Suchergebnisse

Job creation and productivity growth are at the forefront of the global development agenda. The central challenge today for the government of Georgia is to find sources of long-term economic growth, particularly through private sector development. This study seeks to identify determinants of high-growth entrepreneurial activity. The stusy uses data from the new 2012 World Bank Entrepreneurship Survey conducted to gauge new firm growth in the formal sector in Georgia and data from World Bank Enterprise Surveys to analyze innovative activity in existing firms. It includes detailed case study ana

[spa] El presente trabajo de investigación intitulado "Ordenamiento y Planificación Territorial en Perú. Una Aproximación Crítica a los Instrumentos de Zonificación Ecológica y Económica (ZEE)", es un acercamiento panorámico y cronológico, cuyos objetivos giran en torno a cuatro aspectos intrínsecamente relacionados: Planificación, Gestión Ambiental, Ordenamiento Territorial y Zonificación Ecológica y Económica. Con respecto a la Planificación, el objetivo fue caracterizar su evolución, las influencias externas y los tipos, etapas y escalas de intervención. En cuanto a la Gestión Ambiental se realizó un análisis de influencias, su evolución normativa y conceptual y las características que presenta en la actualidad. El análisis del Ordenamiento Territorial incluyó el estudio de las influencias externas, las instituciones comprometidas, evolución normativa, características y proceso de formulación. El objetivo en cuanto a la Zonificación fue averiguar las influencias, evolución normativa, características, instituciones y el proceso de formulación. Por último, se hizo un análisis de las características de los instrumentos de ZEE de trece regiones del Perú. La metodología empleada en esta investigación consistió en una extensa revisión de la bibliografía relacionada con cada temática. Sobre la Planificación se ha realizado un estudio histórico por medio de la revisión de documentos oficiales y académicos existentes en Perú y el extranjero. Para estudiar la Gestión Ambiental se han revisado documentos oficiales con el fin de determinar influencias en la producción legislativa y evolución normativa del proceso. Para el Ordenamiento Territorial y la Zonificación se han revisado documentos que han influenciado al proceso, como el cuerpo normativo, realizando la valoración correspondiente. Para el estudio de los instrumentos de Zonificación Ecológica y Económica (ZEE) se han utilizado dos fichas, la primera del tipo 'checklist' para verificar la existencia o no de variables concretas en estudio y la segunda, para hacer un análisis del contenido de las trece ZEE aprobadas por el Ministerio del Ambiente en las diferentes regiones del país. Los resultados del estudio arrojan las siguientes conclusiones. En cuanto a la Planificación, en el Perú se han sucedido hasta cuatro períodos denominados: incipiente, apogeo, crisis y reinicio, cada uno de los cuales está relacionado con acontecimientos socioeconómicos y políticos del país. Su característica principal es el predominio de la planificación sectorial y sus procesos de implementación evidencian carencias de articulación vertical y horizontal. Sobre la Gestión Ambiental, podemos decir que es una política transversal con debilidad institucional que presenta un elevado número de normas inconexas y ambiguas, que dan como resultado una gestión débil, como evidencian los permanentes daños al medio ambiente. El Ordenamiento Territorial se encuentra influenciado por el ámbito europeo y brasileño, no obstante, al momento de establecerlo como política pública ha sido incomprendida y la normativa que regula su proceso es imprecisa y está desarticulada, siendo su institucionalización muy frágil. La Zonificación es una política influenciada por la FAO y Brasil a través del tratado de Cooperación Amazónica (TCA-OTCA), que, en el contexto peruano representa la primera etapa del Ordenamiento Territorial. En consiguiente, ambos procesos se conducen indistintamente generando una gran confusión en su desarrollo. La Zonificación posee numerosas fases y etapas que demandan tiempo y recursos; pese los años de su implementación aún no se han logrado resultados. Finalmente, sobre el análisis y valoración de los instrumentos de Zonificación Ecológica y Económica aprobados en trece regiones del país, podemos concluir que estos presentan diferentes niveles de estudio y escala. Los instrumentos no cumplen el "Reglamento de Zonificación", no han logrado óptimos resultados, las escalas utilizadas no son las adecuadas, la participación ciudadana no es efectiva y el principio de descentralización sólo es retórico. En resumen, los resultados son desalentadores, la mayoría de los instrumentos regionales solo alcanzaron el 50% de los preceptos reglamentados, indicador que sugiere que el proceso ha encontrado una serie de dificultades a nivel político, técnico, presupuestal, tecnológico, social y conceptual, hasta la fecha insuperados. En la práctica, tienen escasa utilidad para los objetivos que se había planteado inicialmente el proceso. ; [cat] El present treball d'investigació titulat "Ordenamiento y Planificación Territorial en Perú. Una Aproximación Crítica a los Instrumentos de Zonificación Ecológica y Económica (ZEE)", és una aproximació panoràmica i cronològica, els objectius de la qual giren entorn de quatre aspectes intrínsecament relacionats: Planificació, Gestió Ambiental, Ordenació Territorial i Zonificació Econòmica Ecològica. Respecte a la Planificació, l'objectiu fou caracteritzar la seva evolució, les influències externes i els tipus, etapes i escales d'intervenció. Per la Gestió Ambiental, es realitzà una anàlisi d'influències, la seva evolució normativa i conceptual i les característiques que presenta en l'actualitat. L'anàlisi de l'Ordenació Territorial inclogué l'estudi de les influències externes, les institucions compromeses, i la seva evolució normativa, característiques i procés de formulació. L'objectiu per la Zonificació fou esbrinar les influències, evolució normativa, característiques, institucions i el procés de formulació. Per últim, es va realitzar una anàlisi de les característiques dels instruments de la ZEE de tretze regions del Perú. La metodologia emprada en aquesta investigació va consistir en una extensa revisió de la bibliografia relacionada amb cada temàtica. Sobre la Planificació s'ha realitzat un estudi històric per mitjà de la revisió de documents oficials i acadèmics existents en el Perú i a l'estranger. Per estudiar la Gestió Ambiental s'han revisat documents oficials amb la finalitat de determinar influències en la producció legislativa i evolució normativa del procés. Per l'Ordenació Territorial i la Zonificació, s'han revisat documents que han influenciat el procés, com és el cos normatiu, realitzant la valoració corresponent. Per l'estudi dels instruments de Zonificació Ecològica econòmica (ZEE) s'han usat dues fitxes, la primera del tipus checklist per verificar l'existència o no de variables concretes a