Suchergebnisse

The republican tradition has long been influential within political theory, but has been less acknowledged within the discipline of International Relations (IR). Republican theorists and republican ideas of political liberty underlie many normative claims made by both liberal and realist schools of thought. The following examination of republicanism takes an interdisciplinary approach to argue the relevance of republicanism for IR theory. When republicanism is recognised within IR, it is often through a triumphalist reading of the early American republic and its founding. This article opens new ground by presenting a more critical account of republicanism. It does so by focusing on the connections between republican liberty and the history of republics to dominate those outside the polis.

History over the last forty to fifty years, if not maybe for much longer, suggests that pluralism and diversity become divisive when they appear rooted in and emanate from extreme designs advocated by the politics of polarized and polarizing ideology. What evidence is there of this contention and how has it been manifested? First, the experience of disunity in the nation and in the university presents a discrete set of challenges to be addressed by the academy and throughout the Republic. Questions about the resulting threats of balkanization call for analysis and commentary. Second, inquiry concerning the impact of pressures created by a more pluralistic society and the accompanying demands for diversity in and out of the academy also serves as a bridge between concerns about academic freedom and about the ideological, political battles of the academy.

Cornelis Matelieff de Jonge (also Cornelis Cornelisz. Matelief) was a director of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and fleet commander of a voyage to the East Indies in 1605–08. On his return to the Dutch Republic in September 1608, he wrote a series of epistolary memorials, or 'discourses', in which he recommended sweeping reforms in the way in which the VOC conducted business in Asia. Not only did these recommendations serve as a blueprint for subsequent developments of the VOC during the early seventeenth century, the documents also made astute observations about the dynamics of trade, geopolitics, agency of the Asian rulers as well as political power on the Malay Peninsula, Java, Maluku and Borneo. This article problematises these primary sources and demonstrates how they can be profitably mined for the history of trade and diplomacy of early seventeenth century Southeast Asia.

Beginning in 1789, the French Revolution can be seen as a series of revolts against the oppressive social and political conditions in France. Within a span of less than ten years, France had radically transformed itself. The French king was beheaded by the masses, while the monarchy was replaced by a republic; wars were declared between France and many of the other countries in Europe; and reforms were initiated which were to transform the lives of many. Because of its importance in modern history, historians have grappled with many different aspects of the Revolution, ranging from its causes, its influence, and how its overall significance is to be measured. While most historians do not deny the significance of the French Revolution, the adoption of different historiographical perspectives has had a major impact on how they understand it.

This article presents a phenomenographic analysis of perceptions of individuals with Asperger's Syndrome in the Republic of Armenia. The primary objective is to apply and develop existing theory in a unique national context and across a broader respondent group than in previous studies. As such, the research compares and contrasts the views expressed by individuals with Special Educational Needs and/or Disabilities (SEN/D), the parents of individuals with SEN/D and lay members of the public. Social comparison models developed by Hedley and Young (2006), Huws and Jones (2015) and Locke (2014) are utilised as lenses through which to analyse the conceptions, attitudes and beliefs of each respondent group. The particular social, cultural and political history of Armenia offers an insight into the challenges of, and opportunities for, autism research in the former Soviet Union.

This research is a field related to the history of entry and his growing Islam in Asahan. This study aims to determine how the arrival of Islam in Asahan and how much influence the Sultan Asahan in Asahan First Islamize society. Asahan is one area Malay culture. Malay as a cultural group, has characteristics: speak Malay, Muslim, Malay customs and habitual. These values grow and expand and passed down from generation to generation. This research uses descriptive qualitative research method. The results showed that the process of entry and his growing Islam in Asahan originated from the government of Sultan Asahan I who ruled in the town of Asahan before the independence of the Republic of Indonesia. Political communication strategies Sultan saaat it is to a large extent the development of Islam in Asahan until now.

The Dutch Republic currently plays a prominent role in the big debates on the origins and nature of the European Enlightenment. However, relatively little attention has been devoted to the role played by urbanization in this. This contribution focuses on the specific form of urbanization that took place in Holland, and a compelling relationship is established between urbanization in the coastal provinces and a series of political and religious issues that were of decisive importance in the early European Enlightenment. The high watermark of this Dutch contribution can be found in the period 1680-1730. After this, and closely related to the decrease in urbanization and the social problems associated with economic decline, the Dutch Enlightenment would acquire a character all of its own, unfamiliar to other Europeans. This article is part of the special issue 'The International Relevance of Dutch History'.

