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Discusses social, economic, and political aspects of immigration and emigration; 17 articles. Contents: Strangers know us best: why are the British so careless with 'Britishness'? by Felipe Fernández-Armesto; Migration by numbers: a collection of facts and figures, by Jason Pollard & Andrew Smith; A wealth of experience: we need a fairer and more democratic migration process, by Bob Sutcliffe; Photostory: dire straits: the deadly sea crossing between Morocco and Spain, by Afvic; Crossing the line: globalisation's gift: a benign subversion of nationalism, by Robin Cohen; Common entrance exams: naturalisation and citizenship rights and requirements, by Jason Pollard; The price of return: the end of the USSR broke the ties that bound its peoples, by Vera Rich; The new slave trade: trafficking of women for the West's sex industry, by Irena Maryniak; Autoburg: considering Albania as a point of departure, by Gazmend Kapllani; Fantastical landscapes: the lands they leave behind, they leave changed utterly, by Angus MacQueen; A camp in Africa: forty per cent of the world's refugees are African, by Caroline Moorehead; In detention: a dissident stripped, jailed, censored, degraded---in in Britain, by Thomas Chaza; Come one come all: Israel sees immigration as the answer to many of its problems, by Patrick Wilcken; On the move at last: China's massive internal migration flows, by Jasper Becker; Powers of transformation: Leicester's failure to block immigrants is its greatest success, by Salil Tripathi; Leicester: city of migration, by Judith Vidal-Hall; Strip search, by Martin Rowson.

"Recognizing the radical disparity between migration/border policy and constitutional law "inside these borders," Kathleen R. Arnold focuses on two main forms of migrant protest to explore the meaning of resistance in a sovereign context: self-harming protest by detainees and faith-based sanctuary of individuals scheduled for detention. This activism creates a "democratic state of exception," interrupting the legal process, altering discretionary forms of sovereign power, and enacting rights not formally granted; these efforts go beyond the assertion of liberal rights or merely restoring the rule of law (even if these are goals), challenging the warfare state while constituting a demos that is formally illegible. Migrant Protest and Democratic States of Exception will be of interest to scholars, migrant advocacy professionals (including INGO and IGO officers), graduate students, and advanced undergraduate students in a variety of fields from legal studies to forced migration and refugee studies; political science, human rights, protest history and contemporary movements"--

"Nikki Haley refused to call illegals criminals" and "repeatedly pushed amnesty for illegals."

It is documented that immigration provided the US economy with a heavy % of M's between the ages of 14 & 44. Some estimates of the quantitative impact of the foreign-born LF on US commodity production over 1869-1929 are undertaken, utilizing estimates of per capita commodity output in the absence of foreign-born labor. Estimates of employment in the commodity producing sectors of agri, mfg, mining, & construction for the total LF & for foreign born labor were made; then a commodity output series was estimated, by sector, for 1869-1929. Average labor productivity for each commodity producing sector was constructed for the total LF. Finally, the product of average labor productivity of the total LF & immigrant employment by sector was taken to yield estimates of commodity output produced by the foreign born LF. Data show that at a relative early date mfg became the primary occup of foreign born labor, while the share of immigrants in agriculture remained low. It appears that the nation grew increasingly dependent on commodity production by foreign born labor until 1909. At that time it is estimated that 13.9% of per capita commodity production would have been lost in the absence of a foreign born LF. After 1914 there was a sharp decrease in the entry of new immigrants. This trend continued until 1930, after which time immigration fell to inconsequential levels. The shift away from dependence on commodity production by foreign born labor after 1909 reflects these changes in migration movements. 4 Tables. M. Maxfield.