l'estudi, i la segona, per analitzar el contingut de les tretze ZEE aprovades pel Ministerio del Ambiente a les diferents regions del país. Els resultats de l'estudi aporten les següents conclusions. Referent a la Planificació, en el Perú han succeït fins a quatre períodes denominats: incipient, apogeu, crisi i reinici, cada un dels quals està relacionat amb esdeveniments socioeconòmics i polítics del país. La seva característica principal és el predomini de la planificació sectorial i els seus processos d'implementació evidencien carències d'articulació vertical i horitzontal. Sobre la Gestió Ambiental, es pot dir que és una política transversal amb debilitat institucional que presenta un elevat nombre de normes inconnexes i ambigües, que donen com a resultat una gestió dèbil, com evidencien els danys permanents al medi ambient. L'Ordenació Territorial està influenciada per l'àmbit europeu i brasiler, no obstant això, en el moment d'establir-ho com a política pública ha estat incomprès i la normativa que regula el seu procés és imprecisa i està desarticulada, esdevenint la seva institucionalització molt fràgil. La Zonificació és una política influenciada per la FAO i el Brasil a través del tractat de Cooperació Amazònica (TCA-OTCA) que, en el context peruà, representa la primera etapa de l'Ordenació Territorial. Consegüentment, ambdós processos es condueixen indistintament generant una gran confusió en el seu desenvolupament. La Zonificació posseeix nombroses fases i etapes que demanen temps i recursos i, tot i els anys de la seva implementació, encara no s'han obtingut resultats. Finalment, sobre l'anàlisi i la valoració dels instruments de Zonificació Ecològica Econòmica aprovats en tretze regions del país, es pot concloure que aquests representen diferents nivells d'estudi i escala. Els instruments no compleixen el "Reglamento de Zonificación", no han aconseguit resultats òptims, les escales emprades no són les adequades, la participació ciutadana no és afectiva i el principi de descentralització és simplement retòric. En resum, els resultats són descoratjadors, la majoria dels instruments regionals només aconseguiren el 50% dels preceptes reglamentats, indicador que suggereix que el procés ha trobat una sèrie de dificultats en l'àmbit polític, tècnic, de pressupost, tecnològic, social i, sobretot, conceptual, fins avui en dia, insuperats. A la pràctica, tenen escassa utilitat pels objectius que s'havia planejat inicialment el procés. ; [eng] This research, titled "Spatial Planning and Territorial Organization in Peru: A Critical Approach to Economic and Ecological Zoning Instruments", is a panoramic and chronological study with objectives related to four aspects that are intrinsically related: spatial planning, environmental management, territorial organization, and economic and ecological zoning (EEZ). With regards to spatial planning, my objective is to characterize the external influences that affect it, how it has evolved, and the types, stages and scales of different interventions. In the field of environmental management, I analyze the different influences, its normative and conceptual evolution, and its current characteristics. My analysis of territorial organization includes a study of the external influences and institutions involved, together with their normative evolution, characteristics and the processes leading to their formulation. Finally, my objective when it comes to EEZ is to reveal the influences on this practice as well as its institutions, characteristics and normative evolution; furthermore, I study the processes leading to its formulation and I analyze the characteristics of EEZ instruments in 13 Peruvian regions. The methodology I adopt for the present study consists of an extensive review of the literature related to each topic. For the work on spatial planning, I carry out a historical study by reviewing the official and academic documents that exist both in Peru and in other countries. To study environmental management, I review official documents in order to determine the influences on the legal advances and the normative evolution of the practice. I approach territorial organization and zoning by reviewing documents that have influenced the process, such as the normative framework it exists in, and evaluating them. Lastly, I study EEZ instruments through the use of a checklist to establish the existence of specific variables under study (or lack thereof) and also a factsheet to analyze the content of the 13 zones approved by the Ministry of the Environment in the different regions of the country. The results of my research lead me to the following conclusions. Spatial planning in Peru has passed through 4 distinct periods: incipience, apogee, crisis and revival; each related with the prevailing socio-economic and political climate. The most striking characteristic is the predominance of sectorial planning, and the way it has been implemented makes it clear that there have been serious shortcomings it both vertical and horizontal spatial planning processes. Meanwhile, environmental management has experienced transversal policies with institutional weaknesses that lead to a large number of fragmented and ambiguous norms. The result of this is inadequate management, as reflected in the constant environmental damage. Territorial organization has been influenced by Europe and Brazil. However, when it has come to establishing public policy in this area, the entire concept seems to have been misunderstood. Consequently, the normative framework in this area is imprecise and disjointed, and there is only a very fragile institutionalization of the practices involved. Zoning policy has come under the influence of the FAO and Brazil via the Amazonian Cooperation Treaty (ACT-ACTO), which in the Peruvian context represents the first stage of territorial organization. As a result, both processes are carried out indistinctly, thus generating a considerable degree of confusion in terms of their development. Zoning is a process with many phases and stages that require time and resources; and despite the years of implementation, no results have yet been achieved. Finally, regarding my analysis and evaluation of the ZEE instruments approved in 13 Peruvian regions, I conclude that they present different levels of study and scale. The instruments fail to meet the corresponding Zoning Regulation, they have not achieved optimum results, the scales applied are not the appropriate ones, participation by citizens has not proved effective and the principle of decentralization has become empty rhetoric. To summarize, the results are disheartening with most of the regional instruments only meeting 50% of the established precepts. This suggests that the process has encountered a series of difficulties at the political, technical, budgetary, technological, social and above all conceptual levels, which to date have not been overcome. In practice, the instruments are of little use in terms of the objectives that were originally set out at the start of the process.

