Suchergebnisse

[spa] En este estudio se analizan los efectos de la implantación de un programa gubernamental de desarrollo comunitario denominado Desarrollo Integral de las Comunidades Especiales de Puerto Rico (2001), sobre los residentes del barrio Juan Domingo, un barrio pobre ubicado en una zona privilegiada del país. Cónsone con los ejercicios neoliberales que revitalizan el neo-comunitarianismo, este proyecto propuso erradicar la pobreza 1) promoviendo la autogestión, el apoderamiento y la generación del capital social entre los ciudadanos y 2) transformando el rol del Estado durante este proceso. El proyecto además buscaba mejorar las condiciones materiales de estos barrios, patrocinando y financiando un proyecto de infraestructura de importancia que estimularía la organización vecinal-colectiva. Este proceso produjo un nuevo territorio de negociación y subjetividad política que expande previas nociones sobre la relación entre ciudadanos pobres y el Estado. Basándome en los propósitos de esta política pública convertida en ley, la investigación responde las siguientes preguntas: ¿cómo esta intervención gubernamental e infraestructural fue interpretada y negociada a través de la política local? ¿Bajo qué condiciones los residentes del barrio Juan Domingo se convierten en agentes que actúan respondiendo a sus intereses? ¿Qué nuevas formas surgieron de hacer lo político? ¿Qué aportan estas nuevas formas a nuestro entendimiento de las dimensiones del poder, particularmente aquellas que promueven prácticas alternativas de organización y gobernanza? Finalmente y a modo de síntesis, ¿cómo los procesos político-económicos están simultáneamente implicados y obviados en el proceso de producir ciudadanos activos-sostenibles? Para responder estas preguntas exploro el encuentro entre lo que identifico como 1) la práctica gubernamental: ley tecnificada, posiciones de los funcionarios que la ejecutan, representantes de la autoridad local y 2) la práctica política: la forma en que los actores interpretan, apropian y estabilizan la intervención por medio de procesos políticos contestatarios o de subordinación. Ambas prácticas contienen un componente discursivo que nutre las acciones y a medida que éstas operan en la realidad social, se auto-revisan. Por esta razón ha sido necesario analizar la relación entre práctica gubernamental y política desde una perspectiva histórica. Además, esta etnografía ha contemplado un análisis en escalas para mostrar cómo la relación entre estas prácticas se genera y sustenta desde la experiencia local-comunitaria y desde las redes o alianzas nacionales. Los datos de esta investigación han sido recopilados a través de una etnografía situada (periodos 2009-2012), en el barrio Juan Domingo, ubicado en la ciudad de Guaynabo, Puerto Rico. Juan Domingo es un barrio atípico en la red de comunidades especiales del país, pero desde su incursión al programa gubernamental fue considerada una comunidad modelo. Esta categoría le fue conferida debido a las redes que en este barrio se desarrollaron con gestores del Tercer sector. La zona del barrio más vinculada a esta red de alianzas público- privadas es donde Comunidades Especiales consolida su programa. Al analizar este vínculo, fue posible comprender los significados asignados por el Estado a los conceptos de autogestión y apoderamiento, así como las potenciales dinámicas que se suscitarían en los barrios impactados por este proyecto. Si el fortalecimiento de la relación entre las organizaciones de base comunitaria y el Tercer Sector era uno de los objetivos de la ley para el Desarrollo Integral de las Comunidades Especiales, Juan Domingo brinda pistas de cómo se dilucidaría esta interacción. ; [eng] The purpose of this research is to analyze the effects of the governmental project called "Integral Development for the Special Communities" implemented by the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, on the residents of Juan Domingo, a poor neighborhood in the metropolitan area, and its relationship with other public entities and non-governmental civic institutions. Its main objective is to discuss how political-economic processes are simultaneously implicated, and yet elided, in these processes of producing orderly, empowered, responsible, development subjects. More specifically, this research examines under what conditions due the subjects for the social and infrastructural intervention become agents who act upon their own priorities, and if their goals are conducted or not by the studied development project. In addition, it examines if the governmental intervention generates possibilities for collective organization, and if it does, what type of values this organization promotes. This ethnography contributes to the understanding of those policies that transform the role of State and the citizens, while producing conflicted ideas regarding the community and notions of wellbeing in times of socio-economic crisis. It also contributes to the general understanding of how governmental interventions are construed and negotiated through local politics, and how political subjects are produced. The data of this situated ethnography, undertaken from 2009-2012, explores the encounter between 1) practice of government: when the law becomes technical and is enacted by state workers and local representatives and 2) practice of politics: how actors react, appropriate or stabilize the development intervention in word or deed. When these political processes are challenged they often open a front of struggle. Since both practices are supported by strong discourses that shape action in social reality, I analyze them from an historical perspective. Also, since these practices are not only produced in the local-community level, but also in the national level, this ethnography takes into account the relationship between both contexts.

This paper aims at illustrating that it is a critical moment for the translocal community of Quemoy for the reason that the price of land in their hometown has risen dramatically in the age of globalization. Land is like the Achilles heel for the construction of translocal community of overseas Quemoy immigrants. When land is well protected, the diasporic solidarity grows energetically, and nourishes the translocal community; when it is badly damaged, the translocal affections might wither, and lead their community to an end. After explaining the reason why the land stands as such an important role for the people of Quemoy at home and abroad, this paper will establish an ideal-type to explore the way people perceive their attachment to the land. This ideal-type of land attachment is constructed by two axes, which are Erich Fromm's "to be" and "to have," in conjunction with the "individual-community" metaphoric contrast. To be and to have being two essential forms of human bonding, the "individual-community" contrast refers to the civilizing process, and the tension of human bond with an "object." Accordingly, land is represented as inspiring nostalgia, as a public sphere, as capital for speculation, and as communal property; these are the four ideal-types of attachment. This paper concludes that the form of land attachment has become more and more diversified since the end of martial law in Quemoy, and the study of the configuration of land attachment will provide an insight into the development of its translocal community.