Since around 2005, states and localities have been using criminal trespass laws to target undocumented immigrants for unlawful presence. Specifically, in April 2010, Arizona passed SB 1070: Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act. SB 1070 creates crimes involving trespassing by "illegal aliens" and harboring or concealing unlawful aliens. This paper argues that state trespass laws that criminalize unlawful presence of immigrants are unconstitutional regulations of immigration and are a preempted exercise of state power. In evaluating the constitutionality of state trespass laws that criminalize immigration status, this paper proceeds in three parts. The first part of the paper details how as a sovereign nation, U.S. laws have excluded undesirable categories of people from admission and have attempted to criminalize specific immigration violations. The second part explains and critiques the sections of SB 1070 that create separate state criminal offenses for violating federal immigration laws - namely unlawful presence or criminal trespass. The third part analyzes the constitutionality of the criminal provisions of SB 1070 that make it a state crime to be unlawfully present in the state in relation to specific provisions of the INA and federal immigration policy. The paper concludes that state trespass laws that criminalize unlawful presence of immigrants and attempt to delegate immigration enforcement to state officials are unconstitutional regulations of immigration and are therefore a preempted exercise of state power.

With climate disasters expected to displace millions as the planet continues to warm, we are fast approaching a serious humanitarian crisis. Foregrounding how our children are increasingly shouldering the era-defining effects of climate change, Children and the Climate Migration Crisis chronicles our collective responsibility to address resulting consequences for the wellbeing and future of children everywhere. Using illustrative case studies to dive deeper into the current situation, Rose Cardarelli and Harley Pomper outline an educational response for mitigating climate migration and stress-related trauma, including how to foster the development of the social and emotional strengths and responses that children need to grapple with a world in jeopardy. Subverting eco-anxiety and establishing ways we can empower children around the globe, Children and the Climate Migration Crisis takes a holistic approach to bring together the relevancy and impact of forced migration and climate resilience, underpinned by a social emotional approach to overall wellbeing, adjustment, and adaptability.

ÖZETGünümüzde, daha iyi standartlarda yaşamak için göç neredeyse pek çok insan için bir gereklilik haline gelmiştir. Ancak artan göç hareketleri nedeniyle hem göçmenler, hem de ev sahibi ülkeler tarafından, daha etkili bütünleşme politikalarına ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır. Bu politikaların uygulanmasında sivil toplumun da önemli bir yeri vardır. Hükümetler, politikalarının içselleştirilmesi ve uygulanması için sivil toplum ile sivil toplum kuruluşları (STK) aracılığıyla işbirliği yapmaktadırlar.Avrupa genelinde yaşlanan nüfus sorunu ve cazip sosyal ve ekonomik fırsatlar nedeniyle de Avrupa Birliği (AB) artan bir göç ile karşı karşıyadır. Avrupa Birliği, sivil toplumun sosyal ve ekonomik yönetişimde eşsiz bir rolü olduğunu tanımakta ve daha etkili politikalar geliştirebilmek için sivil toplumu kesinlikle desteklemektedir. Bu tez, AB'de birçok sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik dengeyi etkileyen göç gerçeğini ve konuda STK'larin rolünü İspanya göç politikalarına, daha özel olarak da, Murcia Bölgesi'ne odaklanıp, 'göçmenlerin bütünleşmesi' açısından incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu nedenle öncelikle Sivil toplum, STK ve göç kavramları ve olguları sırasıyla AB'de, İspanya'da ve Murcia Bölgesi'nde araştırılmıştır. Daha sonra da göçmenlerin gerekli stratejiler doğrultusunda bütünleşmesindeki STK rolü bir STK olan CEPAIM ve onun projesi olan BEMBEA örneğinde incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu çerçevede AB'de birçok dengeyi etkileyen göç gerçeğinin toplumdaki hükümet dışı kuruluşların dahil olmasıyla ile kültürlerarasılık, etkileşim ve saygıya dayalı olarak kolaylaştırılmasının ancak sivil toplumun bu konudaki katılımıyla gerçekleştirilebileceği ortaya çıkmıştır. Sonuç olarak, STKlar katılımcı demokrasiler için çok önemli aktörlerdir ve ancak STKların da sorumluluk almasıyla sosyal politikalar güçlendirilerek sosyal dönüşüm kolaylaştırılabilir. ABSTRACTNowadays, migration has become a necessity almost for many people to reach better living standards. However, due to increasing migratory movements, effective integration policies are needed by both the immigrants and the host countries. Civil society has an important role in the implementation of these policies. The governments collaborate with civil society through NGOs for the internalization and implementation of the policies.The European Union (EU) is faced with increasing immigration because of ageing population and social and economic opportunities. The EU recognizes that civil society has a unique role in social and economic governance and certainly supports it to be able to develop more efficient policies. This thesis, therefore, aims to analyze the migration that influences many social, cultural and economic balances in the EU, and the role of NGOs about this issue on the 'integration of immigrants' by focusing Spanish migration policies, in particular to the Region of Murcia. Therefore; firstly, the concepts and phenomena of civil society, NGOs and migration are explored respectively in the EU, in Spain and in the Region of Murcia. Moreover, the role of NGOs in the integration of the immigrants is intended to be analyzed through examples of CEPAIM, which is an NGO, and its project BEMBEA. In this framework, it has been revealed that the facilitation -of the reality of migration which affects many balances in the EU- based on respect, interaction and interculturality by the involvement of non governmental entities, can only be realized by the participation of civil society about this issue. As a conclusion, NGOs are very important actors for participatory democracies and social transformation can be facilitated by empowering social policies only if NGOs take responsibility, too.