Fragestellung In zahlreichen, sowohl wissenschaftlichen als auch politischen Veröffentlichungen, wird die "Energiewende" als Transformationsprojekt eingeordnet. Zweifelsohne birgt eine Umstellung auf ein erneuerbares Energiesystem transformative Potenziale. Die Bedeutungsbestimmung von "Energiewende" oder auch Transformation bleibt in Politik und Forschung aber häufig unklar. Um dem zu begegnen, wird in der vorliegenden Studie die Bedeutung von "Energiewende", wie sie im Bundestag verhandelt wird, untersucht. Darauf aufbauend wird analysiert, ob und inwiefern die "Energiewende" einem Anspruch als Transformationsprojekt gerecht werden kann, bzw. wie sich die Wirkrichtung der mit "Energiewende" verbundenen Politiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verorten lässt. Forschungsgegenstand Die besondere gesellschaftliche Bedeutung der Bundestags-Debatten um "Energiewende" leitet sich diskurstheoretisch unter anderem aus der ihnen zukommenden' Schaufensterfunktion' ab, wonach die Debatten strategisch auf eine außerparlamentarische Öffentlichkeit ausgerichtet sind. Hinzu kommt, dass sich der hier stattfindende Diskurs, bspw. in Gesetzen, unmittelbar materialisiert. Als Startpunkt der Untersuchung wird der Beginn der rot-grünen Regierungszeit gewählt (1998), da diese – u.a. wegen der Verabschiedung des Erneuerbaren-Energien-Gesetzes (EEG) und dem politischen Beschluss zum Atomausstieg – in besonderer Weise mit der "Energiewende" in Verbindung gebracht wird. Als Endpunkt dient die letzte vollständige Wahlperiode zum Zeitpunkt der Untersuchung. Die Diskursanalyse bezieht sich demnach auf die Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" zwischen der 14. und 18. Legislaturperiode (1998-2017). Theorie Die Studie basiert auf einer Verknüpfung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) mit dem Konzept des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens, das die transformationstheoretische Positionierung der Arbeit konkretisiert. Die Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zeichnet sich insbesondere durch ihre Bedeutung als politische Theorie und Hegemonietheorie sowie durch ihren Diskursbegriff aus, der die Dichotomie zwischen sprachlich/geistig versus nicht-sprachlich/materiell subvertiert, indem er die materielle Welt als Teil des Diskurses betrachtet – ohne deren Materialität zu bestreiten. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften versteht sich als "kritischer Ansatz", der die herrschaftliche Prägung gesellschaftlicher Natur- und Geschlechterverhältnisse zu einem Ausgangspunkt der eigenen Arbeit macht (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). Es basiert auf drei Handlungsprinzipien: Vorsorge, Kooperation und Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen. Mit der Verknüpfung von Diskurs- und Transformationstheorie leistet die Studie einen Beitrag zu deren gemeinsamer theoretischer und methodischer Weiterentwicklung. So gelingt mit dem Vorsorgenden Wirtschaften eine normative Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie, welche die politische Ökonomie in den Blick holt. Gleichzeitig wird das Potenzial des materiellen Diskursbegriffes nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) für die sozial-ökologische Forschung deutlich. Ausgehend von der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens ist die Studie innerhalb einer kritischen, feministischen Nachhaltigkeits- und Transformationsforschung zu verorten. Methodik Das methodische Innovationspotenzial der Arbeit liegt insbesondere in der Verbindung aus einem Verfahren quantitativer, computerbasierter Diskursanalyse mit einer qualitativen Analyse. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Diskursanalyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. Zunächst erfolgt eine Operationalisierung der Diskurstheorie nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) in einem quantitativ und zwei qualitativ ausgerichteten Verfahrensschritten. Die quantitative Auswertung aller Plenarprotokolle im Betrachtungszeitraum erfolgt mit PolmineR, einem Tool zur Analyse von Plenarprotokollen in der Programmiersprache R (www.polmine.github.io). Auf der obersten Dekonstruktions-Ebene der lexikalischen Elemente werden so zeitliche Entwicklungen des Diskurses (z.B.: Häufigkeitsentwicklungen) um "Energiewende" nachvollzogen und regelmäßige Differenzbeziehungen (Kollokationen) herausgearbeitet. Die 30 Plenarprotokolle und Dokumente, die sich dabei als besonders relevant für den Diskurs erweisen, werden im nächsten Schritt qualitativ analysiert und der Diskurs wird somit auf zwei weiteren Dekonstruktions-Ebenen analysiert. In einem kodierenden Verfahren werden zunächst komplexitätsreduzierende Erzählungen, sogenannte Story-Lines, identifiziert. Daraufhin werden den Erzählungen zugrundeliegende fantasmatische Narrative herausgearbeitet. Die diskurstheoretische Analyse auf diesen drei Dekonstruktions-Ebenen wird schließlich in einer hegemonietheoretisch fundierten Diskussion zusammengeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Diskursanalyse werden anschließend auf einer vierten Dekonstruktions-Ebene aus der Perspektive des Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens reflektiert. Das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften wird dabei anhand seiner Handlungsprinzipien (Vorsorge, Kooperation, Orientierung am für das gute Leben Notwendigen) sowie der aus der Literatur entnommenen Kriterien "Externalisierung als Prinzip" und "Potenziale für eine herrschaftsärmere Zukunftsgestaltung" (vgl. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015) operationalisiert. Es wird eine Analyseheuristik generiert, mit Hilfe derer schließlich die Wirkrichtung von mit "Energiewende" verbundenen politischen Praktiken im Spannungsfeld beharrend – reformistisch – transformativ verortet wird. Die Grundlage dieser Klassifikation leitet sich aus der im Theorieteil erfolgten Verortung in der kritisch-feministischen Transformationsforschung ab. Im Sinne des retroduktiven Forschungsdesigns dieser Studie nach Glynos/Howarth (2007) wird die empirische Anwendbarkeit des Konzeptes Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften gegenstandsbezogen entwickelt und erweitert. Beispielsweise zeigen sich in der Analyse der Debatten zur Energiepolitik in einem deutlichen Umfang neokoloniale Artikulationsmuster und nationale Erzählungen, weshalb das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften hier im Hinblick auf nationale und neokoloniale Machtstrukturen analytisch konkretisiert wird. Ergebnisteil Die Ergebnisse der Dekonstruktion des "Energiewende"-Diskurses werden in zwei Teilen präsentiert. Der erste bezieht sich auf die Diskursanalyse der Bundestagsdebatten zur "Energiewende" nach der Diskurstheorie von Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Hier verweisen die Ergebnisse darauf, dass sich in den Bundestagsdebatten nach der Reaktorkatastrophe von Fukushima ein Post-Politisierungsprozess identifizieren lässt. Dieser manifestiert sich in einer überwiegend marktökonomischen Einordnung von "Energiewende" sowie einer diskursiven Loslösung von sozial-ökologischen Problemlagen. Im zweiten Teil der Dekonstruktion liegt der Fokus auf dem Sichtbarmachen von hierarchischen Externalisierungsstrukturen unter Anwendung einer kritisch-emanzipatorischen Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens. Materielle Wirkweisen politischer Praktiken in Verbindung mit "Energiewende" werden ebenso wie die damit verbundenen Machtverhältnisse entschlüsselt. Die feministische Perspektive der Arbeit leistet einen innovativen und in bisherigen Forschungsarbeiten marginalisierten Einblick in die Debatten um "Energiewende" im Bundestag. Die (geschlechtshierarchische) Strukturierung dieser Debatten manifestiert sich zum einen darin worüber überhaupt diskutiert wird, nämlich überwiegend über ökonomische und technologische Fragen, die dem Öffentlichen zugewiesen werden, während soziale Themen dem Privaten zugeordnet bleiben und kaum vorkommen. Zum anderen werden gegenhegemoniale Forderungen über die Abwertung des sozial Weiblichen (z.B.: als "hysterisch" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)) delegitimiert und aus dem politischen Raum gedrängt. Fazit In den Bedeutungskämpfen um "Energiewende" ist im zeitlichen Ablauf mit "Fukushima" ein Bruch festzustellen. Vor "Fukushima" wird "Energiewende" im Bundestag – auch unter rot-grün – nur selten artikuliert und kann in der Diskursbewertung nicht als Transformationsprojekt bundespolitischer Gesetzgebung klassifiziert werden. Nach "Fukushima" lassen sich in der Analyse überwiegend energiepolitische Praktiken identifizieren, die vor dem Hintergrund einer Forschungsperspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens in ihrer Wirkrichtung im Spannungsfeld reformistisch-beharrend zu verorten sind, bzw. in einigen Fällen sogar reaktionäre Elemente aufweisen. So lässt sich insbesondere nach "Fukushima" eine Reduktion von "Energiewende" auf verfahrenspolitische, technokratische sowie managementorientierte politische Praktiken nachzeichnen, die auf einer Naturalisierung marktwirtschaftlicher Strukturen basieren und gesellschaftliche Naturverhältnisse nicht adressieren. Es wird zudem aufgezeigt, wie vor "Fukushima" marginalisierte energiepolitische Forderungen danach von einer hegemonialen Diskursformation angeeignet werden. Das Narrativ, das sich in diesem Zusammenhang etabliert, wird hier als 'technokratisch-managementorientierter Ökokonsens'bezeichnet. Die zentralen Ergebnisse der Arbeit verweisen darauf, dass mit der "Energiewende" ein großes, potenziell auf Transformation ausgerichtetes Projekt, aus sozial-ökologisch orientierten zivilgesellschaftlichen Bewegungen für verfahrenspolitische Prozesse im Bundestag mobilisiert und gleichzeitig sozial-ökologisch und politisch an Bedeutung entleert wurde. Reflexion und Ausblick Der "Energiewende"-Diskurs konnte gerade durch die Kombination von Diskurstheorie mit einer Perspektive Vorsorgenden Wirtschaftens umfangreich dekonstruiert werden. Die Erweiterung der Diskurstheorie um ein normatives Konzept, welches wie das Vorsorgende Wirtschaften, den Blick auf politisch ökonomische Strukturen richtet, leistet einen Beitrag dazu den materiellen Diskursbegriff nach Laclau/Mouffe (2015) zu operationalisieren und die Diskurstheorie somit für die sozial-ökologische Transformationsforschung empirisch noch stärker zu öffnen. Das Instrument der computerbasierten Datenerhebung hat sich insbesondere als Vorstrukturierung für die folgenden qualitativen Analyseschritte als wirksam erwiesen und dazu beigetragen, dass das Forschungsdesign im Sinne des retroduktiven Ansatzes angepasst werden konnte. Nach dem der Arbeit zugrunde liegenden Theorieverständnis ist das Erkennen von Externalisierungsstrukturen und Naturalisierungen eine Voraussetzung für eine emanzipatorische Politik und Praxis. Kritik erfüllt dabei keinen Selbstzweck, sondern aus ihr heraus scheinen immer wieder emanzipatorische, nicht-externalisierende Gestaltungsperspektiven auf. In diesem Sinne werden am Ende der Arbeit als Ausblick Strategien einer Repolitisierung von "Energiewende" genannt. ; Research question In numerous publications, both scientific and political, the "Energiewende" is classified as a transformation project. Undoubtedly, the change to a renewable energy system has transformative potential. However, the meaning of "Energiewende" or transformation in politics and research mostly remains vague. Therefore, the present study examines the meaning of "Energiewende", as negotiated in the federal German parliament (German: Bundestag). On this basis, it is analyzed whether and to what extent the "Energiewende" complies with the claim of being a transformation project – or rather where the associated policies can be placed within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. Object of research The particular social significance of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" derives, among other things, from their so-called 'showcase function', according to which the debates are strategically oriented towards an extra-parliamentary public. In addition, the discourse taking place here materializes directly, e.g. in laws. The starting point of the investigation is the beginning of the legislative period led by a coalition of the SPD (German Democratic Party) and the Green Party (1998). This government is generally associated with the "Energiewende" due to the adoption of the Renewable Energy Sources Act (German: Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the political decision to phase out nuclear power. The discourse analysis therefore is applied to the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" of the 14th until the 18th legislative period (1998-2017), which is the last complete legislative period by the time of the study. Theoretical background The study is based on a combination of the discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) with the concept of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', which specifies the position of the present study within transformation theory. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is characterized in particular by its significance as a political theory and a theory of hegemony. Its concept of discourse 1 Energy transition is not a precise translation of "Energiewende", which is why the German word is used in the following. 2 As there is no precise translation of 'Vorsorge' into English, the word formation 'pre-caring', which has already been used in earlier translations of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', is used here. subverts the dichotomy between linguistic/spiritual versus non-linguistic/material by considering the material world as part of the discourse – without denying its materiality. 