《大學》中提到:「有德斯有人,有人斯有土,有土斯有財」。土地在華人社會中扮演著重要的角色,更是宗族中的經濟生養與社群凝聚的關鍵。在後冷戰的時期裡,土地價值在全球或多或少都出現了價格飆漲的現象,金門也不例外,甚至由於鄰近中國而更加激烈。有鑑於此,土地的商品化是否會衝擊跨域華人的社群凝聚,也就成為一個重要的課題。藉由金門的個案,本文首先指出追求土地的最高商品價格,並不是人們處理土地時的唯一邏輯,土地在商品化之外,還有其它的產權形式;其次,為能系統地理解土地之產權形式,本文透過了Erich Fromm所提出來之「存有—佔有」的對比,來掌握人與物之間的情感關係,並藉由Karl Polanyi所提到的雙重運動,發展出一組能夠表現現代經濟之緊張的二元架構,即「市場經濟—道德經濟」的隱喻。如此一來,也就能夠發展出四種「土地之情感依附的理念型」,即鄉愁、族產、剬共空間,與商品,據此說明現代人面對土地之情感依附的模式;再者,本文進一步指出,由於金門社會濃厚的宗族色彩,相對傳統的土地觀念卻在戰地政務解除之後,面對全球化的新自由主義及中國的經濟崛起,而呈現了「高強度的混雜現代性」,這不僅使得金門社會對於土地的情感更加複雜,也直接地影響了跨域的金門社群之認同的建構。本文指出,誠然土地會因為市場經濟的運作,而在商品化過程中消解了跨域金門社群內部的連帶,但土地仍可能組合了其它形式的理念型,像是剬共空間、鄉愁,及族產,而生成跨域金門人社群的凝聚,並從中建構社群身份的認同。 (This article is in English.)

Congress passed both the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act ("FCPA" or "the Act") and Sarbanes-Oxley Act ("SOX") in reaction to national corruption and bribery scandals.[1] The reputation and integrity of American companies were under attack as these scandals unraveled and made international news. Allegations of fraud, bribery and illegal practices plagued corporate America. Congress needed legislation to address these problems to ensure its own country, as well as the international community, that the legislature would not tolerate corrupt business practices. The FCPA was enacted to decrease corruption and bribery and to improve the accuracy of accounting and record-keeping of companies, and the SOX was enacted for very similar purposes, yet twenty five years later. The FCPA requires companies to report their financial information in accordance with its provisions, while the SOX requires the Chief Executive Officers and Chief Financial Officers of public companies to guarantee that their financial reports are accurate.[2] During the first twenty five years after the FCPA was enacted, the Department of Justice ("DOJ") and Securities and Exchange Commission ("SEC") did not conduct many investigations into companies that had potentially violated the Act's provisions. However, in the aftermath of the Enron[3] and WorldCom[4] scandals, which lead to the enactment of the SOX in 2002 and subsequent increased international awareness of the problems of bribery and financial fraud, there has been a significant increase in FCPA enforcement.[5] [1] The FCPA was enacted in 1977 in response to the Watergate scandal, and the SOX was enacted in 2002 in response to the Enron and WorldCom scandals. Lawrence A. Cunningham, Sharing Accounting's Burden: Business Lawyers in Enron's Dark Shadows, 57 Bus. Law. 1421, 1427 (2002) (commenting that the Enron scandal that led to the enactment of the SOX is "akin to the straw that broke the camel's back, not a bull in a china shop. The accounting camel's back has been broken before in a similar way. The early 1970s were riddled with accounting horror stories . . . that led to the enactment of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.").[2] See Robert Prentice, Sarbanes-Oxley: The Evidence Regarding the Impact of SOX 404, 29 Cardozo L. Rev. 703, 706 (2007) (The SOX places more responsibility on CEOs and CFOs, as Congress felt that "executive certification would be more meaningful and persuasive to investors if those executives had reasonable grounds to believe that the internal financial controls on the process producing those numbers were solid.").[3] The Texas-based energy company used complex partnerships to mask over $500 million of debt from its books and records. By disguising its financial statements, the company continued to obtain cash and credit payments to run its business operation, despite operating with such a large amount of debt. Enron filed for protection from creditors on December 2, 2002, which became the biggest corporate bankruptcy in American history. Its stock plummeted to merely pennies in 2002, although it previously was worth over $80. See Bethany McLean and Peter Elkin, The Smartest Guys in The Room: The Amazing Rise and Scandalous Fall of Enron (2003); Press Release, U.S. Dep't of Justice, Federal Jury Convicts Former Enron Chief Executives Ken Lay, Jeff Skilling on Fraud, Conspiracy And Related Charges (May 26, 2006), available at http://usdoj.gov/opa/pr/2006/May/06_crm_328.html (commenting that the Enron "scheme" was designed "to make it appear that Enron was growing at a healthy and predictable rate, consistent with analysts' published expectations, that Enron did not have significant write-offs or debt and was worthy of investment-grade credit rating, that Enron was compromised of a number of successful business units, and that the company had an appropriate cash flow.").[4] The Mississippi-based telecommunications company owned MCI, the second largest U.S. long distance carrier. From 1999 to 2002, the company improperly recorded their operating expenses as capital expenses, which falsely and drastically increased its profit margins. See Kyle Vasatka, WorldCom Scandal: A Look Back at One of the Biggest Corporate Scandals in U.S. History, Associated Content, March 8, 2007, http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/162656/worldcom_scandal_a_look_back_at_one.html?cat=3. [5] See David Hess & Cristie L. Ford, Corporate Corruption and Reform Undertakings: A New Approach to an Old Problem, 41 Cornell Int'l L.J. 307, 307-08 (2008) (commenting "[a]lthough [the FCPA's] first twenty-five years were relatively quiet, the same cannot be said for its last five years."); Justin F. Marceau, A Little Less Conversation, A Little More Action: Evaluating and Forecasting the Trend of More Frequent and Severe Prosecutions Under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, 12 Fordham J. Corp. & Fin. L. 285, 285 (2007) (stating that "the Department of Justice has initiated four times more prosecutions over the last five years over the previous five years."); Erin M. Pedersen, , The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act and Its Application to U.S. Business Operations in China, 7 J. Int'l Bus. & L. 13, 14 (2008) (noting that the SEC and DOJ "have recently begun an aggressive enforcement approach to the FCPA. . . . .").

