable the TV to see the political talk show on Sunday evening the consumer sees before him all the same recurring conflict equivalent of politicians who end the sense of completely changing her political beliefs. At the moment of contemplation verbal confrontation passive viewer becomes a participant interviews ranked one of the parties sometimes even voicing their experiences to the TV. Enabling people to experience the events happening on screen and the main recipe for success rating talk shows. However, entry into the essence of the political position of the ruling or opposition is under a merely secondary. Banner communication in this case is, first and foremost, as an emotional communication. The crowd faced in everyday life as a way of condemning the objectification of the Other, apply judgment in relation to what he saw without a specific cognitive goal. Censuring politicians on TV convince man himself that he can not be deceived, because the deception was exposed it is implicit in the state. Therefore condemnation audience is the main emotional to political talk shows. Impact of media on the minds of the recipients is a certain structure, which can be roughly divided into three levels: sequence information, symbolic, symbolic and emotional pathos. Thus, in the small study we have demonstrated the great importance of understanding the influence of media on everyday human reality in which it exists. Based on the works of Bourdieu, Bryant, Thompson, Baudrillard, Dobrosklonskа, Kozlov proved a key role in reforming the media all the cultural activities of mankind. Intervention Journalism in the public interest priority schedule based on elevated heteronym of individual spiritual sphere of society that enjoys the actual popularity and commercial demand. It was pointed out that the dependence of the individual on the media as a source of news and information continually increases and becomes the climax in times of general crisis and instability. Painting the world in the mind of modern man is almost entirely formed of the media, and thus responsible for the products of mass culture is largely lies on journalism. We have identified three major structural levels of media influence on public consciousness recipients: sequence information, semantic- and symbolic-emotional pathos. Consistently, the level of information associated with selective temporal resolution media to enter the sequence coverage, which creates a special pre-and post- attitude to just heard. In addition, the result of alternating blocks of information are unconscious construction of various events and information to uniqueness. On the other hand semantic-symbolic level is characterized with the leading media in shaping the mythology of mass society. However, due to the selection of the structure of media messages key equivalent character in the subconscious recipient is time dissonance between the real thing and what is happening on the screen. As a result, personal experience of the events at the time of watching the news, that sense of witness without active contemplation. Pathetic emotional level of exposure associated with the inclusion of external events in personal moral values and experiences of the viewer. Transfer its interest to a higher level of passion – feelings and emotions, including fear, mercy, compassion, anger and others. We analyzed the communicative content of online media, demonstrating the need for a reliable means of verification of electronic network material. In the course of our work confirmed the working hypothesis of the study: to provide the means of mass media information about reality based on immediate needs and desires of the mass subconscious mind, which consumes those foods culture. ; Статья посвящена научному анализу влияния СМИ на массовое общественное сознание. Основываясь на иностранном и отечественном наследии, автор описывает три фундаментальных уровня медийного воздействия, обеспечивающих утоление желаний членов массового общества. Исследование призвано показать, что ис- кажение реальности в сознании масс есть следствие выбора человека. Структурно выделено три основных уровня влияния СМИ на массовое сознание реципиентов: последовательно-информационный, знаково-символический и пафосно-эмоциональный. Проанализировано коммуникативное наполнение интернет-медиа и продемонстрированы необходимость создания надежного средства верификации электронно-сетевого материала. Подтверждена рабочая гипотеза исследования: предоставление средствами СМИ информации о реальности осуществляется на основе непосредственных потребностей и подсознательных желаний самого массового сознания, которое потребляет соответствующие продукты культуры. ; Стаття присвячена науковому аналізу впливу мас-медіа на масову суспільну свідомість. Ба- зуючись на іноземній та вітчизняній спадщині, автор описує три фундаментальних рівні медійного впливу, які забезпечують втамування бажань членів масового суспільства. Дослідження покликано показати, що спотворення реальності в свідомості мас є наслідком людського вибору. Структурно виділено три основних рівні впливу мас-медіа на масову свідомість реципієнтів: послідовно-інформаційний, знаково-символічний та пафосно-емоційний. Проаналізовано комунікативне наповнення інтернет-медіа та продемонстровано необхідність створення надійного засобу верифікації електронно-мережевого матеріалу. Підтверджено робоча гіпотеза дослідження: надан- ня засобами мас-медіа інформації про реальність здійснюється на основі безпосередніх потреб та підсвідомих бажань самої масової свідомості, що споживає відповідні продукти культури

RESUMEN La presente tesis tiene como Título "PLAN INTRASSEC PARA DISMINUIR LA INSEGURIDAD CIUDADANA EN EL DISTRITO DE TUMBES; distrito que es la capital de la provincia y departamento de Tumbes; se fundamenta en datos estadísticos tomados del distrito de Tumbes los últimos cuatro años; los mismos de los cuales se obtuvo como resultados un sorprendente y desalentador INCREMENTO de la Inseguridad Ciudadana en el distrito de Tumbes, que se ven reflejados en estadísticas a nivel nacional, ubicándonos en los primeros lugares de mayor Inseguridad Ciudadana en el país; es por ello que surge la necesidad de proponer la implementación de un plan que permitirá la disminución de la Inseguridad Ciudadana en el jurisdicción de Tumbes como distrito, el plan a implementar es el denominado por el autor, PLAN "INTRASSEC"; el cual consiste en trabajar preventivamente de manera INTEGRADA y TRASVERSAL con los actores tanto gubernamentales, institucionales, sociales y civiles en general del distrito de Tumbes, para generar con la aplicación de diversas actividades preventivas, educativas y formativas, la disminución de la percepción de la Inseguridad Ciudadana que actualmente se vive en el distrito. En la PRIMERA parte de este trabajo, se describe la realidad que atraviesa el distrito de Tumbes con respecto a la Inseguridad Ciudadana y se plantea la necesidad de contar con mecanismos que hagan posible la disminución de la misma; se plantea la problemática, se establecen objetivos, tanto general como específicos de la presente tesis; de igual forma, la justificación y metodología que ha sido aplicada para el desarrollo de la misma. La SEGUNDA parte, está referida al marco teórico, el mismo que incluye antecedentes con experiencias similares a las que en esta tesis se plantea; además de las respectivas bases teóricas y legislación sobre la cual se sustenta el desarrollo de la misma; también se desarrolla el marco conceptual con las definiciones de los términos utilizados y sobre los que se desarrolla el contexto de estas tesis. En la TERCERA Parte, se desarrolla a detalle la Propuesta de Solución en la que se describe cada uno de los ejes temáticos que conforman el plan INTRASSEC; y la forma cómo es que se va a desarrollar cada una de ellas y en qué aportarán a la eficacia y eficiencia al momento de la ejecución del plan, dado que este, se pretende generar mediante el trabajo de un equipo multidisciplinario y múltiples actividades preventivas, integradoras y educativas, la participación activa de la población, y repotenciando las capacidades de los distintos sectores del distrito; elevar el nivel y la calidad de vida, proyectando una mejor expectativa social y cultural de la población. La CUARTA Parte, contempla puntos sumamente importantes en el desarrollo de la tesis, tales como la diagnosis y la discusión de los resultados, ya que es sobre estos mismos, en los cuales fundamento con mayor solides la propuesta de Implementación del plan INTRASSEC, puesto que en estos puntos se explican los resultados positivos de las experiencias similares al plan INTRASSEC que permiten PROYECTAR dichos RESULTADOS que el plan tendría de llevarse a cabo su aplicación en el distrito de Tumbes; dado que las experiencias a obtener serían positivas de la misma forma que en los casos nacionales e internacionales que se muestran, puesto que estos contienen ejes temáticos, actividades y metodologías similares a las que se implementarán en el Plan INTRASSEC, además que se está hablando de una población relativamente similar en los casos y experiencias presentadas. Y por último como QUINTA Parte de la Tesis, están las conclusiones a las que se llegaron con el estudio, y en las que se responde al objetivo general y los objetivos específicos planteados en la tesis. Así mismo se presentan las recomendaciones para mejorar los resultados en el momento mismo de la implementación del Plan INTRASSEC. ; ABSTRACT This thesis is titled "INTRASSEC DESIGN PLAN TO REDUCE INSECURITY IN THE DISTRICT OF TUMBES; which it is the capital district of the province and department of Tumbes; is based on the district borrowed four years Tumbes statistics; the same of which was obtained as a surprising and disappointing results increased insecurity in the district citizen Lay, which are reflected in national statistics, placing in the first places of citizen insecurity in the country; that is why the need to propose the implementation of a plan that will allow the reduction of citizen insecurity in the district court of Tumbes as arises to implement the plan is called by the author PLAN "INTRASSEC"; which it is to work proactively integrated and transversal way with governmental, institutional, social and general civil district of Tumbes, to generate the application of various preventive, educational and training activities actors, decreasing the perception of citizen insecurity currently lives in the district. In the FIRST part of this work , the reality that crosses the district of Tumbes regarding citizen insecurity described and the need for mechanisms that enable the reduction of the same arises; the problem arises, objective, both general and specific of this thesis are established; likewise, the rationale and methodology that has been applied to develop it. The SECOND one refers to the theoretical framework, which includes the same history with similar experiences that arises in this thesis; in addition to the respective bases theory and legislation on which is supported the development of the same; the framework is also developed with the definitions of the terms used and about the context of this thesis is developed. In Part THREE, it develops in detail the proposed solution described in each of the themes that make up the INTRASSEC plan; and the way how it is going to develop each of them and what will contribute to the effectiveness and efficiency when implementing the plan, as this, is to generate through the work of a multidisciplinary and multiple preventive activities team and inclusive education, active participation of the population, and repowering capabilities of different sectors of the district; raising the level and quality of life , designing better social and cultural expectation of the people Part QUARTER , provides extremely important points in the development of the thesis , such as the diagnosis and discussion of the results , as it is on these same , in which I base most solides the proposal Implementation INTRASSEC plan since these points similar experiences INTRASSEC plan are explained with positive results that can project these results that the plan would be carried out in the district implementation of Tumbes ; since the experiences you get would be positive in the same way that national and international cases shown , since they contain themes , activities and similar methodologies to which they will be implemented in the INTRASSEC plan also it is being spoken of a relatively similar in cases and experiences presented population. And finally as FIFTH of the thesis, are the conclusions that were reached by the study, and which meets the general objective and specific objectives in the thesis. Also recommendations are presented to improve results at the same time the implementation of INTRASSEC plan.