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is defined as a "critical approach" that takes the domination-shaped character of societal relations to nature and gender as a starting point for analysis and intervention (Netzwerk Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften 2013: 10). It is based on three principles: pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life. By linking discourse and transformation theory, the study contributes to their common theoretical and methodical development. Thus, by the combination with 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', a normative expansion of the discourse theory becomes possible, which brings political economy into view. At the same time, the potential of the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) for social-ecological research becomes explicit. Based on the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften', the study is considered in the context of critical, feminist sustainability and transformation research. Methodology The innovative methodological potential of the study lies particularly in the mixed methods approach, combining a method of quantitative, computer assisted discourse analysis with a qualitative analysis. The link between transformation and discourse theory methodically results in a complex research design, which could also be valuable for other fields of political transformation research. The basis of this research design is an analysis of the "Energiewende" discourse over four levels of deconstruction. Als Ergebnis der Verknüpfung von Transformations- und Diskurstheorie wird ein methodisch komplexes Forschungsdesign präsentiert, das sich neben der Analyse des "Energiewende"-Diskurses auf weitere Bereiche der politischen Transformationsforschung übertragen lässt. Basis dieses Forschungsdesigns ist eine Analyse über vier Dekonstruktions-Ebenen. The discourse theory according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) is operationalized in one quantitative and two qualitative steps. Quantitative evaluation of all plenary protocols during the periods under review is carried out using PolmineR, a tool for analyzing plenary protocols in the programming language R (www.polmine.github.io). At the first level of deconstruction of the lexical elements, temporal developments in the discourse (e.g. frequency) are traced around "Energiewende" and regular difference-relations (collocations) are examined. 30 plenary protocols and documents, which prove to be particularly relevant for the discourse, are qualitatively analyzed in the next step. In doing so, the discourse is analyzed on two further levels of deconstruction. By means of a coding method, complexity-reducing narratives, so-called story lines, are identified. Thereupon, underlying fantasmatic narratives are explicated. The discourse-theoretical analysis on these three levels of deconstruction is finally brought together in a discussion based on theory of hegemony. As a next step, the results of the discourse analysis are reflected on a fourth level of deconstruction using the perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften'. The concept is operationalized on the basis of its principles (pre-caring, cooperation and orientation towards what is necessary for a good life) and supplemented by two additional criteria from the literature – "externalization as a principle" and "potentials for shaping the future, less characterized by domination" (cf. Biesecker/von Winterfeld 2015). A heuristic for analysis is generated, with the help of which the effects of the policies associated with the "Energiewende" are classified within an axis of persistence – reform – transformation. The basis of this classification derives from the positioning of the study in critical feminist transformation research, which is explicated in the theory part. As defined by the retroductive research design of this study according to Glynos/Howarth (2007), the empirical applicability of the concept 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is developed in a subject-related way and expanded. For example, the analysis of debates on energy policy clearly shows neocolonial articulation patterns and national narratives, which is why 'Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften' is analytically specified here in terms of national and neocolonial power structures. Results The results of the deconstruction of the "Energiewende" discourse are presented in two parts. The first part refers to the discourse analysis of the Bundestag debates on the "Energiewende" according to the discourse theory by Laclau/Mouffe (2015). Here, results indicate that a post-politicization process has taken place in the debates after the reactor disaster of Fukushima. This becomes apparent through a predominantly market-economic integration of "Energiewende" as well as a discursive dissociation from social-ecological problems. In the second part of the deconstruction, the focus is on the elaboration of hierarchical externalization structures using a critical-emancipatory research perspective of 'Vorsorgendes Wirschaften'. Thus, material effects of political practices in connection with "Energiewende" and the associated power relations are decoded. The feminist perspective of the study provides an innovative insight into the debates, which has been marginalized in previous research. On the one hand, the (gender-hierarchical) structure of these debates manifests itself in what is being discussed – mainly economic and technological questions, which are assigned to the public sphere – while social issues remain assigned to the private sphere and hardly occur. On the other hand, counter-hegemonic demands are delegitimized and forced out of the political sphere by depreciating the socially feminine (e.g. as "hysterical" (CSU 24.03.2011: 11300)). Conclusion The analysis of the discourse on "Energiewende" shows a significant turning point with "Fukushima". Before "Fukushima" "Energiewende" is rarely articulated in the Bundestag – even under the red-green government – and thus cannot be classified as a transformation project of federal legislation. After "Fukushima", energy policy practices are identified, which – on the basis of the research perspective "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften" – can be classified between reform and persistence, regarding their effects; in some cases they even show reactionary elements. Thus, especially after "Fukushima", a reduction of "Energiewende" to procedural, technocratic and management-oriented political practices can be illustrated, which are based on a naturalization of market-economic structures and do not address societal relations to nature. Moreover, it is shown that energy policy demands, that were marginalized before "Fukushima" are appropriated by a hegemonic discourse formation afterwards. The study identifies the narrative that is established in this context as 'technocratic-management-oriented ecoconsensus'. The central results of the study point out that with the "Energiewende" a large, potentially transformation-oriented project, which was originally promoted by social-ecologically oriented civil societal movements, is mobilized for procedural oriented political processes in the Bundestag and at the same time emptied of social-ecological and political meaning. Reflection and outlook The discourse on "Energiewende" was deconstructed extensively with the help of the combination of discourse theory with a perspective of "Vorsorgendes Wirtschaften". The extension of the discourse theory by integrating a normative concept focusing on political economic structures contributes to operationalizing the material concept of discourse according to Laclau/Mouffe (2015) and thus opens discourse theory empirically for social-ecological transformation research. In particular, the computer assisted data analysis tool has proven to be effective in pre-structuring the material for the following qualitative analytical steps and has helped to adapt the research design to the retroductive research approach. The underlying theory of this study implies that understanding and recognizing externalization structures and naturalizations is necessary for an emancipatory policy and practice. However, critique does not fulfill an end in itself, but can open up emancipatory, non-externalizing perspectives. In this sense, at the end of the study, some strategies for a re-politicization of "Energiewende" are outlined.