Over fifteen years have elapsed since the transition from the centrally planned economic system started in the early 1990's. During this time agricultural and rural areas of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone profound structural changes with wide variations in the degree of transformation and in the rate of success in creating a competitive market and private ownership based food and agricultural system. By becoming member of the European Union the 'transition' in its traditional interpretation has been concluded in ten of the Central East European countries. The transition to market based agriculture, however, is far from completion in Southern and Eastern Europe and especially in the CIS countries. CONTENTS: From public to private governance of agri-food supply chains in transition countries: Some theoretical and empirical lesson; Johan F. M. Swinnen, Anneleen Vandeplas. Assessing market functioning: The case of the Hungarian milk chain; Heinrich Hockmann, Éva Voneki. Modelling dairy farm size distribution in Poland using an instrumental variable generalized cross entropy markov approach; Axel Tonini, Roel Jongeneel. Spatial integration on the hungarian milk Market; Lajos Zoltán Bakucs, Imre Ferto. Some approaches to the analysis of market structure's impact in milk commodity chain; Petr Novák. A comparative analysis of the meat sector in Hungary and Emilia-Romagna: Performance and efficiency; Cristina Brasili, Roberto Fanfani, Elisa Ricci Maccarini, Irene Monasterolo. Bottlenecks and success factors for the introduction of quality assurance schemes in the agri-food secto; Xavier Gellynck, Bianka Kühne, Adrienn Molnár. The impact of trust on co-operative membership performance and satisfaction in the hungarian horticulture; Lajos Zoltán Bakucs, Imre Ferto, Gábor G. Szabó. Integration of small and medium size farmers by co-operatives in the Hungarian fruit and vegetable sector - A case study; Gábor G. Szabó. Lessons on vertical collaboration in Ukraine; Taras Gagalyuk, Jon Hanf. Promoting sustainable market institutions in the transition economies: The role of international assistance; Nancy J. Cochrane. Role of research and researchers during transition: Case study of Lithuania; Natalija Kazlauskiene, William H. Meyers. Role of state administration in updating land-estate and farm-size conditions; Maria Fekete-Farkas, József Molnár, István Szucs. The role of professional agricultural economics associations in shaping national agricultural policy: The case of SERiA; Wojciech J. Florkowski. Some conceptional thoughts on the impact of social networks on non-farm rural employment; Diana Traikova, Judith Möllers, Jana Fritzsch, Gertrud Buchenrieder. Repayment performance under joint liability borrowing. Does social capital matter? - Evidence from Armenia; Milada Kasarjyan, Jana Fritzsch, Gertrud Buchenrieder, Rüdiger Korff. Agriculture in New Member States - Expectations and lessons learned; Jerzy Wilkin. Hungarian agriculture and EU Accession; Jozsef Popp, Gábor Udovecz. Implications of EU enlargement for agricultural markets in the New Member States; Myrna van Leeuven, Lubica Bartova, Robert M'barek, Emil Erjavec. Structural change and distribution of support in Hungarian agriculture following EU Accession: A preliminary FADN analysis; Carmen Hubbard, Szilárd Podruzsik, Lionel Hubbard. Consequences of the two record years of cereal intervention in Hungary; László Rieger, Gyula Szoke. Sustainability dimensions and income prospects for farming systems in the New Member States; Adriana Cristoiu, Francisco Caceres-Clavero, Blanca Lucena-Cobos. Assessing the implications of EU enlargement for CEEC agri-food trade specialization; Dusan Drabik, Lubica Bartova. The agricultural export-growth Nexus in the EU-27 an the country risk; Maria Sassi. The effect of CAP payments on territorial cohesion; Judit Katona-Kovács. Factors of efficiency change of assets on the EU-15 and Hungarian farms from 1990s; István Takács, Zsolt Baranyai, Emese Takács. The European regional policy in Hungary. An evaluation of the objectives and instruments for the cohesion; Irene Monasterolo. POSTERS: Land policy and farm efficiency: The lessons of Moldova; Dragos Cimpoies, Zvi Lerman. Transformation and its impact on structural changes in Polish agriculture; Renata Przygodzka, Ryta Iwona Dziemianowicz. Change in agricultural holdings structure during the transition period in Slovenia; Andrej Udovc. Large farms in Poland founded on the basis of the prooerty of former state-owned farms (PRGs); Adam Kagan. Changes in land utilisation in Hungary since the transition; Robert Magda. Transformation of agricultural sector of Ukrainian economy: Some social and economic results; Elena Borodina, Alexandra Borodina. Survival analysis of culling reasons and economic examination of production period in sow cullin; Péter Balogh, Imre Ertsey, Sándor Kovács. The effect of funding the investments in the Romanian agricultural holdings through the pre-accession programs; Camelia Toma, Camelia Gavrilescu, Lucian Luca. The institutional support of agricultural loans and its role in Czech agriculture; Lukás Cechura. Technological and economic risk analysis of laying hen breeding applying simulation; Sándor Kovács, Imre Ertsey, Péter Balogh. Impact assessment on milk incentive policies in Turkey: Antalya province case; Cengiz Sayin, M. Nisa Mencet, Suleyman Karaman. From subsistence to efficiency in the Romanian agriculture during transition; Dinu Gavrilescu, Camelia Gavrilescu. Longitudinal study of fruit and vegetable consumption in Hungary; Géza Székely, Dénes Pecze. Competitiveness of Polish food sector after the accession to the European Union; Iwona Szczepaniak, Monika Szczególska. Agricultural technology adoption and land productivity: Evidence from the rice-prawn gher farming system in Bangladesh; Basanta Kumar Barmon, Takumi Kondo, Fumio Osanami