JEL Classification: D03, D12, D63, Q25. ; Water is a natural resource whose scarcity is very likely to rise in the future (Griffin, 2006), in spite of recent breakthroughs regarding the promotion of economic instruments (European Commission, 2007) and governance principles (OECD, 2015), as well as the declaration of water and sanitation as human rights since 2010 (Albuquerque and Roaf, 2012). Behavioural economics has been on the agenda of European Union policies (Van Bavel et al., 2013), however there is no bridge linking these two fields. This thesis focuses on this unexplored relationship, suggesting behavioural water resource economics. Firstly, after the general introduction on chapter 1, a literature review is conducted on chapter 2 where four seminal ideas of behavioural economic applications to water management are identified: reference block pricing, asymmetric elasticities, reference transaction, and social comparison using reference consumption. Chapter 3 contributes to a profile of Portuguese residential water consumers, especially focused on consumer perceptions. Consumers appear to exhibit some misperceptions and low awareness of average price and monthly water consumption, although they exhibit high awareness of their bill. Chapter 4 continues to explore the effects of consumer perceptions, in this case, on the decision to adopt outdoor and indoor water-saving behaviours, as well as new extensions to modern billing standards, such as direct debit payment and electronic billing. The findings of chapter 3 lead to the study of factors influencing the consumer's probability to have reference points (for the average water price, monthly water consumption and bill). Overall, the behavioural findings suggest that price (un)fairness plays a role on water choices. Moreover, results show a perceived price fairness (PPF) effect that affects the reference point about water price, a novelty in the literature. Additionally, the factors driving the decision to prefer to drink tap water are analysed. Consumer perception about price fairness seem to influence this choice. These last evidences lead to the development of a conceptual framework to systematically measure PPF, as a global index, on chapter 5. This study proposes a conceptual model and variables to measure the determinants of PPF: price clarity, distributive fairness, consistent behaviour, price reliability, price honesty, respect and regard for the partner and fair dealing. Chapter 6 presents a new discrete/continuous model for consumer choice with reference-dependent preferences. The main theoretical results are based on three scenarios of reference points. In the case where the first block is a reference point,consumers in the second block will suffer a loss effect which will decrease their consumption. When the second block is the reference, the first-block consumers will increase their consumptions influenced by a gain effect. In the last case, when the reference is the average price, "bunching" will occur around the point where block shifts happen. Finally, chapter 7 discusses the main contributions. Overall, these contributions may be helpful to reshape water management and consequently water policies, through the use of behavioural findings. This work advocates a holistic approach of neoclassical and behavioural theories and further avenues to promote sustainable water consumption are proposed. ; A água é um recurso natural que se encontra sobre risco de escassez no futuro (Griffin, 2006), apesar dos avanços recentes quer na promoção do uso de instrumentos económicos (European Commission, 2007) e de princípios de governance (OECD, 2015), bem como na declaração da água e do saneamento como direitos humanos desde 2010 (Albuquerque and Roaf, 2012). A economia comportamental tem sido tema central na agenda política da União Europeia (Van Bavel et al., 2013), contudo não existe nenhuma ponte que unifique estas áreas. Esta tese centra-se nesta relação inexplorada sugerindo a economia comportamental aplicada aos recursos hídricos. Em primeiro lugar, após a introdução geral do capítulo 1, é realizada uma revisão da literatura no capítulo 2 e são identificadas quatro ideias seminais de aplicações económicas comportamentais na gestão dos recursos hídricos: bloco tarifário de referência, elasticidades assimétricas, transação de referência, e comparação social usando um consumo de referência. O capítulo 3 contribui para definir um perfil dos consumidores domésticos portugueses de água, especialmente sobre as suas perceções. No geral, conclui-se que os consumidores apresentam algumas perceções que divergem da realidade, tendo reduzido nível de conhecimento sobre o preço médio e o consumo mensal de água percebidos. No entanto, apresentam um elevado nível de conhecimento da sua conta de água mensal (CAM). O capítulo 4 continua a explorar os efeitos da perceção do consumidor, neste caso, na adoção de comportamentos de poupança de água em usos exteriores e interiores, bem como novas extensões aos hábitos modernos de pagamento, tais como a utilização de débito direto e de fatura eletrónica. Adicionalmente, os fatores que determinam a decisão de beber preferencialmente água da torneira são analisados, sendo que a perceção sobre o preço ser justo parece influenciar moderadamente a escolha de beber água da torneira. As evidências do capítulo 3 fomentaram a análise dos fatores que influenciam a probabilidade do consumidor ter ou não pontos de referência (i.e., preço médio de água, consumo de água mensal e CAM percebidos). As evidências comportamentais sugerem que a (in)justiça de preço percebida afeta os comportamentos analisados, bem como a existência de um efeito de justiça de preço percecionada (JPP) que afeta o ponto de referência relativo ao preço da água e constitui uma novidade na literatura. Estas últimas evidências incentivaram o desenvolvimento de um quadro conceptual para medir sistematicamente a JPP, sob a forma de um índice global, de acordo com o capítulo 5. Este estudo propõe um modelo conceptual de JPP e variáveis para medir os seus determinantes, nomeadamente: clareza do preço, justiça distributiva, comportamento consistente, credibilidade do preço, honestidade do preço, respeito e consideração pela contraparte e tratamento justo. O capítulo 6 apresenta um novo modelo de escolha discreta/contínua com preferências baseadas em referências. Os principais resultados teóricos são baseados em três cenários de pontos de referência. No caso do primeiro bloco como ponto de referência, os consumidores no segundo bloco sofrem um efeito de perda que os fará diminuir os seus consumos. Quando o segundo bloco é a referência, os consumidores do primeiro bloco irão aumentar o seu consumo devido a um efeito de ganho. No último caso, quando a referência é o preço médio baseada nos dois blocos anteriores irá ocorrer uma situação de "concentração" em torno do ponto onde as mudanças de bloco ocorrem. Finalmente, o capítulo 7 resume as principais contribuições. Esta tese constitui um contributo que poderá ser útil para reformular a gestão dos recursos hídricos, e consequentemente, as políticas públicas de água, através da utilização de evidências comportamentais. Este trabalho advoga uma abordagem holística das teorias neoclássica e comportamental e propõe novas direções de investigação para promover o consumo sustentável da água. ; The author acknowledges financial support from FCT Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (Science and Technology Foundation), projects PTDC/EGEECO/114477/2009 and PEst-OE/EGE/UI0315/2011. He also acknowledges the individual scholarship, SFRH/BD/77809/2011 scholarship from FCT.

