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Despite South Africa's successful transition to democracy and lauded constitution, political freedom for the majority of South Africans remains elusive. The poor and unemployed majority are poorly represented and lack power and thus freedom. Under these conditions, the freedom of the privileged minority is also seriously impaired due to the costs of maintaining their relative security and well-being. Lawrence Hamilton is an internationally-known political theorist, who has spent ten years teaching in South African universities. In this unique book he brings ideas - political and philosophical - to the fore to understand a contemporary political conundrum. He outlines the persistent, unresolved problems characterizing contemporary South Africa: poverty and quality of life statistics that are appalling for a middle-income country, levels of inequality that make South Africa one of the most unequal places in the world, skewed economic and political representation that reproduces elites rather than generating opportunities for all and an electoral system that implements the idea of proportional representation so literally that it undermines meaningful representation. Are South Africans Free? aims not only to explain the current state of South Africa but to provide positive new directions and suggestions for institutional change. Hamilton argues that freedom as power in South Africa does not depend on good will, charity or duty, and it goes beyond the complete realization of the political and civil liberties currently safeguarded in its constitution. Such change will depend on courageous leadership, active citizenship, new forms of representation and a macroeconomic policy that offers radical redistribution of actual and potential wealth.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface -- Notes on the Contributors -- List of Abbreviations -- Map of Europe -- 1 Introduction: Defining Central and Eastern Europe -- The 'Lands in Between': a geopolitical predicament -- 'Catching up' with Europe -- Bearing the brunt of European power politics -- The 'return to Europe' -- 2 The Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland -- The structures of government -- The nature of government -- Political parties and party systems -- Party evolution: a summary -- The voters and the public -- Current issues -- Conclusion -- 3 The Other New Europeans -- Meeting the challenges of post-communism -- Opportunities and constraints of EU membership -- Boom, bailouts and austerity -- New versions of old themes -- Conclusion: a tale of three elections -- 4 The Western Balkans -- Political culture shaped by strategic uncertainties -- Problematic statehood -- Breaking with the past: transition in war-torn societies -- Conclusion -- 5 The East Europeans: Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova -- Background -- Minorities and regions -- Political systems -- Recent political developments in Ukraine: early steps -- Politics in Belarus -- Politics in Moldova -- Conclusion -- 6 The EU and Central and East European Politics -- 'Returning to Europe': European integration in the 1900s and 2000s -- The impact of EU membership on public opinion and political parties -- The impact of EU membership on political institutions and governance -- Impact of the new member states on the EU -- Conclusions: have the Central European member states changed the EU? -- 7 The International Transformation and Re-regionalization of 'Eastern Europe' -- Regional state formations in Central and Eastern European after the Cold War -- Visigrad -- The future orientation of the West Balkans and post-Soviet European states -- Conclusion.

The author analyses the Front of Defenders of Islam as the largest legal organisation of Indonesian supporters of political Islam, which existed in Indonesia from 1998 to December 2020, when its activities were stopped by the authorities. It is assumed that the religiously motivated political radicalism develops as a heterogeneous phenomenon, and its secondary character became its main feature. Therefore, the Front is analysed in the context of the recent history of the Islamic alternative to the processes of democratic transition and trends of modernisation and secularization also. The author believes that the radicals of the Front were unable to off er an original political program, and their ideology actualised the fragmentation of Indonesian society and the inability of some traditional groups to integrate into a dynamically changing society. The author analyses various forms of intellectual activities of religiously motivated political radicals, including criticism of liberalism, rejection of secularisation, denial of modernisation in general and its forms imagined as extreme in Indonesia by some intellectuals in particular. The author believes that after the prohibition of the Front in December 2020, far-right political Islam in modern Indonesia entered a new stage of its development. The delegitimation of the Front, on the one hand, could become an incentive for the revitalisation of other similar groups in Indonesia. On the other hand, the legal marginalisation of supporters of far-right political Islam and their displacement to the periphery of the legal space can become an incentive for the growth of extremism, inspiring change new tactics of adherents of extreme currents in Indonesian Islam.