En este trabajo se examina las nuevas condiciones para las relaciones económicas internacionales de Bolivia que ha creado el gobierno del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS). La visión más común en los gobiernos anteriores a los del MAS era que si Bolivia ha de desarrollarse, necesitaba participar ampliamente en el comercio internacional y atraer, al mismo tiempo, flujos de capital externo para financiar las inversiones requeridas para su crecimiento. Se veía a la participación en la globalización como una condición necesaria mas, obviamente, no suficiente para el crecimiento y el desarrollo. La posición del gobierno del MAS difiere en muchos aspectos de la concepción anterior y de las visiones de los gobiernos previos. Ella está claramente más volcada al interior, con un papel más importante para el estado y en pos de una mayor industrialización de los recursos naturales del país, siguiendo modelos de mediados del siglo pasado. Las preguntas que hay que responder son: ¿cuál es el espacio de maniobra del gobierno del MAS dadas las tendencias de los principales socios comerciales de Bolivia y de las fuentes internacionales de financiamiento? ¿Cuán bien preparada está la economía boliviana para actuar bajo otras reglas de juego? ¿Qué consecuencias puede tener el retorno de políticas arcaicas? ; The "deliberative development" approach to policy reform has gained popularity in both academic and policy circles without a clear understanding of the requirements for its success. Based on a reading of the deliberative democracy literature, we detail those requirements, finding them to be quite restrictive. We then examine Bolivia's 2000 National Dialogue, a national deliberation on development policy, and find—not surprisingly—that these requirements were generally missing. More importantly, we demonstrate that the lack of these requirements is not benign: the institutional characteristics of the Dialogue had direct effects, and the Dialogue continues to affect Bolivia's politics in debatable ways. The late 1990s and early part of this decade witnessed what appeared to be a major change in the approach of international development institutions to policy reform. The most important evidence of this change was the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) initiative of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. This initiative, which arose in 1999 in the context of updating the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries' (HIPC) Initiative, required countries to prepare a PRSP prior to receiving debt relief (see International Monetary Fund and International Development Association, 1999). Each country's PRSP was to outline an overall strategy to reduce poverty, including structural reforms such as trade and privatization as well as specific anti-poverty programs. These PRSPs are now required to receive any World Bank or IMF concessional assistance. What made the PRSP initiative particularly innovative and noteworthy was that the Bank and Fund required that the strategy be developed in a "participatory" way. That is, the PRSP needed to be based on some sort of consultative process by which the government solicited input from various societal groups—including local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), businesses, and unions—and then incorporated those preferences in the policy. This approach to government policymaking seemed to go directly against a line of academic work on economic reform that had been influential in these institutions for years (e.g. Sturzenneger and Tommasi, 1998), arguing that there was an inverse relationship between the success of economic reform and the amount of participation of society in making policies. Having criticized this old approach for years, most NGOs and developing country governments supported the new direction taken by the World Bank and IMF. In fact, few critics of the approach (e.g. Stewart and Wang, 2003) have critiqued the idea of participation, most instead focusing their critiques on the poor "extent" and "quality" of participation. In one of the benchmark articles supporting this "deliberative" approach to policy reform, Peter Evans (2004) notes that such an approach to policymaking is supported by work by the economists Amartya Sen (1999) and Dani Rodrik (2000), who argue that participation and public deliberation are means to better policies. Evans writes, "If it were possible to implant this sort of deliberative process in political units large enough to impact developmental trajectories—say, the provincial or municipal level—we would have something that could be called 'deliberative development'" (2004: 37). Discussing examples from Porto Alegre, Brazil, and Kerala, India, Evans goes on to argue that this type of development is not only desirable, but attainable. Despite its increasing popularity in the academic and policy worlds, we still know little about what is needed for the deliberative development approach to be successful. While it may be true that political processes in Porto Alegre, Kerala, and elsewhere have exhibited deliberative aspects as well as positive development outcomes, the particular details of how the former relates to the latter remain murky. Are deliberative processes appropriate for all development decisions? Are there particular characteristics of the society that need to be present in order for deliberation to work well? Are there particular characteristics of the deliberative institutions that need to be present? Can there be any negative effects if deliberation is not done well? If the deliberative development approach is to be considered a viable and superior policymaking alternative, these questions must be answered.

Luego de años de hegemonía neoliberal en la Argentina, a partir del 2003, se ha producido un cambio de modelo de gobierno que propone un Estado con fuerte intervención en la economía y producción de políticas públicas de carácter social. En este contexto, las organizaciones que emergieron con fuerza en los 90 sobre el eje de trabajo digno (movimientos piqueteros, fabricas y empresas Recuperadas, etc.) y de rechazo hacia la corrupción y representación política, contenida en el que se vayan todos?