[spa] ANTECEDENTES: La enfermera de práctica avanzada aparece a mediados del siglo XX en EE.UU. y ha ido progresando hacia otros países como Canadá, Reino Unido, Australia y Nueva Zelanda entre otros. En España hace escasamente una década que oímos hablar de la práctica avanzada. Como autoras, destacaremos a Patricia Benner(1), a la que se considera precursora de la práctica avanzada por su teoría sobre la progresión de la enfermera y el nivel de expertez. De los diferentes modelos para conceptualizar la práctica avanzada, el modelo de integración de Ann B. Hamric(2) es uno de los más completos ya que tiene una mirada más allá de la formación y la competencia clínica, integrando un conjunto de competencias que ella denomina adicionales, a la vez que integra los elementos del entorno que influyen en el desarrollo de la práctica avanzada. OBJETIVO: Comprender el significado que se le da a la enfermera de práctica avanzada en el ámbito hospitalario del contexto sanitario catalán, basándose en el modelo de integración de Hamric. ÁMBITO DE ESTUDIO: Hospitales de la provincia de Barcelona. METODOLOGÍA: Es una investigación con metodología cualitativa, porque lo que interesa es estudiar el fenómeno de la práctica avanzada en el entorno de Barcelona y profundizar en el ámbito de estudio para poder generar conocimiento. El diseño de estudio se circunscribe en el paradigma constructivista. Se realiza desde una perspectiva fenomenológica interpretativa y la metodología sigue la teoría heideggeriana. Las técnicas de generación de datos son las entrevistas y el grupo de discusión, realizándose un análisis de contenido. Se han aplicado, también, criterios de rigor científico de confiabilidad y reflexibilidad, además de criterios de rigor ético. RESULTADOS Y DISCUSIÓN: Las tipologías de enfermeras que se identifican como EPA son aquellas que atienden a un grupo determinado de personas/pacientes que comparten una situación de salud-enfermedad común. También presentan algunas características que las diferencia de la enfermera convencional como son: las actitudes y habilidades comunicativas, la capacidad para realizar cuidados avanzados y gestión clínica, el pensamiento experto y reflexión crítica además de la capacidad de liderazgo y trabajo en equipo. En la comparación con el modelo de integración, la formación y la certificación presenta claras diferencias habiendo consenso en algunos aspectos competenciales, como son: la perspectiva holística, la prevención y educación a los pacientes, el conocimiento fisiopatológico de la enfermedad, el control del paciente, la coordinación y gestión de pacientes y también en algunos referidos al liderazgo y la colaboración. Los aspectos con más dificultades son las capacidades para hacer frente a situaciones emocionalmente críticas, el desarrollo proactivo de la reflexión crítica sobre la práctica, las habilidades en la utilización de la evidencia como guía para la práctica, especialmente en la búsqueda activa de artículos científicos, en la práctica sensible a los resultados de investigaciones y la dificultad en actuar como finalistas en sus procesos por motivos relacionados con la prescripción entre otras. La situación de la prescripción es el aspecto legislativo actual que más está afectando a la práctica avanzada, aunque las políticas de salud parecen alineadas con un desarrollo a corto plazo de la misma. El análisis también evidencia una confusión en los términos relacionados con la práctica avanzada, como son: la competencia, la expertez, la especialidad, la competencia avanzada y el rol avanzado. CONCLUSIONES: La práctica avanzada en el contexto sanitario catalán requiere realizar un recorrido tanto a nivel legislativo, universitario, de política sanitaria y organizacional en las empresas sanitarias y también requiere recorrido por parte de las enfermeras de práctica avanzada y de las enfermeras en general. ; [eng] BACKGROUND: The Advanced Practice Nurse (APN) appears in mid-20th Century in United States and it has been progressing into other countries such as Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand among many others. In Spain, scarcely for decade now, we have been hearing about Advanced Practice. As an author, P.Benner(1) stands out since she is considered one of the precursors of Advanced Practice due to her theory about the improvement of the nurse and the level of expertise. Among the different models to conceptualise Advanced Practice, A.B. Hamric's(2) model of integration is one of the most complete since it looks further ahead of training and the clinical competence integrating a set of competencies that she refers to as additional, at the same time that it integrates the elements in an environment that affects the development of Advanced Practice. AIM: Understanding the meaning given to the Advanced Practice Nurse in the hospital scope of the Catalan Healthcare context, based on Hamric's Integration model. FIELD OF STUDY: Hospitals of the area of Barcelona METHODOLOGY: It is an investigation conducted with qualitative methodology, since the interesting focus was on studying the phenomenon of Advanced Practice nursing in the environment of Barcelona and deepen the field of study in order to generate knowledge. The study design is circumscribed by constructivist paradigms. It is carried out from a phenomenological interpretative perspective and the methodology follows Heidegger's theory. The techniques of data generation are the interviews and group discussion. Besides, an analysis of the content has been carried out. Criteria on the scientific rigour of trustworthiness and reflectivity have also been applied, as well as ethic criteria. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION: The types of nurses who identify themselves as APN are those who care for a particular group of people/patient that share a common health-disease condition. Besides, they present some features that distinguish them from the conventional nurse: communicative attitudes and skills, abilities to perform advanced care and clinical management, expert and critic thinking and leadership and teamwork capability. The comparison with the integration model, the training and the accreditation show clear differences. On the competence aspects there is consensus on some aspects like the holistic perspective, prevention and patient's training, the pathophysiological knowledge of the illness, patient's control, patients' coordination and management, and also, some aspects of leadership and collaboration. The aspects with more difficulty are the capacities to face critic emotional situations, the proactive development of the critic reflection about the practice, the abilities in the use of evidence as a practice guide especially in the active search of scientific articles and sensitive practice according to the results of the investigations and the difficulty in acting as finalists in their processes for reasons related to the prescription among others. The situation of the prescription is the current legislative aspect which is affecting Advanced Practice the most, although health policies seem aligned with a short-term development of advanced practice. The analysis demonstrates confusion on the terms related to Advanced Practice such as competency, expertise, speciality, advanced competency and advanced role. CONCLUSIONS: Advanced Practice in the Catalan health-care contexts requires conducting a review on the following levels: legislative, academic, health-care and organisational policy in health-care companies. It also requires a review by advanced practice nurses and nurses in general.