On 3 October 1990, the National People's Army (NVA) of the German Democratic Republic, in which about 2.5 million East German citizens served their country, was dissolved. Its personnel either was removed from military service, placed into early retirement, or integrated into the Bundeswehr after a two-year selection and examination process. Since then, the NVA has turned into an object of history with no immediate significance for contemporary German society—despite efforts of former NVA officers to change the official interpretation of 1989-1990. This article examines the processes of remembering and forgetting with regard to East Germany's military heritage since 1990, contrasting the Bundeswehr's politics of memory and "army of unity" ethos not only with the former NVA soldiers' vision of the past, but also with the East German population's general attitude towards their former armed forces.

In the nearly two-hundred-year history of the American republic, no episode resulted in so sharp a confrontation between and among the three branches of the national government as the proposal Franklin D. Roosevelt unveiled on February 5, 1937, to reorganize the federal judiciary. Promptly dubbed the "Court-packing plan," FDR's recommendations constituted an effort by the chief executive to alter the outlook of the Supreme Court to such an extent that it would henceforth validate virtually all acts of Congress, especially socio-economic measures. Instead of forging an alliance of the executive and legislative branches against the judiciary, however, the ensuing struggle pitted the executive against a powerful segment of the legislative with the judicial branch playing a not inconsequential role in how the battle came out. The repercussions of that momentous combat continue to reverberate in our own day.

This struggling of monumental PDRI creation is one of identities to commemorate or remind the important event by a social group as a part of expotulation the struggle history of PDRI at Koto Tinggi, West Sumatera in the past. Now, the condition of munument is poor because there is no people try to keep it again, and most of the society do not know about the monument itself.This research is purposed for describing and analysing the monument building of PDRI from it structures until the meaning of its build.This research use the qualitative methodology with the sort of description research to describe everything that was found on the field, and it agrees with the research and reality. The purpose of descriptive method is to describe or analyze the result of research, but it does not use to make more widely conclusion.The result of research shows that PDRI monument was built for remembering the PDRI (The Emergency Government Monument Of Indonesian Republic) events. It is about the moving of central country, Jakarta, to West Sumatera. The factor that influence PDRI monuments are history factors, the person who was in the event, and designers. Meanwhile, the meaning of its become the core prinsipal on designing monument. Beside that, the monument is not just an evidence of event that it was happend, but it's to be a characteristic and identity of a place. Thus, the monument has to be able to give an impression about history and a message for society.Keywords : PDRI Monuments, Structures and Meaning.

After Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, West Germans began to accept the more permanent division of the country and rediscovered the regional fundaments of their federal political system. A catalyst for this process was provided by a massive regionalization of the daily press in the aftermath of the recession in 1973. That regionalization entailed the delineation of new regional distribution and advertising areas, the launch of new editions, the growth of regularly and irregularly published alternative papers and a stronger emphasis on regional news. In the 1970s regionalization cut across all segments of the market and across party affiliations and affected established papers, the irregular alternative press and even television and broadcasting. It propelled the West German daily press to its height point in German history, with more than 25 million copies per day in 1982. The new regional focus of the daily press increased public awareness of regional protests, regional identity politics and regional scandals during the chancellorship of Helmut Schmidt (1974–82) to such an extent that the article concludes that the 1970s were not only a 'global' decade, but also a regional decade. The history of the regional press that is presented in the article for the first time facilitates a new view of regional changes in economic prosperity, criticism of the federal state and the emergence of regional consumer markets between 1974 and 1982. The analysis provides a cornerstone for a more detailed media history of the Bonn Republic and a new understanding of the 1970s.

A review essay on books by (1) Mark Philip Bradley, Imagining Vietnam and America: The Making of a Postcolonial Vietnam, 1919-1950 (Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina Press, 2000); (2) Robert K. Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy: The NLF's Foreign Relations and the Viet Nam War (Ithaca: Cornell U Press, 1999); (3) William J. Duiker, Ho Chi Minh (NY: Hyperion, 2000); & (4) Robert S. McNamara, James Blight, & Robert Brigham, with Thomas J. Biersteker & Herbert Y. Schandler, Argument without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy (NY: Public Affairs, 1999). These books depart from the US-centric focus of the existing literature to look at the Vietnam War from the perspective of the Vietnamese. Although most of the information was drawn from US archives & publications, fresh material from newly available documents, memoirs, & oral history in Vietnam, Russia, & the People's Republic of China is included. Bradley criticizes assumptions about American exceptionalism that dominate historiography on Vietnam, & his description of the earlier history of Vietnamese-American relations adds fresh insights to a neglected aspect of the war. Brigham's slim but useful book draws on interviews with former NLF cadres to reconstruct the development of the Front's external relations. Duiker's acclaimed new biography of Ho Chi Minh adds considerably to the literature on both the Vietnam War & the history of colonialism. It is maintained that McNamara & his coauthors go overboard in their report of misinterpretations & "gross distortions of reality" on the part of Washington officials; however, their illumination of the North Vietnamese side is indispensable. J. Lindroth