Abstract
With the coming to power of Abiy Ahmed in April 2018 following a popular movement that was initially sparked in Oromia and then spread to other regions, there was a short period of euphoria over the country's political landscape. Ethiopians and the international community alike were optimistic of democratic transition that would lead to the opening up of political and media spaces, fair and free elections, consolidation of the multinational federal system, the strengthening of autonomy of regional states, peace and stability, equitable resource distribution and equal socioeconomic opportunities for citizens. But, to the dismay of many observers, Abiy and his entourages shifted the narrative to the restoration of imperial system rather than strengthening the already existing multinational federal system. The return to imperial imaginations is both discursively and practically evident in Ethiopia's political discourses, in particular since 2018. Polarized political views between supporters and critics of multinational federalism have not only created a tense political environment but also partly contributed to the war in Tigray and Oromia. The country's three-decade long experiment with the federal system now faces a serious challenge of reversal. As the thesis and antithesis of multinational federalism have become salient forces shaping the country's political order, this article seeks to contribute to the existing debate, in particular contextualizing the discussion within decolonial literature. I argue that the current controversy over the nature of state structure is part of the struggle between forces promoting the right to self-determination and those favoring a unitary system.

After the political changes in 1989 endowed Slovakia with the prospect of a successful and effective economic transition, the country's theatre scene boldly reflected the euphoria, which drove the society to a path where it could experiment, criticize and shift paradigms. Nonetheless, the artistic revolution of the 1990s (witnessing the advent of such innovative theatre ensembles as Stoka or GuNaGu) soon waned and gave way to a more commercial and politically benign theatre in the 21st century, trailed by the state-funded network of national theatres. This paper endeavors to examine how the dialectical relationship between state-funded national theatres and the fringe scene in Slovakia brought about a state in which political discourse and artistic originality became an inherent part of the independent theatre scene. While very few plays directly addressed the country's political development after 1989, or the dynamically changing social power structures, many productions were intrinsically political in the way they challenged the specifically delineated system of art funding. For example, the aesthetic of the Stoka theatre (and its artistic successor SkRAT), bearing traces of the devised method reminiscent of the American radical theatres of the 1960s and 1970s (such as the Open Theater or the Living Theater), became an artistic channel used to subvert not only traditional ways of theatremaking, but also the long-established torpid system of art funding. This paper aims to trace the development of political theatre in Slovakia after 1989 and speculate about why the political engagement through theatre seems to be losing its sting.

Objectivity, although a relatively modern concept in American journalism, has become the standard by which reporters operate in the democratic arena. Along with fairness and balance, it guides journalists in their pursuit of truth. The press began to embrace the idea of objectivity in the middle of the nineteenth century in an attempt to shuck both its partisan past and broad reliance on political parties. Instead of a zealous advocate and ally of the parties, it became a neutral and independent medium of communication, though still retaining its role on editorial pages as an opinion leader. Now, the common practice of today's press is to sift through the facts to present news that is both accurate and objective without letting bias seep into coverage. Through the in-depth examination of candidates and prominent issues in editorials, news organizations are better able to engage readers, stimulate discussion and pontificate on politics. Nonetheless, while newspaper editorial pages still voice the paper's political preferences, fewer papers today choose to endorse political candidates. This presentation will document my analysis, as chronicled in a comprehensive and well-documented research paper, of political endorsements as a means in which media outlets can participate in public affairs. By looking at the transition of the American press from a political party instrument to an autonomous disseminator of ideas and information, I argue that today's endorsements, although subtle vestiges of nineteenth century partisanship, spur public discourse and help readers navigate the sea of political hype and propaganda endemic in contemporary campaigns.

Показано, что государство автономий в Испании как разновидность регионализованного государства является компромиссной, промежуточной формой между унитарным государством и федерацией. Политический процесс в Испании в начале XXI в. развивается в направлении федерализации страны. ; This article shows that the Spain state of autonomies as a kind of regionalising state is a compromise, an intermediate form between a unitary state and federation. The political process in Spain in the beginning of the XXI century develops in the direction of federalization of the country.