This article reviews new aspects of the interplay between fashion and advertising, says that advertising messages through text-description shows image of the advertised product, with marking does not have to link with the signified. The basic expression fashion trends are in advertising.At XXI century advertising is always looking for new forms of expression, it involves in their communicative space of various art trends, cultural studies and public opinion. One of its main sources is a formative fashion.Transformed from a simple craft into a developed industry, fashion is becoming popular and constantly debated phenomenon. An increasing of its value and relevance to modern society, it sets the necessary impression creates the desired image for a particular person or goods. Fashion simultaneously combines the stability of tradition and innovative tricks, such as creativity and commercial benefits. We can state that thanked to advertising and marketing professional, more people follow fashion trends and become "fashion victims".Despite the fact that there are a large number of works on the history of fashion, art and outstanding designers create clothes, marketing in the fashion industry and "fashion philosophy", some questions still left unattended researchers, in particular the problem of interaction of advertising and fashion in terms of post and post-post-culturewhich, in our opinion, needs detailed study.First of all it is worth to mention the work of F. Kotler "Principles of Marketing", which theoretically grounded relationship marketing in the traditional sense of the term, with the global fashion industry. In the theoretical work of T. Hines and M. Bruce "Fashion Marketing" describes the basic techniques of marketing in contemporary fashion, given the statistics. In this work analyzes the activity of representatives of fashion secrets revealed professional artists. Another theoretical work that reveals the direct sphere of modern fashion is a "Fashion world" of French journalist M. Tunheym, which is an actual example of fashion masterpieces.Particular note is the work of French semiotics, the philosopher R. Barthes "fashion system" in which theoretical stresses that modern fashion is the opposition of three systems: "clothes-image (photo or drawing that have only limited symbolic), 2) Clothing-description (text, commenting that image) and 3) real clothing" [1, 9]. The first and third system, by R. Barth, mostly exhausted its denotative message transmission or manual visual image for practical action, while ьsystem-describing saturated clothing connotations; it is located "between things and words". We cannot agree with the theoretical relative that description connects fashion with the outside world, but at the same time and tendentiously distorting the world.A similar opinion was expressed by the modern Swedish researcher L. Svendsen in the "fashion philosophy". The author considers fashion as a phenomenon that, on the one hand, promotes the aesthetic of human life, on the other; affect the identity of the human population, backgrounds. French sociologist and philosopher J. Baudriyar continues the idea R. Barth, and draws attention to the social side of the phenomenon of fashion. For him, in the centres of interest are human simulacra-world signs that are manifested in various spheres of culture – art, fashion, media, technology, sexual relations and others.As noted in our advertising time, as the description text, shapes the fashion, it can transmit not only information about products and services, but also on public opinion in general or the political preferences of the masses. In modern fashion the rules permissible limits and canons of beauty disappear. It is filled with stylistic eclecticism, with all possible variations and combinations simulacra. The most common fashion borders on art, using the principal components of the artistic image – cognitive, regulatory and communicative. Combining data elements, it creates a new dialogue between the thing and its customer, which is dominated by the same thing.To better promote products, specialists in public relations, PR managers developed "special" story of collection that told what had fascinated the designer during creating this collection, inspired and motivated him. This myth has a certain character and it can be both too romantic and compassionate-dramatic. Always available a certain mystery in the message you are composing. Press releases (summary of concepts) often served with a touch of a charitable cause. In some cases, even a fashion filled with mystical meaning, appeal to the "sublime Gothic". This trend can be seen in the collections of local designers, for example, in the same collection Valerie Kovalska called "13".Thus, the hallmark of fashion is its pragmatic direction. The main income is presented as such especially for promotion of a product created by the so-called seasonal "must-have" objects of desire, trends, the hit lists of the month. A limited collection created an illusory uniqueness. Permanent imposing certain image cannot remain indifferent consumer and sooner or later he/she still remembered the advertised product. We introduce a special system of discounts and bonuses which are not always true, for example, the price of the thing to the "sale" and after remain unchanged.The use of a large number of different prints, dominated by vivid images, deep colors with complex graphics are popular. As a starting point "lucky number" are the first letter of proper names or "sacred mantras", which will certainly bring happiness and prosperity. Apply all known kitsch images:, ironic, romantic images of fairy tales (imagine myself Oriental Beauty); optical illusion that the buyer is transferred into the mysterious world of fantasy; surreal prints that are associated with S. Dali masterpieces; drawings and abstract floral patterns, graphic lines and geometric shapes, all of these things come to mind. Nothing can stop contemporary designers to bring their collections.Thus, we can state that the fashion continuously marked clothing and a world. Advertising creates fashion, it predicts the desired information about a product and imposes other people's opinions and preferences. Advertisingcombines the perception of reality and creates its reality by itself. The public mood is formed by the artificial icons. It sets the style which all people must wish. Even if in imitation of a designed image difficulties appear (such as lack of money or social status)but due to the advertising (description text)a consumer still wants to to become the owner of the advertised product. ; В статье рассматриваются современные аспекты взаимодействия моды и рекламы. Отмечается, что в рекламных сообщениях благодаря описанию-тексту эксплицируется образ рекламированного товара, при этом означающее не обязательно имеет связь с означаемым. Наводятся основные проявления модных тенденций в рекламе. ; У статті розглядаються сучасні аспекти взаємодії моди та реклами. Зазначається, що в рекламних повідомленнях завдяки опису-тексту експліціюється образ рекламованого товару, при цьому позначаюче не обов'язково має зв'язок з означуваним. Наводяться основні прояви модних тенденцій у рекламі.

A lo largo de este trabajo hemos dado cuenta de una de las grandes figuras olvidadas del pensamiento hispánico, el jurista vallisoletano Fernando Vázquez de Menchaca (1512-1569). En el primer capítulo de este trabajo repasamos los principales datos biográficos sobre el jurisconsulto vallisoletano, centrándonos en aquellas instituciones en las que Vázquez desempeñó su labor como jurista. Después abordamos las principales aportaciones de aquellos que se han acercado a su obra, estableciendo un balance crítico. La obra de Vázquez ha sido considerada a nuestro entender en base a parámetros que guardan tan solo una relación tangencial con el núcleo del pensamiento vazquiano y oscurecen su esencia. Los capítulos segundo y tercero constituyen la parte negativa de este trabajo, aquella en la que nos enfrentamos a los principales obstáculos teóricos para una relectura republicana del pensamiento vazquiano. En primer lugar, el esencialismo absolutista que consideraba hasta fechas recientes a la Castilla de los Austrias como un homogéneo bloque autoritario y que solo ha sido problematizado por la nueva historiografía institucional, que saca a la luz el papel fundamental desempeñado por las Cortes y las ciudades en el entramado de poder castellano. El reino se convierte así en un espacio de negociación y resistencia en el que el pensamiento de Vázquez cobra por fin vigencia. Nuestra labor crítica se extiende en el capítulo tercero hasta la historia de las ideas políticas, monopolizada en nuestra primera modernidad por la llamada 'Escuela de Salamanca'. En nuestro trabajo llevamos a cabo una verdadera deconstrucción de esta tradición, cuyo origen remitimos a los esfuerzos combinados de renombrados intelectuales conservadores (Cánovas del Castillo, Menéndez Pelayo, .) y la Iglesia católica (fundamentalmente la Orden dominicana) por modelar en el pasado un referente intelectual que legitimara su acción política en el presente inmediato. En el capítulo cuarto presentamos los principales elementos de la tradición política del republicanismo clásico, el paradigma con el que se alinean las ideas y argumentos de nuestro autor. El capítulo quinto constituye el núcleo central de este trabajo, una exposición del pensamiento de Vázquez de Menchaca organizada en torno a los postulados republicanos previamente definidos, presupuestos que Vázquez va a aplicar metódicamente a un caso práctico, la enajenación de la villa de Mula. Concluido este bloque, nos dedicamos a rastrear el influjo de Vázquez en la historia del pensamiento político. El capítulo sexto reconstruye así la llamada polémica de la libertad de los mares. Los ataques de nuestro autor a la soberanía universal de Papas y Emperadores y su rechazo a toda prescripción entre pueblos se convirtieron en elementos imprescindibles para los enemigos del monopolio marítimo, como el joven Grotius. En el bando monopolista recogimos las principales respuestas de Freitas (Portugal), Solórzano Pereira (Castilla) y Selden (Inglaterra) al reto planteado por Vázquez, reconstruyendo así por primera vez esta polémica cronológicamente. La sombra de Vázquez es sin embargo mucho más alargada. Su pensamiento es también vehículo ejemplar del legado republicano, sobre todo en dos escenarios: las Provincias Unidas, cuyos embajadores adoptan la teoría vazquiana de la resistencia para legitimar la rebelión antifilipina, y las islas Británicas, donde el presbiteriano Rutherford adopta los mismos argumentos para defender la causa 'covenanter'. Ello problematiza sumamente la identificación de Reforma y revolución, frente a un mundo católico dominado por la reacción, la célebre hipótesis de Quentin Skinner que ha articulado durante las últimas décadas la historia del pensamiento político de la primera modernidad. El marco transversal de la tradición republicana, un legado compartido en todo el continente europeo, nos permite así reconciliar la historia del pensamiento hispánico con el gran relato elaborado por nuestros colegas europeos. SUMMARY Throughout this paper we have given an account of one of the great forgotten figures of the Hispanic thought, Fernando Vázquez de Menchaca (1512-1569). In the first chapter of this paper we covered the main biographical facts about Vázquez, focusing on the scenarios where he held his post as judge. We summarized then the main studies of Vázquez' thought, providing a critical assessment. From our perspective, the work of Vázquez has been considered based on parameters which keep only a tangential connection with its core and hide its essence. Chapters two and three represent the negative part of this paper, where we tried to remove the main obstacles for a republican rereading of Vázquez. First of all, the absolutist essentialism, which considered the Castile of the Austrias as an authoritarian homogeneous bloc, questioned only when the new institutional historiography brought to light the fundamental role held by the 'Cortes' and the cities in Castilian political life. The realm becomes this way a space of negotiation and resistance where Vázquez's thought becomes concebible at last. Our critical work extends in the third chapter to the history of political ideas, monopolized in our first modernity by the 'School of Salamanca'. In our work, we carry out a true deconstruction of this tradition, whose origin can be only explained by the combined efforts of the main figures of Spanish conservatism (Cánovas del Castillo, Menéndez Pelayo, .) and the Catholic church (especially the Dominican order) with the aim of shaping in the past an intellectual referent for its political action in the immediate present. Once the path was clear, we set out in the fourth chapter the main elements of the republican political tradition, the closest paradigm to our author. Above all formal and stylistic aspects, Vazquian thought combines all the pillars of this political tradition. The fith chapter represents the central core of this paper, the part where we thoroughly analyze Vázquez's political ideas around the postulates of the republican political thought that we had defined in the previous chapter, applied by Vázquez on a practical case, that of the transfer of the villa of Mula to the marquis of Vélez. Once finished this section, we investigate the legacy of Vázquez. The sixth chapter reconstructs the controversy on the 'freedom of the seas'. Vázquez's attacks on the universal sovereignty of popes and emperors and his rejection of international prescription became essential elements for the enemies of the sea monopoly, among whom we find the young Grotius. On the other side, they were fiercely opposed by the campaigners of the monopoly. In that sense we gathered the responses of Freitas (Portugal), Solórzano Pereira (Castile) and Selden (England) to Vázquez's challenge, providing for the first time an exhaustive diachronical reconstruction of this debate. Nevertheless, Vázquez casts a shadow which exceeds by far this issue. His thought acts as an exemplary vehicle of the republican tradition, particularly in two scenarios: the United Provinces, whose ambassadors appeal to Vázquez to justify the resistance against Philip II, and the British Isles, where the Presbyterian Samuel Rutherford adopt these very arguments in order to defend the case of the covenanters. This makes problematic the central hypothesis of Quentin Skinner, around which the history of political thought of the first modernity has been carried out. The identification of Reform and revolution, against a reactionary catholic world, does not stand up in the light of the transversal perspective of classic republicanism. The framework of classic republicanism allows us this way to reconcile the history of the Hispanic thought of the first modernity with the narrative elaborated by our European colleagues.