La formulación de políticas para satisfacer las necesidades de cuidado de la sociedad nunca había sido más urgente que ahora. En muchas partes del mundo desarrollado, la creciente participación de la mujer en el empleo remunerado ha socavado el modelo tradicional del padre como sostén de la familia, el cual descansaba sobre la disponibilidad de una esposa dependiente que permanecía en el hogar para cuidar de los hijos y los parientes discapacitados, mayores o frágiles. Con este documento se busca comprender la forma en que se configuran las políticas del cuidado. Se examina la dinámica existente entre la forma en que el público formula demandas de cuidado y las distintas maneras en que las políticas de cuidado se crean y aplican en diferentes contextos nacionales, regionales e históricos. El énfasis de este estudio recae principalmente en las políticas de cuidado infantil para las madres y los padres trabajadores de Europa, pero también se abordan las políticas dirigidas a las personas discapacitadas y a los proveedores de cuidado no remunerados. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la relación, en determinados contextos, entre (i) la articulación de las demandas con base en las necesidades de aquellos que brindan o reciben cuidado; (ii) los marcos políticos y la lógica de las políticas relativas a las necesidades de cuidado; y (iii) los resultados de dichas políticas para distintos grupos de beneficiarios y proveedores de cuidados. El documento se divide en dos secciones principales. La primera se ocupa de las diferentes formas en que los actores políticos enmarcan o delimitan las políticas de cuidado en Europa. La sección comienza con un breve repaso de las teorías y los conceptos que sustentan el documento, para luego proceder con la aplicación de dichas teorías y conceptos en un análisis sobre la forma en que se interpretan las necesidades de cuidado en las demandas de aquellos que representan a los proveedores y beneficiarios del cuidado. Se definen cinco áreas de demandas: conciliación entre el trabajo y el cuidado; apoyo a las personas discapacitadas; cuidado no remunerado; exigencias de flexibilidad por parte de los sindicatos; y cuidado suministrado por migrantes. Según la autora, las demandas de cuidado en estas áreas, tomadas en su conjunto, amplían las exigencias de reconocimiento, derechos y redistribución de responsabilidades en materia de cuidado y apuntan hacia un marco general de justicia social. El análisis de la formulación de políticas en Europa revela que algunos de los discursos relacionados con las nociones de justicia social se ven reflejados en la política del cuidado, pero también muestra que el marco predominante es el de la política del cuidado como forma de inversión social en capital humano. En este documento se examinan las oportunidades y limitaciones políticas relativas al surgimiento de derechos sociales para los padres e hijos en Europa. En la segunda parte del documento se examinan las políticas en diferentes contextos nacionales a partir de las siguientes interrogantes: ¿qué factores llevan a la formulación de las políticas? y ¿qué significa esto para los resultados que pueden obtenerse en relación con las desigualdades sociales? Los factores analizados son el cambio demográfico, la inversión social, la generación de empleo y la naturaleza mundial de la política del cuidado. A manera de conclusión, se señala en el documento que las políticas del cuidado en Europa están impregnadas de tensiones y contradicciones dimanantes de las perspectivas tanto de los proveedores como de los beneficiarios del cuidado. Por una parte, se han registrado importantes cambios en los diez últimos años. Por ejemplo, el reconocimiento del potencial de empleo de aquellos que hasta ahora han permanecido marginados del trabajo remunerado, como las madres y las personas discapacitadas; el reconocimiento de la capacidad de los hombres para suministrar cuidado; el aumento de las responsabilidades del Estado como proveedor de cuidados, en especial el cuidado infantil; y el reconocimiento de los parientes proveedores de cuidado. Por la otra, estas oportunidades han venido de la mano con limitaciones, entre ellas el sentido de obligación de las madres y las personas discapacitadas de conseguir trabajo a menudo en las partes más precarias del mercado laboral; una mayor comodificación de los servicios de cuidado; y la producción de padres y proveedores de cuidado, personas mayores y discapacitadas que ejercen su opción como consumidores en el mercado del cuidado, en lugar de hacer oír su voz como ciudadanos en el ámbito público del cuidado. Estos acontecimientos también han tenido como consecuencia la creación de una fuerza laboral migrante pobremente remunerada. En esta situación, el desafío clave radica en utilizar aquellos espacios en los cuales el cuidado se ha politizado y se han adquirido derechos para fomentar el valor político, social y económico del cuidado como componente fundamental de las demandas de justicia social nacional y transnacional. / ; Abstract. The question of how to devise policies to meet the care needs of society has become more urgent than ever. In many parts of the developed world, women's increasing involvement in paid employment has undermined the traditional male breadwinner model which assumed the availability of a dependent wife at home to care for children, disabled family members and older, frail relatives. This paper seeks to understand how care policies are shaped. It looks at the dynamic between how constituencies make care claims and the ways in which care policies are constructed and delivered in different national, regional and historical contexts. The focus is mainly on childcare policies for working parents in Europe, but the purview here also includes policies for disabled people and unpaid carers. Its aim is to provide an understanding, within particular contexts, of the relationship between (i) the articulation of claims based on the needs of those who provide and/or receive care; (ii) the political frames and logics of policies which attend to care needs; and (iii) the outcomes of such policies for different groups of care receivers and providers. The paper is divided into two main sections. The first focuses on the ways different political actors frame care policies in Europe. It starts with a brief review of the theories and concepts that inform the paper. It goes on to apply these to an analysis of how care needs are interpreted in the claims of those representing the providers and receivers of care. Five areas of claims are identified: work/care reconciliation; disabled people's support; unpaid care; trade union demands for flexibility; and migrant care work. It proposes that, together, claims in these areas expand demands for recognition, rights and the redistribution of responsibilities in relation to care, and that they look to an overarching frame of social justice. The analysis of policy making in Europe shows that some of the discourses attached to notions of social justice find reflection in care policy but that the dominant frame is that of care policy as a form of social investment in human capital. The paper examines political opportunities and constraints in the emergence of social rights for parents and children in Europe. The second part examines policies in different national contexts by asking which issues drive policies and what this means for outcomes in terms of social inequalities. The issues examined are demographic change, social investment, employment creation and the global nature of care policy. In conclusion, the paper finds that care policies in Europe are imbued with tension and contradiction from the perspective of those who provide and receive care support. On the one hand, the last decade has seen important changes: for example, the recognition of the employment potential of those previously marginalized from paid work such as mothers and disabled people; the recognition of men's caring capacities; the rise of state responsibilities for care provision, especially in child care; and the recognition of family carers. On the other hand, these opportunities have been accompanied by constraints, including