This article examines the everyday lives of Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica to understand the temporal aspects of illegality produced by immigration law. Two sets of temporary measures highlight the temporality of both law and illegality. First, frequent legal reform, temporary immigration measures, and the bureaucratic labyrinth of immigration administration create a sense of Costa Rican immigration law as temporary. The ongoing temporary character of law and the forms of immigrant illegality it generates create uncertainty about the boundaries between legality and illegality among migrants in Costa Rica. Second, Nicaraguans in Costa Rica respond to the indeterminacy of the law and their economic and social position in relation to it through their own temporary measures. These measures constitute two forms of waiting: first, immigrants feel "locked up" by the shifting legal and administrative complexities of immigration; and second, they create quasi‐legal ways to navigate immigration law during the long process of legalization of their status.

ObjectivesThere is important variation in beliefs about immigration within the publics of immigrant‐receiving societies but empirical social research has largely overlooked it. The "imagined immigration" concept aims to bring these beliefs back in as an important component of public attitudes toward immigrants. It also offers a new perspective on the political conflict around immigration that persists despite the consensus on desired qualities of potential immigrants among citizens in industrial democracies.MethodsI review the imagined immigration concept and present new empirical evidence in its favor using original survey studies in the United States and Britain.ResultsI describe respondents' beliefs about immigrants, demonstrate their association with partisanship, and confirm that these beliefs are significantly related to perceptions of immigration as harmful—even when controlled for partisanship, ideology, and ethnocentrism.ConclusionI corroborate the foundations of the imagined immigration concept and discuss its promise and limitations.

Using case studies from those who have moved either transnationally or within their own country, international contributions offer various definitions of what it means to make a living on the move.

This work highlights the experience of eight education students from a public university in the American Southeast in their trip to Stewart Immigration Detention Center. A pre-interview and two post-interviews were conducted to understand students' perceptions toward the topic, what they learned from their experience, and how the experience affected their views on immigration with a particular concern for the intersection of immigration and education. Some of the themes that emerged were the broader injustices of the profit driven immigration detention industry, the difficulties of structural change, the idea of American (industrialized world) privilege, the ease by which individuals are detained, and the dehumanizing treatment. In regard to education, participants highlighted the need for curriculum to focus on the topic of immigration including the integration of immigrant stories, a global education that counters xenophobic narratives, and the need for a more critical approach overall in the social studies classroom. This research is relevant to the larger intersection of immigration policy and education and the need for educators to become advocates for social change not only in their classroom but in regard to the larger injustices in the society.