La tortura, ya incluso su amenaza, constituye una conducta que se retrotrae a los comienzos de la vida del hombre en sociedad, y que, desgraciadamente, ni incluso la consolidación de los Estados democráticos ha conseguido erradicar. La irrupción de actividades delictivas que ponen en jaque a la convivencia pacífica, como sin duda sucede con lo que se conoce como «nuevo terrorismo», ha dado lugar a que el poder punitivo del Estado, representado en parte por los servicios de inteligencia y los funcionarios de policía, acuda a mecanismos que, a nadie escapa, suponen conductas delictivas en cualquier país civilizado. Uno de esos mecanismos viene constituido por el empleo de la violencia estatal para, por ejemplo, impedir la comisión y/o consumación de delitos que menoscaban bienes jurídicos de especial importancia. Para justificar el empleo de la tortura se ponen sobre la mesa situaciones excepcionales, reconducibles al contexto del «ticking-time-bomb». Situaciones donde se considera que las partes implicadas no son sólo el Estado –representado por los agentes de policía- y el destinatario de las torturas; existiendo más bien una constelación de carácter triangular donde, además de las dos partes reseñadas, aparece una o innumerables (potenciales) víctimas como consecuencia de la acción delictiva que se imputa al destinatario de la violencia estatal. A partir de lo explicado en los párrafos anteriores, el objetivo de la siguiente tesis doctoral es analizar desde un punto de vista tanto criminológico como jurídico lo que se conoce como «tortura de rescate», es decir, aquel tipo de (amenaza de) violencia estatal que se emplea contra una persona a la cual se considera responsable del peligro vital que acecha a uno, varios o centenares de sujetos, libres de toda culpa. Para ello, la base del trabajo viene constituida por un hecho que tuvo lugar en la ciudad alemana de Frankfurt am Main en el otoño del año 2002, donde la policía empleó la amenaza de torturas contra un sujeto detenido al que se consideraba responsable del secuestro de un niño de 11 años, cuya vida pendía de un hilo. Dichos acontecimientos son sometidos, como se ha señalado, a un análisis tanto criminológico como jurídico. Así, la primera parte del trabajo analiza el estado de opinión que con respecto a la mencionada «tortura de rescate» existe tanto en la sociedad (alemana y española) como en la doctrina científica. Para ello, en el trabajo se presentan datos estadísticos correspondientes a una serie de encuestas que el autor de la tesis doctoral ha venido realizando con estudiantes universitarios de los Grados de Derecho y Criminología de la Universidad de Granada. A continuación, los sucesivos capítulos de la tesis se dedican a analizar la «tortura de rescate» desde una perspectiva jurídica, y ateniendo a los siguientes ámbitos: Teoría del Derecho, Derecho Policial, Constitucional, Penal y Procesal Penal. Y ello tanto desde el ordenamiento jurídico alemán como español. En el contexto descrito, las problemáticas que se abordan son, entre otras, las siguientes: ¿Tiene la policía competencias para, en casos extremos, acudir a esa vía para conjurar un peligro de especial gravedad? ¿Pueden aplicarse las causas de justificación y/o exculpación previstas en el ordenamiento jurídico-penal a aquellos funcionarios públicos que hacen uso de esa controvertida medida? ¿Podría valorarse en juicio la confesión realizada por un sujeto que ha sido víctima de torturas estatales? En definitiva, lo que pretende la siguiente tesis doctoral es analizar la figura conocida como «tortura de rescate» para con ello sondear la posibilidad de justificar o, llegado el caso, exonerar a aquel funcionario de policía que hace uso de la misma en situaciones absolutamente excepcionales. Y todo ello con el propósito de mantener intacta la existencia de un Estado de Derecho. Torture – and even its threat – is a behaviour that goes back to the beginnings of human life in society. Unfortunately, the consolidation of democratic states has not banned its use in several countries of the world. The emergence of criminal activities that threaten peaceful coexistence – as happens with the so called «new terrorism» – has led to the punitive power of the State, which are in part represented by the intelligence services and police officers, to use mechanisms that in some cases represent a serious criminal behaviour in any civilized country. One of such mechanism is constituted by the use of state violence to prevent the commission and/or consummation of crimes that undermine legal assets of particular importance. In order to justify the use of torture, some countries tend to put some situations up to discussion, which all can be redirected to the context of the «ticking-time-bomb»-situations. Situations where it is considered that the parties involved are not merely the State – represented by the police or the intelligence services – and the victim of torture. On the contrary, there is a constellation of triangular character where, besides the two parties outlined before, appears one or many (potential) victims as a result of a criminal action committed by the recipient of the state violence. Considering the context outlined in the preceding paragraphs, the aim of the following dissertation is to analyze from the point of view of both criminological and legal perspective what is known as «rescue torture », i.e., the use – or the threat with the use – of physical or psychological violence against a person which is considered responsible for a vital danger which threatens one, several or hundreds of individuals. To do this, the basis of the work is constituted by an event that took place in Frankfurt am Main in the autumn of 2002, where police used the threat of torture against a detainee, who was believed to be responsible for the kidnapping of a child of 11 years, whose life was hanging in the balance. These events are subjected, as noted, to both a criminological and a legal analysis. Thus, the first part of the dissertation analyzes the state of opinion which exists in the German and Spanish society as well as in the scientific literature, concerning the «rescue torture». To do this, the author of the work shows and explains a series of statistics which are the result of surveys that have been carried out in the University of Granada with students of Law and Criminology. Then, the successive chapters of the thesis analyze the so called «rescue torture» from a legal perspective, putting special emphasis in the following areas: Theory of Law, Police, Constitutional, Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure. In the context described above, the main questions that arise are the following ones: Do the police have the power to, in extreme cases, resort to such action to avert a serious danger? May eventually apply the causes of justification and / or excuse covered by criminal law to those public officials who make use of this controversial measure? Could the confession made by a person, who has been the victim of torture, be accepted at trial? In conclusion, the aim of the following dissertation is to analyze the figure known as «rescue torture» in order to eventually justify the police officer who, in absolutely exceptional situations, makes the use of violence. And all this with the purpose of maintaining intact the existence of a rule of law.