(asambleas barriales y puebladas), se transformaron en organizaciones con nuevas lógicas, de fuerte participación juvenil, que se identifican con el Estado y experimentan nuevos modos de hacer política. En este artículo, tomamos un caso concreto de Córdoba capital: la organización territorial La Tosco en el Movimiento Evita, con la intención de analizar, comprender e intentar explicar, los modos actuales de organización política tanto a nivel de los movimientos sociales como en su relación con el Estado. Nuestro supuesto de trabajo es que los cambios ocurridos a partir del 2003, condicionan los nuevos modos de hacer política y de organizarse al interior de las mismas. A partir de esta tesis, nos proponemos abordar el proceso de integración de la organización político-social horizontal y de trabajo local La Tosco, en el espacio del Movimiento Evita, movimiento político-social con conducción vertical y de carácter nacional, intentando, a través de las apreciaciones de los y las integrantes de La Tosco, poner de relieve las tensiones, las disputas, la cuestión de género en este tipo de procesos, y la dificultad de amalgamar formas de pensamiento y acción que aparecerían como contrapuestas en muchos casos. ; After years of neoliberal hegemony in Argentina, since 2003, there has been a change in the model of government that proposes a strong state intervention in the economy and production of social public policies. In this context, organizations that emerged strongly in the 90 on the axis of 'decent work' (picketers movements, recuperated factories and enterprises, etc.) and rejection of corruption and political representation, contained in the "throw them all" (neighborhood assemblies and uprisings), were transformed into organizations with new logics, strong participation of youth who identifies with the state and experiment new ways of doing politics. In this article, we take a specific case of Córdoba city: The Tosco territorial organization in the Evita Movement, with the intention to analyze, understand and try to explain, the current modes of political organization at both social movements and in their relationship with the state. Our working assumption is that changes since 2003, determine new ways of doing politics and organizing within them. From this thesis, we aim to address the integration of The Tosco, a horizontal and local labor socio-political organization, in the movement Evita, social-political movement with vertical and national leading, trying through the appreciation of male and female members of The Tosco highlight tensions, disputes, the issue of gender in these processes, and the difficulty of amalgamating forms of thought and action which would appear as contradictory in many cases. ; Depois de anos de hegemonia neoliberal na Argentina, desde 2003, se tem produzido uma mudança no modelo de governo, cuja proposta é a de uma forte intervenção do Estado na economia e de produção de políticas públicas sociais. Neste contexto, as organizações que surgiram fortemente na década de 1990 sobre o eixo do "trabalho digno" (movimentos piqueteiros, fábricas e empresas recuperadas, etc.), que rejeitavam a corrupção e a representação política, contidas na máxima "Que todos devem ir embora" (assembleias e manifestações de bairro), se transformaram em organizações com novas lógicas, com forte participação dos jovens, que se identificam com o Estado e experimentam novas formas de fazer política. Partimos neste artigo de um caso concreto de Córdoba: a organização territorial La Tosco, do Movimento Evita, que tem como intenção analisar, compreender e tentar explicar os atuais modos de organização política, tanto no que se referem os movimentos sociais como também nas suas relações com o Estado. Nossa hipótese de trabalho é que as mudanças ocorridas a partir de 2003 condicionam os novos modos de fazer política e de auto-organização desses movimentos. A partir desta tese, pretendemos abordar o processo de integração da organização sócio-política La Tosco (movimento político horizontal e de trabalho local), no espaço do Movimento Evita (movimento político-social com condução vertical e de caráter nacional), tentando, por meio das opiniões dos/das integrantes da La Tosco, desvendar as tensões, as disputas, a questão de gênero nesses tipos de processos, e a dificuldade de conciliar formas de pensamento e de ação, que aparecem como contrapostas em muitos casos. ; Fil: Bard Wigdor, Gabriela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina ; Fil: Rasftopolo, Alexis Pedro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

Very small enterprises (VSEs) in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) represent a broad and heterogeneous segment, often underserved by formal financial institutions. They are generally informal and often family businesses. The financial needs of these enterprises are typically overlooked by "downscaling" banks, which find larger and often more formal small and medium enterprises (SMEs) to be a more natural market for their products and services. Microfinance Institutions (MFIs) are starting to move upmarket to serve SMEs, and in particular, VSEs within this segment. However, they use varying definitions, methodologies and products to do so and to date there has been little research or documentation of their experiences. This report highlights the results of a recent study of the existing practices in Latin America of MFIs serving VSEs, where VSEs are considered to be those businesses with financing needs of between US$7,000 and US$30,000. It is a starting point for an institution considering entering the segment, or for one that finds itself having grown into the segment "organically" but with a view to strengthen its position. It includes several checklists for MFIs interested in expanding upmarket into the VSE space, as well as more detailed discussions and examples of the most relevant points.

Volume I -- 1 Cambridge, That Was: The Crucible of Heterodox Economics -- 1.1 The Narrative -- 1.2 Evolutions and Revolutions -- 1.2.1 The Great Banyan of Heterodox Traditions -- 1.2.2 Cohorts -- 1.2.3 The Cambridge Habitat -- 1.2.4 Which Cambridge? -- 1.3 Regime Change -- 1.3.1 The World of Cambridge: Stories Within -- 1.3.2 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: Neoliberalism at the Gates -- 1.4 The Dialectic of Competing Paradigms -- 1.4.1 Laissez-Faire: "Receding at last into the distance" -- 1.4.2 The Force of Ideas -- 1.4.3 Opposition Brewing -- 1.4.4 Evolutions and Hegemonic Incorporation -- 1.4.5 Ideological: Not the Techniques but the Purposes of Economics -- 1.4.6 Sociological: Mathematical Whiz-Kids and Ageing Dinosaurs -- 1.4.7 Beyond Kuhnian Reductionism -- 1.4.8 Mankiw's Pendulum -- 1.4.9 Solow's À La Carte Approach -- 1.4.10 Silos and Trenches -- 1.4.11 Joan Versus Hahn—History Versus Equilibrium -- 1.5 Semantics and Pedantics -- References -- 2 The Warring Tribes -- 2.1 A Sanctuary of Sages -- 2.1.1 Class to Community: The Cement of War -- 2.1.2 Community to Conflict: Cement to Sand -- 2.1.3 A Pride of Savage Prima Donnas -- 2.2 Faculty Wars -- 2.2.1 Paradise Lost -- 2.2.2 Fault Lines Within -- Wynne Godley: No Legacy No Synthesis, No Textbooks—The Samuelson Factor -- Shifting Student