a sense of obligation by mothers and disabled people to find work often in the more precarious parts of the labour market; the increased commodification of care services; and the construction of parents/carers, older and disabled people exercising choice as consumers in the care market, rather than exercising their voice as citizens in the public domain of care. Such developments have also had the consequence of creating a poorly paid migrant labour economy of care. In this situation the key challenge is to use those spaces in which care has become politicized and rights have been won to advance the political, social and economic value of care as a crucial component in claims for national and transnational social justice. / ; Résumé. Comment concevoir des politiques qui puissent répondre aux besoins de soins des sociétés? La question se pose en termes plus urgents que jamais. Dans bien des pays développés, les femmes sont de plus en plus nombreuses à avoir un emploi rémunéré, ce qui a affaibli le modèle traditionnel de l'homme soutien de famille, qui supposait la présence au foyer d'une épouse à charge s'occupant des enfants ainsi que des parents handicapés ou âgés et fragiles. L'auteur de ce document cherche à comprendre comment sont conçues les politiques des soins et de l'assistance aux personnes. Elle examine la dynamique entre les revendications des différents publics en la matière et la façon dont les politiques sont élaborées et appliquées dans divers contextes nationaux, régionaux et historiques. Elle s'est intéressée principalement aux politiques de garde des enfants mises en place pour les parents qui travaillent en Europe, bien que les politiques relatives aux handicapés et aux soignants non rémunérés entrent aussi dans son champ d'étude. Son objectif est de faire comprendre, dans des contextes particuliers, la relation entre (i) l'articulation des revendications qui partent des besoins des soignants et/ou des soignés; (ii) les cadres et logiques des politiques soucieuses de répondre aux besoins en matière de soins et d'assistance aux personnes; et (iii) les effets de ces politiques sur les différents groupes de soignés et de soignants. Le document se divise en deux sections principales. La première porte sur la manière dont différents acteurs politiques conçoivent les politiques de soins et d'assistance aux personnes en Europe. L'auteur commence par un bref exposé des théories et des concepts qui informent le document. Elle poursuit en les appliquant à une analyse des besoins en matière de soins et d'assistance tels qu'ils ressortent de l'interprétation qu'en donnent les représentants des soignants et des soignés dans leurs revendications. Elle recense cinq domaines de revendication: nécessité de concilier travail et soins; aide aux personnes handicapées; soins non rémunérés; revendications syndicales de flexibilité; et place des migrants dans le secteur des soins. Elle suggère que, collectivement, les revendications dans ces domaines tendent à obtenir une reconnaissance, des droits et une redistribution des responsabilités en matière de soins et d'assistance aux personnes, et se réfèrent à un modèle général de justice sociale. L'analyse des politiques élaborées en Europe montre que certains des discours qui s'inspirent des notions de justice sociale se traduisent concrètement dans les politiques de soins et d'assistance aux personnes mais que le cadre dominant consiste à concevoir la politique de soins et d'assistance aux personnes comme une forme d'investissement social dans le capital humain. L'auteur examine ce qui, en politique, favorise l'émergence de droits sociaux pour les parents et les enfants en Europe et ce qui y fait obstacle. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l'examen des politiques dans leurs différents contextes nationaux. L'auteur examine les questions qui peuvent être à l'origine de ces politiques-l'évolution démographique, l'investissement social, la création d'emplois et la nature de la politique des soins dans le monde-et se demande quels en sont les résultats en termes d'inégalités sociales. En conclusion, l'auteur estime que les politiques des soins en Europe sont pleines de tensions et contradictions du point de vue des soignants comme des soignés. D'une part, d'importantes évolutions se sont produites en dix ans: on reconnaît aujourd'hui l'employabilité de personnes qui étaient tenues naguère à l'écart de l'emploi rémunéré telles que les mères de famille et les personnes handicapées, de même que les aptitudes des hommes en matière de soins; les Etats assument davantage de responsabilités dans la prestation de services, en particulier dans le secteur des garderies pour enfants et l'on reconnaît le rôle des soignants familiaux. De l'autre, ces chances ne vont pas sans contraintes: ainsi, les mères et les personnes handicapées se sentent obligées de trouver du travail, souvent dans les secteurs les plus précaires du marché; on assiste à une marchandisation accrue des services de soins et les parents, soignants, personnes âgées et handicapées sont plus perçus comme des consommateurs faisant des choix sur le marché des soins que comme des citoyens dans le domaine public des soins. Ces évolutions ont eu aussi pour effet de créer une économie des soins portée par des travailleurs migrants mal payés. Dans ces circonstances, le grand défi est d'utiliser les espaces dans lesquels les soins sont politisés et où des droits ont été acquis pour faire valoir l'aspect politique, social et économique des soins comme revendication cruciale de justice sociale aux plans national et transnational.

An integrated approach to the economics of sovereign default. Fiscal crises and sovereign default repeatedly threaten the stability and growth of economies around the world. Mark Aguiar and Manuel Amador provide a unified and tractable theoretical framework that elucidates the key economics behind sovereign debt markets, shedding light on the frictions and inefficiencies that prevent the smooth functioning of these markets, and proposing sensible approaches to sovereign debt management. The Economics of Sovereign Debt and Default looks at the core friction unique to sovereign debt--the lack of strong legal enforcement--and goes on to examine additional frictions such as deadweight costs of default, vulnerability to runs, the incentive to "dilute" existing creditors, and sovereign debt's distortion of investment and growth. The book uses the tractable framework to isolate how each additional friction affects the equilibrium outcome, and illustrates its counterpart using state-of-the-art computational modeling. The novel approach presented here contrasts the outcome of a constrained efficient allocation--one chosen to maximize the joint surplus of creditors and government--with the competitive equilibrium outcome. This allows for a clear analysis of the extent to which equilibrium prices efficiently guide the government's debt and default decisions, and of what drives divergences with the efficient outcome. Providing an integrated approach to sovereign debt and default, this incisive and authoritative book is an ideal resource for researchers and graduate students interested in this important topic

The systematic country diagnostic (SCD) is designed to identify the most critical binding constraints and opportunities facing Indonesia in ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity. In line with the World Bank Group's (WBG's) new country engagement model, the findings of the SCD will provide inputs for the preparation of the country partnership framework (CPF), which will outline the WBG's engagement with Indonesia to achieve the twin goals. This SCD has four main conceptual elements. First, analyze past trends in growth, poverty, and inequality to highlight the deep drivers. Second, identify the key channels for reducing poverty and boosting the prosperity of the Bottom 40 percent. Third, highlight the major challenges and opportunities along each of the key channels, and finally identify prioritized areas of intervention to accelerate progress toward ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity for each of the channels identified.