The British monarchy has been through turbulent times of late. Rocked by scandal and strife, and without it seems a clear plan for the future following the death of Queen Elizabeth II, we have been left wondering: what happens next?Nothing seems certain. Will the monarchy survive with its continuing echoes of an Imperial past? Will young people - disenchanted with the political status quo - find the ritual and practice of the monarchy quite so mesmerising as previous generations have done? What might a republican Britain look like?Ed Owens argues that the monarchy must embrace reform and transform itself radically. No more private jets while preaching about the importance of the environment; no more secrecy obscuring royal influence in high places; and no more hangers on enjoying grace-and-favour homes. A major slimming down is essential. And it's time the family archives were opened.All these issues will have a direct effect on the common good of the nation as it tries to reinvent itself as a modern working democracy, and endeavours to equip itself for the coming decades. Ed Owens situates this critical moment of royal transition in its historical context in order to set out a vision for monarchy that is future-proof, but which would also see the crown play an integral role in the evolution of 21st-century Britain

This article argues that Rousseau's Social Contract both upholds and transcends liberal concepts of political right. Rather than maintaining a distinction between public right and public good, Rousseau tries to collapse the division between the two in order to effect a transition from a bourgeois society to a moral community. In his view, individuals are best protected from each other by participating in the formation of a community of equals. Rousseau's conception of morality is not based on absolutes, but is a process whereby individuals consciously integrate themselves into the community. This presupposes a desire to belong on the part of individuals, and recognizes their propensity to distance themselves from the social order. Rather than trying to eradicate the tension between individuality and integration, Rousseau affirms that the effort to reconcile this tension is the foundation of morality.

This text is an extract from several conversations held with Pedro Caselles Beltrán (1937), a primary school teacher with a degree in Philosophy and Humanities, specialising in Pedagogy, and an education inspector. Pedro Caselles occupied the provincial education offices in Lugo, Cádiz and A Coruña (1970-1976); later he was Deputy Director General of Non-State Schools and General Director of Basic Education (1977-1982). The text deals with his professional career, a summary of administrative management and political action, with particular emphasis on his time as a provincial delegate and later as a senior official in the Ministry of Education and Science (MEC). Under his mandate, several initiatives were carried out, including the promotion of the General Education and Financing of the Education Reform Act (LGE) of 4 August 1970 through the renewal of the Basic General Education Programmes. ; Este texto es un extracto de varias conversaciones mantenidas con Pedro Caselles Beltrán (1937), maestro de Enseñanza Primaria, licenciado en Filosofía y Letras, especialidad Pedagogía, e inspector de educación. Pedro Caselles desempeñó las delegaciones provinciales de educación de Lugo, Cádiz y A Coruña (1970-1976); más tarde fue subdirector General de Centros no Estatales y director general de Enseñanza Básica (1977-1982). En el texto se aborda su trayectoria profesional, síntesis de gestión administrativa y acción política, con especial detalle en la etapa que ejerció como delegado provincial y posteriormente alto cargo en el Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (MEC), bajo cuyo mandato se llevaron a cabo diversas iniciativas, entre las que destaca el impulso a la Ley General de Educación y Financiamiento de la Reforma Educativa (LGE) de 4 de agosto de 1970 mediante la renovación de los Programas de la Educación General Básica.

AbstractWe assess the conditions under which majority status generates benefits for incumbent legislators and how these benefits are distributed among members of the majority party. We argue that majority status is valuable only in procedurally partisan chambers; that is, when the majority party monopolizes chamber leadership positions and control of the legislative agenda. Contrary to the existing literature, we also posit that these rewards should be distributed broadly across the majority party. To test our expectations, we utilize 10 recent transitions in the partisan control of U.S. state legislatures and data on campaign contributions. Consistent with our expectations, majority status is valuable, but only in procedurally partisan chambers. Furthermore, the premium in campaign contributions enjoyed by the majority party is primarily distributed to backbenchers, although top party leaders also benefit. These results provide important insights into the distribution of power and influence in U.S. state legislatures.