Objetivos Innocent Gentillet fue uno de los juristas y polemistas hugonotes más activos durante las Guerras de Religión en Francia (1562-1598). Pese al importante papel que sus escritos jugaron en este conflicto, su figura quedó en la sombra después del siglo XVII. Tampoco filósofos e historiadores contemporáneos dedicaron mucha atención a este jurista delfinés, siempre considerado en segundo plano por detrás de sus correligionarios 'monarcómacos', teólogos y juristas como Hotman, Duplessis-Mornay o Bèze, a los que, durante mucho tiempo, se tomó como exponentes principales del pensamiento político y jurídico hugonote. Teniendo en cuenta este olvido relativo (la única monografía dedicada a Gentillet es una breve presentación de sus ideas anti-maquiavélicas redactada en 1969), consideramos adecuado acometer un estudio sistemático del pensamiento del jurista calvinista que tuviera en cuenta tanto el importante papel que desempeñó en el movimiento reformado francés entre 1574 (fecha de publicación de su primera Remonstrance) y 1588 (fecha de su muerte) como su relevancia para la historia de la filosofía y de las ideas políticas. Metodología La tesis doctoral realiza, en primer lugar, una reconstrucción histórica de la biografía de Gentillet desde una perspectiva filosófico-política. En esta biografía se tienen en cuenta, por primera vez, datos importantes extraídos de fuentes primarias como el registro de la Universidad de Grenoble, la correspondencia de figuras destacadas en la Francia de la segunda mitad del siglo XVI o distintos documentos de archivo relativos a la historia del Delfinado en el período mencionado. El trabajo redactado ofrece, en segundo lugar, una lectura sistemática de los escritos publicados por Gentillet entre 1574 y 1576. Poniendo en práctica las pautas de trabajo seguidas actualmente en las disciplinas de la historia de los conceptos y de las ideas políticas, se busca, ante todo, contextualizar los escritos analizados en el marco de los acontecimientos coetáneos y ponerlos en relación con el resto de la producción polémica de la época. Conclusiones La tesis redactada ofrece, por primera vez, informaciones sobre la formación universitaria de Innocent Gentillet en el Grenoble de la década de 1550, período en el que la Facultad de Derecho contaba entre sus profesores con el famoso civilista portugués António Gouveia, a nuestro juicio importante para entender la singular perspectiva jurídico-política desarrollada por Gentillet en el seno del movimiento reformado francés. De este ideario rescatamos, sobre todo, las ideas y conceptos empleados por Gentillet para proponer una reforma en el modo de administrar los asuntos públicos en la Corona francesa de su tiempo. Nos concentramos también en la forma en la que el jurista conceptualizó la autoridad regia proponiendo a los monarcas un ejercicio "civil" (y no "absoluto") de su poder. La tesis muestra la postura de Gentillet como una 'tercera vía' (muy influida por pensadores precedentes como Seyssel) entre la forma pragmática y 'autoritaria' de gobierno que Maquiavelo recomendó en Il principe y el republicanismo de los protestantes monarcómacos, empeñados en someter la autoridad regia al control de la nobleza y de instituciones como los Parlamentos y los Estados Generales. La tesis destaca, finalmente, la importancia del Discours contre Machiavel para la historia de la filosofía política. Se trata de un amplio tratado escrito por Gentillet en 1576 y ampliado en una edición muy poco conocida (se conserva un único ejemplar) de 1585. La importancia de esta obra deriva del hecho de que se trata de la primera crítica sistemática a los principales escritos de Maquiavelo (Il principe, Discorsi, Istorie fiorentine, Dell'arte della guerra) y de que Gentillet acometió en ella una refutación a la vez política, social, económica, histórica y teológica a las ideas del florentino. ABSTRACT Objectives Innocent Gentillet was one oft the most influential Huguenot polemists during the French Wars of Religion (1562-1598). Although the important role played by his writings in this conflict, his figure remained in the shadow after the 17th Century. Neither contemporary philosophers nor historians, payed too much attention to this author, always considered secondly after his 'monarchomach' co-religionists, theologians and jurists such as Hotman, Duplessis-Mornay or Bèze, taken since a long time ago as the main exponents of Huguenot juridical and political thought. Taking into account this relative forget (the only monography dedicated to Gentillet is a brief account of his anti-Machiavellian ideas which was written in 1969), we considered that it was necessary a systematic study of the ideas and writings of Gentillet which focused in the important role played by this Calvinist jurist in the French Reformed Movement between 1574 (date of publication of his first Remonstrance) and 1588 (date of his death) and in his relevance for the History of Philosophy and for the History of Political Ideas. Methodology This work undertakes a reconstruction of Gentillet´s biography from a philosophical and political perspective. In this biography we use, for the first time, important pieces of information taken from primary sources as the register of Grenoble University, the letters of important figures in 16th Century France and other documents related to the history of Dauphiné in the above-mentioned period. Our dissertation offers, secondly, a systematic lecture of the writings published by Gentillet from 1574 to 1576. Putting into practice the most contemporary trends of research in the areas of the History of Political Ideas and Conceptual History, we contextualize these writings and we show their relationship with other important pieces of the polemical debates of this period. Conclusions The dissertation provides, for the first time, specific information about the studies followed by Innocent Gentillet at Grenoble University in the 1550s, when the Faculty of Law had among their teachers the famous Portuguese civil jurist António Gouveia. We consider Gouveia as a very important figure to understand the very specific juridical and political perspective developed by Gentillet among the French Reformed polemists. While studying this perspective, we focus specially in the ideas and concepts employed by Gentillet in order to propose a reform of the way of dealing with public affairs in the French Crown of his time. We also analyze the conceptualization of royal authority in the writings of Gentillet, showing that he proposed the kings a "civil" (opposed to "absolute") exercise of his power. Our book takes Gentillet's proposals as a 'third way' (very influenced, on the other hand, by earlier thinkers as Seyssel) between the pragmatic and 'authoritarian' government recommended by Machiavelli in his Prince and the republican ideas of monarchomach Protestants, interested in submitting royal authority to the control of nobility and institutions such as Parliaments and General Estates. Our dissertation underlines, finally, the importance of the Discours contre Machiavel for the History of Political Philosophy. This book is a long treatise written by Gentillet in 1576 and reissued in a very rare (there is only one available copy in Grenoble) 1585 edition. Gentillet´s Discours is, in fact, the first systematic critic to the main writings of Machiavelli (Il principe, Discorsi, Istorie fiorentine, Dell'arte della guerra). Moreover, Gentillet undertook in his work a total refutation of the ideas of the famous Florentine secretary, taking into account his opinions about politics, society, economy, history or theology.

[ES]El propósito de la presente Tesis Doctoral es el estudio en profundidad de la obra histórica del polígrafo granadino Ibn al-Jaṭīb Kitāb A´māl al-a´lām fī man būyi´a qabla al-iḥtilām min mulūk al-islām wa mā yaŷurru ḏālika min šuŷūn al-kalām (Libro de las gestas de los hombres ilustres acerca de los reyes del islam que fueron proclamados antes de alcanzar la pubertad, con lo que ello conlleva de digresiones). Es esta obra posiblemente el último y más sincero testimonio del sabio granadino. Se trata de una historia del islam inacabada que Ibn al-Jaṭīb compuso refugiado en la corte meriní para defender la legalidad de la proclamación del joven monarca menor de edad, Abū Zayyān Muḥammad al-Sa´īd II bajo la tutela del visir Abū Bakr b. Gāzī, ante los ataques de sus enemigos granadinos que negaban la legitimidad de la proclamación de un menor de edad. Por esta razón, Ibn al-Jaṭīb redactó esta obra, buscando ejemplos en los soberanos anteriores de la Historia del islam que se habían encontrado en las mismas circunstancias. Así pues, el contenido del A´māl al-a´lām es más amplio de lo que el título hace suponer. La obra consta de tres partes, de las cuales la segunda es el objeto de mi estudio y traducción, la dedicada a la conquista y la presencia islámica en la Península Ibérica, al-Andalus. En esta parte además de proporcionarnos abundantes noticias sobre los distintos periodos, en especial el de los reyes de taifas, Ibn al-Jaṭīb redacta un capítulo final dedicado a los reyes cristianos, así como un capítulo autobiográfico en el que nos da a conocer su experiencia vital y personal como alto dignatario durante el segundo reinado del sultán nazarí Muḥammad V, y expone sus ideas sobre la sociedad, la política y el arte de gobernar. Esta Tesis Doctoral incluye la traducción del periodo histórico comprendido entre el califato de Muḥammad II b. ´Abd al-Ŷabbār en Córdoba (399/1009) , hasta los últimos días de Ibn al-Jaṭīb exiliado en Fez en el año 735/1374, es decir, cuatro siglos de agitada historia. Par abordar el estudio de esta obra, este trabajo ha sido orientado en diferentes direcciones, con el objetivo de tratar de cubrir todos o los más importantes aspectos que Ibn al-Jaṭīb expone en esta obra. De esta manera, se ofrece un estudio bibliográfico sobre la vida y obra de Ibn al-Jaṭīb, un esbozo del contexto social y político del Reino Nazarí, en particular de los reinados de Yūsuf I y Muḥammad V. Del mismo modo, se incluye un estudio sobre la faceta mística del visir granadino, sobre su concepto del Estado y la política, así como un análisis de su relación personal y profesional con el sabio tunecino Ibn