In response to a growing interest in comparing inequality levels and trends across countries, several cross-national inequality databases are now available. These databases differ considerably in purpose, coverage, data sources, inclusion and exclusion criteria, and quality of documentation. A special issue of the Journal of Economic Inequality, which this paper introduces, is devoted to an assessment of the merits and shortcomings of eight such databases. Five of these sets are microdata-based: CEPALSTAT, Income Distribution Database, Luxembourg Income Study, PovcalNet, and Socio-Economic Database for Latin America and the Caribbean. Two are based on secondary sources: All the Ginis and the World Income Inequality Database; and one is generated entirely through multiple-imputation methods: the Standardized World Income Inequality Database. Although there is much agreement across these databases, there is also a nontrivial share of country/year cells for which substantial discrepancies exist. In some cases, different databases would lead users to radically different conclusions about inequality dynamics in certain countries and periods. The methodological differences that lead to these discrepancies often appear to be driven by a fundamental trade-off between a wish for broader coverage on the one hand, and for greater comparability on the other hand. These differences across databases place considerable responsibility on both producers and users: on the former, to better document and explain their assumptions and procedures, and on the latter, to understand the data they are using, rather than merely taking them as true because available.

The Fifty-Third Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the Asian Development Bank was held virtually in two stages. The first stage was on 22 May 2020 and the second stage was from 17 to 18 September 2020. Resolution no. 398 adopted by the Board of Governors in 2019 provided that the Fifty-Third Annual Meeting would be from 2 to 5 May 2020 in Incheon Metropolitan City, Republic of Korea. In view of the global health situation arising from the coronavirus disease 2019, the Board of Directors approved that the annual meeting be held virtually in two stages. The first stage in the form of a reduced-scale meeting of the Board of Governors (predominantly through their appointed representatives) on 22 May 2020 to ensure that statutory requirements could be met. The second stage, originally planned in Incheon from 18-21 September, was changed to a shorter online meeting from 17 to 18 September 2020, which covered the remaining Annual Meeting agenda and comprised a series of virtual events, including events participated by Governors. The Government of the Republic of Korea renewed its commitment to hosting an annual meeting by inviting ADB to hold the Fifty-Sixth Annual Meeting in Incheon, Republic of Korea in 2023, which the Board of Governors approved on 18 September 2020 (Resolution no. 407). This Summary of Proceedings of the 2020 Annual Meeting is presented in accordance with the provisions of Section 9 of the Rules of Procedure of the Board of Governors. The Governor for the Republic of Korea, the Honorable Hong Nam-Ki, chaired the Meeting. The Governor for Indonesia, the Honorable Sri Mulyani Indrawati, and the Temporary Alternate Governor for Luxembourg, Mr. Yves Weber, served as Vice-Chairs. The views expressed by ADB members at the Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors are those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of ADB.

The Annual Meeting of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) Board of Governors is an opportunity to provide guidance on the administrative, financial, and operational directions of ADB. The meetings provide opportunities for member governments to interact with ADB staff; nongovernment organizations; media; and representatives of observer countries, international organizations, academe, and the private sector. ADB's annual meetings have become a premier forum for the discussion of economic and social development issues in Asia and the Pacific. The 53rd ADB Annual Meeting was held virtually for the first time on 17–18 September 2020, taking into account the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic.

The country operations business plan (COBP), 2019–2021, for Turkmenistan is, by and large, aligned with the country partnership strategy, 2017–2021, of the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which provides for the three major avenues of support: (i) hydrocarbon market diversification and energy trade promotion, (ii) diversification of the non-hydrocarbon sectors through transport infrastructure investment to improve market connectivity and private sector development, and (iii) knowledge work on economic diversification and reforms, as derived from the government development objectives. This COBP embraces key priorities and outcomes stemming from ADB's Strategy 2030.

The country operations business plan (COBP), 2019–2021 for Uzbekistan builds on the current country partnership strategy (CPS) for Uzbekistan and is consistent with the recent government initiatives and the forthcoming CPS for Uzbekistan for 2019–2023 under preparation. In line with the national development strategy, the government has prioritized the development of rural infrastructure to (i) address social challenges of the rural population,3 and (ii) create an enabling environment—a reliable supply of utilities and adequate transport infrastructure—for the private sector and foreign direct investment as key drivers of employment generation. In addition, the CPS and COBP consultations discussed the government's requests for Asian Development Bank (ADB) operations in social sectors. This COBP fully supports Uzbekistan's development priorities. To this end, this COBP includes operational support for agriculture, transport, energy, municipal services, health, education, social protection, and access to finance. Support for the key drivers of change—including private sector development, regional cooperation, governance, and others—is integrated into the operational assistance.

Since 2011, under the Thein Sein government, Myanmar has started to build financial institutions almost from scratch. Japan has played a leading role in this transition, writing off debt, opening the Yangon Stock Exchange, vying for the entry of Japanese banks, and laying out finance-related laws. As in other Southeast Asian countries, Myanmar's oligopolistic economic structure and colonial past present considerable challenges. There is a rich literature on the relationship between well-functioning financial institutions and economic growth, but the causality of this relationship remains inconclusive. This paper examines the preconditions for financial institutions to be a vehicle for Myanmar's development.

The Country Opinion Survey in Togo assists the World Bank Group (WBG) in gaining a better understanding of how stakeholders in Togo perceive the WBG. It provides the WBG with systematic feedback from national and local governments, multilateral/bilateral agencies, media, academia, the private sector, and civil society in Togo on 1) their views regarding the general environment in Togo; 2) their overall attitudes toward the WBG in Togo; 3) overall impressions of the WBG's effectiveness and results, knowledge work and activities, and communication and information sharing in Togo; and 4) their perceptions of the WBG's future role in Togo.

Over the past 30 years, Vietnam has experienced significant shifts of employment away from agriculture toward manufacturing and services, away from household enterprises toward registered and regulated businesses, and away from state-owned enterprises toward private firms. This paper argues that for these processes to continue in the future, appropriately designed and implemented labor market policies need to be in place, including labor market regulations that protect workers but do not inhibit creative destruction and creation of formal sector jobs; labor market interventions that improve workers' human capital, eliminate information asymmetries, and are fiscally sustainable; and labor market institutions that give voice to workers and employers. As a part of all of these measures, Vietnam will also have to renew its efforts to integrate vulnerable groups into the labor market.