Preferences? -- "Irrelevance" and Irreverence: Joan and K-Theory -- Inbred Insularity, Complacency -- Simultaneities in the Demographic Lifecycle -- Lack of Internal Group Coherence -- The Heterodox Camp: No Chairs—Sorry, Standing Room Only -- A Break in Intergenerational Transmission, in the Reproduction of Traditions -- 2.3 Godfathers, Uncles and Nephews: The Gathering Foe -- 2.3.1 The Trojan Horse: By the Pricking of My Thumbs -- 2.3.2 Forming the Academy -- Meanwhile, at the Orthodox Party—A Merry Game of Musical Chairs -- 2.3.3 The Chess Master -- 2.4 The Campaign: How the War Was Lost and Won -- 2.4.1 The Orthodox Gambit: Capture the External Commanding Heights -- 2.4.2 Carrots and Commanders -- 2.4.3 Modus Operandi: Masters, Mandarins and Interlocking Committees -- References -- 3 Worlds Beyond Cambridge: The Global Web of the 'Neoliberal Thought Collective' -- 3.1 Conjunctures -- 3.1.1 1930s, The Prelude -- LSE Versus Cambridge -- Émigré Economists: The Benefactions of Lenin and Hitler -- 3.1.2 1940s, The Cascade -- 3.1.3 Keynesianism: Divergent Receptions -- Post-war Affinity in the UK -- Post-New Deal Hostility in the USA -- 3.2 Spreading the Word: Messiahs, Messages, Methods -- 3.2.1 Ideas and Ideologies: Manufacturers and Retailers -- 3.2.2 USA: Early Ideological Entrepreneurs of Libertarianism -- Harold Luhnow: The Volker Fund and its Dollars -- Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) and its Facilitators -- 3.2.3 Europe: Friedrich Hayek and the Mont Pelerin Society -- Antecedents -- Pilgrims Atop a Mountain, Mont Pelerin, Switzerland, April 1947 -- Financial Sponsors -- The First Meeting of Minds -- Sarcastic Schumpeter, Sceptical Solow, Scathing Samuelson -- 3.2.4 UK: Antony Fisher, Global Venture Capitalist of Think Tanks -- 3.3 Branding the Message: The 'Nobel' Prize -- 3.3.1 The Stockholm Connection: Ideological Entrepreneurs -- 3.3.2 Some Early Awards: Setting the Direction -- Jan Tinbergen—Ragnar Frisch 1969 -- Samuelson 1970 -- Gunnar Myrdal—Friedrich von Hayek 1974 -- Milton Friedman 1976 -- 3.3.3 Mont Pelerin Society and the 'Nobel'—A Golden Embrace -- 3.3.4 Cambridge Heterodoxy? -- 3.3.5 'An Ideological Coup' -- 3.4 Reaching Politics: Weaponising the Message -- 3.4.1 Santiago de Chile: Pinochet the Pioneer -- Chicago and its Cowboys -- Thatcher: Romancing Pinochet's Chile -- 3.4.2 The White House: Reagan, a Disciple -- 3.4.3 10 Downing Street: Thatcher, a Devotee -- More than its Weight in Gold—The Market Price of Symbolic Capital -- 3.4.4 Pulling Together -- 3.5 Besieging Cambridge: The Chicago–MIT–LSE Trinity -- 3.5.1 A Cross-Atlantic Triangle -- 3.5.2 Diversity of Practice -- 3.5.3 Unity of Purpose -- References -- 4 Camp Skirmishes Over Interstitial Spaces: Journals, Seminars, Textbooks -- 4.1 The Battle of Teruel—The Day before -- 4.2 Journals -- 4.2.1 EJ Leaves 'Home'—The Loss of a Flagship -- 4.2.2 CJE Arrives—A Forum of One's Own -- 4.2.3 Cambridge Economic Policy Review: One Crowded Hour of Glorious Life -- 4.3 Seminars -- 4.3.1 Cambridge Economic Club—A Marshallian Precursor: 1884–1890, 1896–? -- 4.3.2 Political Economy Club: From Keynes to Robertson to Kahn—Dazzling to Dour -- 4.3.3 The Marshall Society: A Socialisation into Economics and Its Purposes -- 4.3.4 Piero Sraffa's Research Students Seminar: A Precocious Nursery -- 4.3.5 In Retrospect, Austin Robinson on the Cambridge Circus: The Engine Room of The General Theory -- 4.3.6 Cambridge–LSE Joint Seminar: Jousting Juniors -- 4.3.7 Kahn's 'Secret' Seminar at King's: Fires in the Kitchen -- 4.3.8 The Richard Stone Common Room: Typhoo and Typhoons -- 4.3.9 Ajit Singh's Political Economy Seminar at Queens': Young Turks -- 4.3.10 Arestis and Kitson Political Economy Seminar at St. Catherine's College -- 4.3.11 Hahn's Churchill Seminar: Only Maths and Neoclassicals, Others Beware -- 4.3.12 Cambridge Growth Project Seminar at DAE -- 4.3.13 Hahn's 'Quaker' Risk Seminar: The Rising Tide -- 4.3.14 Matthews's CLARE Group: The Master's Lodge of Moderate Practitioners -- 4.3.15 Lawson—Realism and Social Ontology: Ways of Seeing and Framing -- 4.4 Textbooks -- 4.4.1 Distant Thunder: Keynes and McCarthy, Tarshis and Samuelson -- 4.4.2 Lawrence Klein and the Paradox of The Keynesian Revolution -- Puzzle -- Ph.D.—At Samuelson's Feet -- Cowles Commission—The New Dealers -- The Keynesian Revolution: The Extra Chapter— Klein, Then a Closet Marxist? -- Beyond Keynes -- UMich and McCarthyism -- Policy to Forecasting -- Resolution -- 4.4.3 'Death of a Revolutionary Textbook': Robinson and Eatwell -- 4.4.4 An 'Applied Economics' Textbook That Wasn't: Joan and Young Friends -- 4.5 The Battle of Teruel—The Day After -- Appendix 4.1: First off the Blocks: Mabel Timlin's Keynesian Economics, 1942 -- References -- 5 The DAE Trilogy -- 5.1 Origins and Evolution -- 5.1.1 Origins -- 5.1.2 Evolution: Substance and Styles -- 5.1.3 Foundations of Stone -- 5.1.4 Reddaway's Method: Eclectic Development -- 5.1.5 Godley: Turbulent Times -- 5.2 End of the Golden Age: The Decade of Discontent -- 5.3 The Trilogy: Discrete Episodes or a Serial Campaign? -- Appendix 5.1: DAE—Finding a Good Home -- References -- 6 Cambridge Economic Policy Group: Beheading a Turbulent Priest -- 6.1 Charged Conjuncture -- 6.1.1 Imbroglios of 1974: Old Versus New Cambridge Versus the Establishment -- 6.1.2 The Enigma of Kahn -- 6.1.3 Kaldor: On Radical Policy Implications of New Cambridge, 1976 -- 6.1.4 Cambridge Squabbles: Spillover into Whitehall? -- 6.1.5 Triggering Crisis: The Pivot of the OPEC Price Hikes -- 6.1.6 1979: Enter Margaret Thatcher, Right-Wing, Upfront -- 6.1.7 The Case of the Odd Consensus: The Letter by 364 Economists, 1981 -- 6.1.8 Thatcher in the Garage of the Federal Reserve -- 6.1.9 1981: Brixton Riots, Toxteth Fires: "A Concentration of Hopelessness" -- 6.1.10 The CEPG: A Thorn in the Thatcher Hide -- 6.1.11 The Bogey of Import Controls and the Spectre of Bennism -- 6.2 SSRC and CEPG: Dispensing Instant Injustice -- 6.2.1 Posner's Parlour -- 6.2.2 Posner's Process -- 6.3 Epilogue -- 6.3.1 Vengeance -- 6.3.2 The Team Scattered -- 6.3.3 The Model Reincarnated -- 6.3.4 The Rehabilitation of Wynne -- 6.3.5 Wynne Godley: 'My Credo' … -- 6.3.6 The Pacification of the CEPG -- Appendix 6.1: Old Cambridge, New Cambridge, 1974: and All the King's Men -- 1. Letter WG to RFK 23 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/3 -- 2. Letter NK to RFK 20 May 1974. JVR/ vii/228/3/14-16 -- 3. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 24 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/17-20 -- 4. Letter from RFK and MP to NK 28 May 1974. JVR/vii/228/3/24 -- 5. Letter from FC to RFK 29 May 1974. JVR/7/228/3/25 -- 6. Reply from RFK to FC 6 June 1974. JVR/7/228/3/24 -- 7. In the interim, NK replied to RFK and MP. JVR/7/228/3/26 -- 8. Letter from NK to RFK. RFK/12/2/132/3 -- References -- 7 'Unintended' Collateral Damage? The Cambridge Economic Policy Group and the Joseph-Rothschild-Posner SSRC Enquiry, 1982 -- 7.1 Joseph—Rothschild—Posner—Godley -- 7.2 The Posner-the-Saviour Narrative -- 7.3 Setting Up the Enquiry -- 7.4 Who Proposed Rothschild? -- 7.5 Rothschild Report Writing Process -- 7.6 The Judgement of Rothschild -- 7.7 Between Draft and Release and Response: Handshakes and Cigars -- 7.8 Did Posner Get Away with Just a Change of Name? -- 7.9 CEPG—Collateral Damage? Or, Traded Down the River? -- 7.10 The Rothschild Report: Gleanings on Macroeconomic Modelling -- 7.11 Lord Kaldor—Off the Record, Off the Cuff, Off the Mark? -- 7.12 Lord Harris' Vitriol -- 7.13 Catholicity and Independence -- 7.14 Rothschild's Last Word -- 7.15 Joseph's Last Laugh -- References -- 8 Cambridge Growth Project: Running the Gauntlet -- 8.1 Background and Conjuncture -- 8.1.1 The Decision -- 8.2 Substantive Issues -- 8.2.1 No Innovation? -- 8.2.2 Catholicity, Turnover and the Value of Disaggregation -- 8.2.3 Use of Input-Output Tables -- 8.2.4 CGP Presence in Policy Debates -- 8.2.5 Insularity -- 8.2.6 On Exploiting the Cheap Labour of Graduate Students -- 8.3 Issues of Procedural Probity -- 8.3.1 Shifting Goalposts Across Evaluations -- 8.3.2 Unequal Application of Criterion of Commercial Funding -- 8.3.3 Public Good or Private Resource? -- 8.3.4 ESRC Ignored CGP Model Performance: Why? -- 8.3.5 Compromised 'Independent' Evidence -- 8.4 Other Concerns -- 8.4.1 'Reds'? -- 8.4.2 Crowding Out Competitors? -- 8.4.3 Deadweight Loss of Built-up Intellectual Capital -- 8.4.4 Gratuitously Offensive: Up Close and Out of Order -- 8.4.5 The Consortium: 'Revived Talk of Conspiracy Theory' -- 8.4.6 I.

En Colombia, a pesar de que la salud es un derecho fundamental consagrado en la Constitución Política de 1991, un gran porcentaje de personas no tiene acceso oportuno y de calidad a los servicios sanitarios, especialmente aquellas de bajos recursos o que habitan en regiones apartadas de las principales ciudades. Lo anterior, además de generar una problemática social y humanitaria de gravedad, constituye un obstáculo adicional para el camino hacia el desarrollo integral del país. Aunque la cobertura del Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud en Colombia es mayor al 90% , convirtiéndose en la mejor en la región, es importante analizar otros indicadores, como el acceso, para comprender el nivel real de calidad del sistema de salud, pues es el que describe la real accesibilidad que tienen las personas a los servicios sanitarios cuando son requeridos. En este caso, en Colombia existen muchas barreras de entrada y oportunidades de mejora, pues un alto porcentaje de personas no pueden acceder a los servicios de salud a tiempo por diferentes motivos. En los últimos 10 años, gracias al importante crecimiento que ha tenido la penetración del Internet y de los dispositivos móviles en Colombia, el consumo de productos digitales ha aumentado considerablemente y las personas están cada vez más dispuestas a usar las tecnologías para satisfacer sus necesidades. Adicionalmente, la pandemia por Covid-19 ha dado un gran impulso a los servicios de telemedicina que antes tenían un grado de resistencia por parte de los usuarios, convirtiéndose en una alternativa eficiente y segura para garantizar el acceso a la salud de millones de personas. Doctor Domi es un intraemprendimiento de telesalud que tendrá lugar en el segundo semestre de 2021 dentro de la empresa ADOM Salud, una IPS de atención domiciliaria en Bogotá, Colombia. Este proyecto se plantea como objetivo principal el acercar la atención médica a los estratos 1 y 2 de la capital colombiana, con calidad, oportunidad, humanidad y a un bajo costo, a través de una plataforma web, consolidándose como una marca reconocida por su labor social en la prevención, promoción y acción en la salud pública. Aunque anteriormente han surgido diferentes soluciones de telesalud en el mercado colombiano, en su gran mayoría están enfocadas en poblaciones con poder adquisitivo alto y con experiencia en el uso de dispositivos tecnológicos, lo cual genera una importante barrera de entrada para las poblaciones más vulnerables. En lo anterior, Doctor Domi ha encontrado una oportunidad de negocio y ha construido las bases de su principal ventaja competitiva: crear una plataforma web con servicios de telesalud de fácil navegación, comprensión y acceso para personas que no tienen grandes conocimientos de tecnología y navegación en Internet, además que no cuentan con grandes recursos económicos para gastar. La entrada de Doctor Domi al mercado se hará en los estratos 1 y 2 de Bogotá, específicamente en las localidades de San Cristóbal, Tunjuelito, Usme y Ciudad Bolívar, al sur de la ciudad, pues allí hay una importante densidad poblacional del mercado objetivo de Doctor Domi: familias que devengan menos de dos salarios mínimos mensuales en total (COP $1.817.000 / USD $491) y que tienen solo afiliación a EPS, es decir, no cuentan con un seguro de salud privado adicional o medicina prepagada. Sin embargo, se espera que el proyecto en sus fases siguientes pueda proyectarse a otras regiones del país y del continente. Inicialmente, Doctor Domi ofrecerá consultas con médico general y médico internista, pero con proyecciones a ampliar la oferta de especialidades en las siguientes etapas de 15 expansión. Según proyecciones realizadas en el proyecto, teniendo en cuenta el tamaño de la población de las localidades y los indicadores de morbilidad en cada una de ellas, se estableció que el mercado total disponible -TAM- es de 587.708 personas. Así mismo, se definió que el SAM (Serviceable Available Market) está conformado por las personas pertenecientes al grupo etario de 16 a 50 años, que cuentan con acceso a un dispositivo electrónico para navegar en internet y tienen el poder adquisitivo para pagar una consulta con Doctor Domi, siendo un total de 482.451 personas. En los primeros cinco se espera ganar una participación del SAM del 24%. En cuanto a los indicadores financieros, se espera que