Jaldūn en base a la correspondencia que mantuvieron. La segunda parte del estudio se centra en la labor histórica de Ibn al-Jaṭīb y se presenta un análisis del concepto de la Historia según nuestro autor, un estudio de la estructura y contenido del Kitāb A´māl al-a´lām y un capítulo dedicado a las dificultades encontradas a lo largo de todo el proceso de traducción. Para finalizar, esbozamos una conclusión relativa al contenido del presente estudio. Por último, se ofrece la relación de las fuentes y estudios empleados en la elaboración del presente trabajo. ; [EN]The purpose of the present thesis is to study in depth the historical work of the granadian polygraph Ibn al-Jaṭīb Kitāb A´māl al-a´lām fī man būyi´a qabla al-iḥtilām min mulūk al-islām wa mā yaŷurru ḏālika min šuŷūn al-kalām (Book of the noblemen´s feats about the islam´s kings who where proclaimed before reach puberty, with all that implies of digressions). This work is possibly the last and most sincered testimony of the granadian vizier. It is an unfinished history of Islam that Ibn al-Jaṭīb wrote when he was refugee in the marinid court, to defend the legality of the proclamation of the young under age merinid monarch Abū Zayyān Muḥammad al-Sa´īd II under the guardianship of the vizier Abū Bakr b. Gāzī, against the attacks of his granadian enemies who denied the legitimacy of the proclamation of a minor. For this reason, Ibn al-Jaṭīb composed this work looking for exemples from previous monarchs of the history of Islam who found themselves in the same circumstances. Thus, the content of the A´māl al-a´lām is more extensive than the tittle suggests. The work consists on three parts. The second one, aim of my study and translation, is dedicated to the conquest and the Islamic presence in the Iberian Peninsula, al-Andalus. In this part apart from providing abundant news about the different periods, especially from the taifas´s kings, Ibn al-Jaṭīb writes a final chapter dedicated to the Christian kings, and also presents an autobiographical chapter that reveals his vital and personal experience as a high dignitary during the second reign of the nasrid sultan Muḥammad V, and express his ideas about society, politicy and statecraft. This thesis includes the translation of the historical period comprised between the caliphat of Muḥammad II b. ´Abd al-Ŷabbār in Cordoba (399/1009), untill the last days of Ibn al-Jaṭīb exiled in Fez in the year 735/1374, that is, four centuries of turbulent history. For the study of this work has taken several different directions, with the aim of triying to cover all or the most important aspects that Ibn al-Jaṭīb presents in this work. Thus, it provides a historiographical study of the life and work of Ibn al-Jaṭīb, an outline of the social and political context of the Nasrid Reign, particularly from the reigns of Yūsuf I and Muḥammad V. In the same way, a study of the mystical side of the granadian vizier, as well as and on his concept of state and politics, and an analysis of his personal and professional relationship with the tunisian wiseman Ibn Jaldūn based on the correspondence maintained between the two is included. The second part of the study focus on the historical work of Ibn al-Jaṭīb and presents an analysis of the concept of History according to our author, and analysis of the structure and content of the Kitāb A´māl al-a´lām and a chapter dedicated to the difficulties encountered along all the process of traslation. Finally, we outline a conclusion about the content of this study. After that, we offer the account of sources and bibliography used to draw up this study.

Thomas Jefferson y John Marshall encarnan las dos más relevantes personalidades contrapuestas de la joven República. Simbolizan asimismo dos enfrentadas convicciones constitucionales en esta época. Esa contraposición se ponía especialmente de manifiesto en el caso United States v. Burr (1807), en el que Aaron Burr, Vicepresidente de los Estados Unidos durante el primer mandato presidencial de Jefferson, iba a ser acusado del delito de traición.Desde el punto de vista constitucional, el Derecho de traición presentaba un interés excepcional. El delito era el más grave contra la seguridad del Estado, pero, por el estigma que entrañaba y por la vaguedad de su alcance, se podía convertir en un notorio instrumento de poder arbitrario y de facción política. A tenor de la Sección tercera del Art. III de la Constitución: «La traición contra los Estados Unidos consistirá tan sólo en hacer la guerra en su contra o en unirse a sus enemigos, dándoles su ayuda y protección. A ninguna persona se le condenará por traición a no ser con base en la declaración de dos testigos del mismo acto manifiesto, o en una confesión en sesión pública de un tribunal».Marshall iba a presidir el Tribunal de Circuito de Richmond que juzgaría a Aaron Burr. El caso de Burr era un juicio político de primera magnitud. Con anterioridad al juicio de Burr, el Presidente Jefferson, en un mensaje dirigido al Congreso, con base en débiles pruebas y simples rumores, proclamó abiertamente la culpabilidad de Burr. Como algún autor ha dicho, Jefferson estaba salvajemente decidido a que Burr fuera colgado y proyectó todo el peso y prestigio de la Administración detrás de la acusación. Para alcanzar tal fin, el Presidente estaba completamente dispuesto a burlar la Constitución. Marshall era consciente de que una definición permisiva del delito de traición posibilitaría su utilización como un arma para la represión política. De ahí que en un caso anterior, Ex Parte Bollman, sostuviera que: «Es más seguro, así como más conforme a los principios de nuestra Constitución, que el delito de traición no debe extenderse por deducción a los casos dudosos, y que aquellos delitos no claramente dentro de la definición constitucional reciban el castigo que la sensatez de la legislatura pueda disponer».En su alocución al jurado en el caso de Burr, Marshall adujo dos consideraciones cruciales: lª) Que esta acusación, habiendo formulado cargos al prisionero (Aaron Burr) de hacer la guerra en la isla de Bennerhassett y no conteniendo otro acto manifiesto, no puede sostenerse por la prueba de que la guerra se hizo en aquel lugar por otras personas, en ausencia del prisionero, aún admitiendo que esas personas estén relacionadas con él en una común conspiración traidora. 2ª) Que admitiendo que tal acusación pudiera sostenerse por tal prueba, la previa condena de alguna persona que cometió el acto del que se dice equivaler a hacer la guerra, es indispensable para la condena de una persona que aconsejó o procuró ese acto. El jurado emitió un veredicto de no culpabilidad, exonerando a Burr del delito de traición. De inmediato, Jefferson criticó acerbamente a Marshall al considerar que el Presidente del Tribunal había adoptado una conducta partidista en el juicio de Burr. Jefferson nunca discutió en términos jurídicos la sentencia; tampoco la interpretación dada por Marshall a la cláusula constitucional de traición; su crítica siempre giró en torno a que el proceso fue un evento político. El caso United States v. Burr fue en realidad el caso de John Marshall contra Thomas Jefferson. ; Thomas Jefferson and John Marshall embodie two opposed personalities of the young Republic. They also symbolize two encountered constitutional convictions at this time. That conflict was especially showed in the United States v. Burr case (1807) in which Aaron Burr, Vice-president of the United States during the first Jefferson´s presidential period, was charged of treason. From the point of view constitutional, the Law of treason offered an exceptional interest. The crime was the most serious against the safety of the state; but, by the same token, the stigma it carries, and the vagueness of its reach might to be converted in a notorious instrument of arbitrary power and political faction. In accordance with the third Section of the Art. III of the Constitution: «Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court». Marshall presided over the Circuit Court at Richmond which judged Aaron Burr. The Burr case was a political trial of the first magnitude. Previously the trial, President Jefferson, in a message sent to Congress, on weak evidences and mere rumours, openly proclaimed thar Burr was guilty. As some author has told, Jefferson was savagely determined that Burr should hang and threw the whole weight and prestige of the administration behind the prosecution. He was quite prepared to circumvent the Constitution to this end. Marshall was aware that a permissive definition of treason should allow its utilization as a weapon for the political repression; so that in a previous case, the Ex Parte Bollman case, maintained: «It is, therefore, more safe as well as more consonant to the principles of our constitution, that the crime of treason should not be extended by construction to doubtful cases; and that crimes not clearly within the constitutional definition, should receive such punishment as the legislature in its wisdom may provide». In his charge to jury in the Burr case, Marshall alleged two crucial considerations: 1st. «That this indictment, having charged the prisoner —Aaron Burr— with levying war on Blennerhassett´s island, and containing no other overt act, cannot be supported by proof that war was levied at that place by other persons, in the absence of the prisoner, even admitting those persons to be connected with him in one common treasonable conspiracy». 2nd. «That admitting such an indictment could be supported by such evidence, the previous conviction of some person who committed the act which is said to amount to levying war, is indispensable to the conviction of a person who advised or procured that act». The jury expressed a verdict of no guilty and by it the jurors exculpated Burr of the crime of treason. Immediately, Jefferson criticized bitterly Marshall on considering that the Chief Judge had assumed a factional behaviour in the Burr trial. Jefferson never discussed in legal terms the judgment; neither the interpretation given by Marshall of the treason clause; its criticism always turned around the process had been a political event. The case United States v. Burr was actually the case John Marshall versus Thomas Jefferson.