Meet the new class : theorizing young Black leadership in a "post-racial" era / Andra Gillespie -- pt. 1. Creating opportunity : how young Black politicians break into the political scene -- Racial authenticity and redistricting : a comparison of Artur Davis' 2000 and 2002 congressional campaigns / Andra Gillespie and Emma Tolbert -- Losing and winning : Cory Booker's ascent to Newark's mayoralty / Andra Gillespie -- pt. 2. Inheritance and Governance : what political scions do once they get elected -- Like father, like son? : Jesse Jackson, Jr.'s tenure as a US congressman / Randolph Burnside and Antonio Rodriguez -- Hype, hip hop, and heartbreak : the rise and fall of Kwame Kilpatrick / Todd Shaw, Athena King, and Lester Spence -- pt. 3. The rise of Barack Obama : its implications for Black politics -- The burden of Jekyll and Hyde : Barack Obama, racial identity, and Black political behavior / Lorrie Frasure -- Leadership, legitimacy, and public perceptions of Barack Obama / Charlton McIlwain -- pt. 4. New perspectives on deracialization -- Between generations : Deval Patrick's election as Massachusetts' first Black governor / Angela Lewis -- The declining significance of race : Adrian Fenty and the smooth electoral transition / Rachel Yon -- Situational deracialization, Harold Ford, and the 2006 U.S. Senate race in Tennessee / Sekou Franklin -- The "Steele problem" and the new Republican battle for Black votes : legacy, loyalty, and lexicon in Maryland's 2006 Senate contest / Tyson King-Meadows -- pt. 5. Intersectionality and African American politics in the 21st century -- Race, religion, and post-9/11 America : the election of Keith Ellison / Andra Gillespie and Amber Perez -- Young, gifted, Black, and female : why aren't there more Yvette Clarkes in Congress? / Katrina Gamble -- Conclusion: Where do we go from here?

International audience ; The first observation which is in order, when we carry out a study on the long period of state reform in France, is that it has gradually become an ordinary method of government. There is a fundamental paradox here. In any organization, the concept of reform refers to a temporary process of transition from an old situation to a new situation. It must therefore be a momentary and exceptional phenomenon. Nothing like this in the case of the French state: the reform is permanent and is part of the routine of government action. Over time, the concept of state reform has covered extremely heterogeneous objectives and content, but the rhetoric has remained remarkably constant. Throughout this process, neither the response to social demand nor management concerns have been the real objectives of the reform. If the territorial question has been a constant thread, the real engine of the reform has been the play of power relations within the system of public actors. Under these conditions, the reform of the State did not attract the support of either the officials or the public. The real challenge for the coming years is to overcome this fundamental obsolescence of reform strategies. ; La première constatation qui s'impose, lorsque l'on procède à une étude de la réforme de l'État sur la longue période, c'est qu'elle est devenue peu à peu un procédé ordinaire de gouvernement. Il y a là un paradoxe fondamental. Dans toute organisation, la notion même de réforme renvoie à un processus temporaire de transition d'un état ancien à un état nouveau. Il doit donc s'agir d'un phénomène momentané et exceptionnel. Rien de tel dans le cas de l'État français : la réforme est permanente et s'inscrit dans la routine de l'action gouvernementale. Au fil du temps, la notion de réforme de l'État a recouvert des objectifs et des contenus extrêmement hétérogènes, mais la rhétorique en est restée remarquablement constante.Tout au long de ce processus, ni la réponse à une demande sociale, ni des préoccupations de gestion ...

"This book presents the argument that solution-driven policy and treaty changes, if faithfully implemented, will rekindle the relevance of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in combatting and prosecuting atrocity crimes. This work examines how the International Criminal Court could be re-envisioned to perform optimally, and why such reform is urgent. It also discusses the position of the USA towards the court and explores why it has been unable to transition from marginal engagement to full spectrum support by signing and ratifying the Rome Treaty 1998. The conceptual frameworks deployed range from how the US construes its 'national interest' to geo-political balancing and the present rudderless state of the rules order, in addition to the personal predilections of US Presidents and the Court's dysfunctional state. The objective is to show that if the ICC does not engender reforms internally, it will not survive the fissiparous tendencies innate in the presently fractured rules order. The work argues that only foundational reforms around treaty amendments along with institutional realignment of roles and responsibilities of the Court's principal officers will yet rescue it"--