Zusammenfassung: Als Psychotherapeut und ehemaliger Kantonsrat beschreibt der Autor die Bedeutung einer Sozialisation mit dem Ziel der Emanzipation und Autonomieentwicklung in der Politik. Er zeigt, wie ambivalent die politische Praxis diesbezüglich ist. Er verbindet seine Ausführungen auch mit der Bedeutung des emanzipatorischen Aspektes der Psychotherapie und stellt die These auf, dass Psychotherapie von Politik nicht zu trennen ist. Wenn Psychotherapie Menschen verändert und emanzipatorisch wirkt, so hat das einen politischen Impakt. Er fordert die Psychotherapeuten auf, sich der politischen Bedeutung ihrer Arbeit bewusst zu sein und die eigenen Therapiekonzepte ideologiekritisch immer wieder auf unerkannte politische Einschlüsse aus dem Zeitgeist zu hinterfragen. Erkenntnisse der Therapeuten aus dem Sprechzimmer sollen auch in geeigneter Form öffentlich gemacht werden, nicht nur in Fachzeitschriften.Schlüsselwörter: Psychotherapie, Politik, Emanzipation, Menschenrechte ; Summary: The author, in his role as psychotherapist and former member of the Cantonal Council, describes the meaning of socialization with the goal of emancipation and the development of autonomy in politics. In this regard he shows how ambivalent political practice is. He also links his submissions to the meaning of the emancipatory aspects of psychotherapy and puts forward the thesis that psychotherapy cannot be separated from politics. If psychotherapy changes people and works in an emancipatory way, then it has a political impact. He calls upon psychotherapists to be aware of the political meaning of their work and to be ideologically critical of their therapy concepts and to constantly question unknown political inclusions emerging from the spirit of our times. Therapists' insights from the consulting room should be made public in an appropriate form, and this should not just be in professional journals.Keywords: Psychotherapy, Politics, Emancipation, Human rights ; Le cœur de l'action politique est de réglementer les affaires de la collectivité en adoptant des décisions contraignantes. Il s'agit des affaires publiques, et avec elles du cadre social dans lequel les hommes et les sous-systèmes d'une collectivité grandissent, auquel ils participent et qu'ils co-organisent, dans lequel ils parviennent à maturité ou souffrent. Un politicien est donc en ce sens quelqu'un qui se saisit des affaires publiques et qui contribue à l'organisation des conditions de vie sociale par son action politique. Il s'occupe des maux de la société.Par opposition, les psychothérapeutes s'occupent généralement de la souffrance subjective des individus vivant dans la société. C'est en ce sens que la psychothérapie et la politique entrent en interaction. La politique et la psychothérapie ne peuvent être déconnectées l'une de l'autre. Lorsque la psychothérapie contribue à l'émancipation des individus, elle représente une force capable de changer la société et a donc une portée politique.L'intérêt curatif de la psychothérapie (guérison des maladies) ne peut être déconnecté de l'intérêt émancipatoire (promotion du développement de la personnalité pour aboutir à l'autonomie et à la responsabilisation sociale). La psychothérapie est enracinée dans un cadre culturel, social et politique. Elle fait à ce titre partie de la société et partie du système. C'est l'un des grands défis posés à notre profession que de ne pas s'engager plus loin dans le système malgré cette imbrication, mais de garder en ligne de mire les interactions entre les souffrances subjectives et la société, de même que les maux de la société. Le processus thérapeutique doit être organisé de façon à pouvoir agir sur le système auquel on appartient (la famille ou autre cercle), de s'y développer, donc de souffrir moins. Cela suppose une guérison durable grâce à l'émancipation et au développement de la personnalité.Dans la culture politique de la Suisse, la diversité est un élément important. Notre pays possède une belle diversité de partis dans son paysage politique. Cette situation aiguise la concurrence entre les partis, qui se dispute pouvoir et influences. Le spectre politique reflète les postures sociales et les contradictions, qui se manifestent aussi à l'intérieur de chacun des partis par des querelles intestines. Tout système politique qui offre une pluralité de partis ouvre la voie à une polarisation et à des projections de chacun sur les autres. Au lieu de considérer la logique contradictoire dans son ensemble et de chercher des solutions pour y remédier, les partis ne se servent souvent que d'aspects isolés pour se démarquer des autres partis. Le système de concordance va à l'encontre de ce principe en Suisse en intégrant les principaux partis dans le gouvernement, à tous les niveaux politiques (communes, cantons, Confédération). C'est l'une des différences les plus marquantes avec les formes de démocratie des autres pays où le parti majoritaire gouverne. Le système de concordance oblige à mener des débats pour adopter des réglementations et les appliquer.Cet aspect de la politique suisse démontre à quel point l'on se soucie que la politique ne conduise pas à une normalisation de tout. La politique en Suisse se caractérise en règle générale par son pragmatisme et le respect des minorités dans la société. Sans cette préoccupation particulière pour les minorités, la Suisse serait menacée dans son unité en tant qu'état et société cohérente rassemblant plusieurs régions linguistiques. Ce qui caractérise et unit la Suisse est, entre autres choses, ce sentiment commun de ne pas vouloir être rattaché aux différents voisins plus grands : les Tessinois sont fiers de ne pas être italiens mais suisses, les Romands de ne pas être français mais suisses, les Suisses alémaniques de ne pas être allemands. La Suisse peut donc être considérée comme une oasis pour tous ceux qui ont fui la pression de la normalisation culturelle et politique des grands pays voisins et qui savent pouvoir compter ici sur un système fédéral.Il existe aussi divers courants et diverses orientations en psychothérapie. La diversité est une valeur également prisée dans les soins de base en psychothérapie, principe que défend la Charte suisse pour la psychothérapie.Une démocratie mature a besoin de citoyens autonomes, émancipés et s'appuie sur la déclaration des droits de l'homme de l'ONU. Il en va de même pour la psychothérapie. La normalisation et les adaptations aux besoins sociaux constituent un danger pour le développement politique et le développement de la psychothérapie. Il faut bien comprendre que les deux sont soumis à un processus d'évolution perpétuel. Du point de vue émancipatoire, les deux doivent veiller à ne pas écouter les sirènes populistes ou (dans le domaine de la psychothérapie) à ne pas se laisser emporter sans réfléchir par les courants dominants de l'époque, qui relèguent l'objectif émancipatoire dans les profondeurs. L'histoire des relations de la psychothérapie par rapport aux évolutions politiques en dit long. Aujourd'hui, la psychothérapie émancipatoire risque d'être noyée par l'intégration, sans sens critique, de concepts thérapeutiques ésotériques, idéologiques et orientaux mal compris, qui entrainent une nouvelle dépendance envers des gourous et maitres. Des risques comparables existent en politique par le fait de suivre des leaders idéologiques.Mots clefs : Psychothérapie, politique, émancipation, droits de l'homme ; Riassunto: L'autore, psicoterapeuta ed ex-membro del Gran Consiglio, descrive il significato di una socializzazione finalizzata all'emancipazione e allo sviluppo dell'autonomia in politica, mostrando come sia ambivalente a questo riguardo la pratica politica. Collega le sue argomentazioni anche al significato dell'aspetto emancipatorio della psicoterapia e basa questa tesi sull'inseparabilità di psicoterapia e politica: se la psicoterapia cambia le persone e agisce in modo emancipatorio, ciò ha un impatto politico. L'autore esorta gli psicoterapeuti a essere consapevoli del significato politico del proprio lavoro e ad analizzare sempre criticamente rispetto all'ideologia i propri concetti terapeutici, considerando le implicazioni politiche dello spirito del tempo. Le cognizioni che il terapeuta sviluppa nella pratica all'interno del suo studio devono essere, in forma idonea, rese anche pubbliche non solo sulle riviste specializzate.Parole chiave: Psicoterapia, Politica, Emancipazione, Diritti humani