Doctor Domi tenga ventas en su primer año de $2.277.168.720 (USD $615.451) y $3.255.818.640 (USD $879.951) en 2025. Su WACC se estima en el 14%, el EBITDA en 13.2% y un VPN de $2.330.292.152 (USD $629.836). ; In Colombia, despite the fact that health is a fundamental right enshrined in the Political Constitution of 1991, a large percentage of people do not have quality access to health services, especially those with low incomes and/or living in regions far from the main cities. This, in addition to generating a serious social and humanitarian problem, represents an additional obstacle on the road to the country's development. Although the coverage of the General Social Security Health System in Colombia is over 90%, making it the best in the region, it is important to analyze other indicators, such as access, in order to understand the real level of quality of the health system, since this is what describes the real accessibility that people have to health services when they are required. In this case, in Colombia there are many entry barriers and opportunities for improvement, since a high percentage of people cannot access health services on time because of different reasons. In the last 10 years, thanks to the significant growth the Internet and mobile devices penetration in Colombia, the consumption of digital products has increased considerably and people are increasingly willing to use technologies to meet their needs. Additionally, the Covid-19 pandemic has given a great boost to telemedicine services that previously had a degree of resistance from users, becoming an efficient and safe alternative to ensure access to health for millions of people. Doctor Domi is a telehealth intrapreneurship that will take place in the second half of 2021 within the company ADOM Salud, a home care healthcare company (IPS, as called in Colombia) in Bogota. The main objective of this project is to bring medical care closer to the poorest people of the Colombian capital, with quality, opportunity, humanity and at a low cost, through a web platform, consolidating itself as a brand recognized for its social work in prevention, promotion and action in public health. Although different telehealth solutions have previously emerged in the Colombian market, most of them are focused on targets with high purchasing power and expertise in the use of technological devices, which generates an important entry barrier for the most vulnerable populations. In the above, Doctor Domi has found a business opportunity and has built th e basis of its main competitive advantage: to create a web platform with telehealth services that are easy to navigate, understand and access for people who do not have great knowledge of technology and Internet navigation, and who do not have large economic resources to spend. Doctor Domi will enter the market in the poorest neighborhoods of Bogota, specifically in the ones called San Cristobal, Tunjuelito, Usme and Ciudad Bolivar, in the south area of the city, since there is a significant number of people of Doctor Domi's target market: families earning less than two minimum monthly salaries in total (COP $1,817,000 / USD $491) and who are only affiliated to the basic health program (EPS) and do not have additional private health insurance. However, the project is expected to expand to other regions of the country and the continent in its next phases. Initially, Doctor Domi will offer doctor's consultations with general practitioners and internists, but with projections to expand the range of specialties in the following stages of expansion. According to projections made in the project, taking into account the population size of the localities and the morbidity indicators in each one of them, it was established that the total available market -TAM- is 587,708 people. Likewise, it was defined that the SAM (Serviceable Available Market) is made up of people belonging to the age group of 16 to 50 years old, who have access to an electronic device to surf the Internet and have the purchasing power to pay for a consultation with Doctor Domi, being a total of 482,451 people. In the first five years, a SAM share of 24% is expected to be gained. In terms of financial indicators, Doctor Domi is expected to have sales in its first year of $2,277,168,720 (USD $615,451) and $3,255,818,640 (USD $879,951) in 2025. Its WACC is estimated at 14%, EBITDA at 13.2% and NPV of $2,330,292,152 (USD $629,836).

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji dan menganalisis pengaruh pendapatanasli daerah, dana alokasi umum, dana alokasi khusus terhadap belanja modal dengan pertumbuhan ekonomi sebagai variabel moderasi pada pemerintah daerah kabupaten/kota di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat pada tahun 2015-2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif dengan data sekunder yangdiambil dari website bps dan djpk. Sampel dalam penelitian ini sebanyak 12 kabupaten dan 2 kota selama periode 5 tahun dengan teknik sensus sebagai teknik penarikan sampel. Teknik analisis data menggunakan aplikasi linier berganda yaitu Moderated Regression Analysis (MRA) yang mengandung unsur interaksi dengan menggunakan bantuan perangkat lunak SPSS 25. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dana alokasi khusus berpengaruh positifterhadap belanja modal. Sedangkan pendapatan asli daerah, dana alokasi umum tidak berpengaruh terhadap belanja modal. 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Pengaruh Pendapatan Asli Daerah, Dana Alokasi Umum, dan Dana Alokasi Khusus Terhadap Belanja Modal Dengan Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Sebagai Variabel Pemoderasi. (Skripsi) Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia.Zulfikar, A. (2017). Pengaruh Sisa Anggaran, Pendapatan Sendiri dan Dana Perimbangan Terhadap Belanja Modal (Studi Empiris Pada Pemerintah Kabupaten/Kota di Provinsi NTB dan NTT Periode 2016). (Skripsi) Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang, Indonesia.

ÖZKüresel ilaç ve biyoteknoloji endüstrisi 2011 yılı sonu itibariyle yaklaşık960 milyar dolar tutarında bir hacme ulaşmış ve önceki beşyıllık dönemde ortalama yıllık % 7,8 seviyesinde bir büyümesergilemiştir. Yeniilaçkeşfi, geliştirmesi ve pazarlaması üstüne kurulu iş modeliyle, ve 20 yıllık patent hakkının sağladığı korumayla bu endüstrikalıcı ve istikrarlı bir büyüme yaşamıştır. Tarihsel olarak civarındabrüt kâr marjı, -50 aralığındafaaliyetmarjı ve sağlıklı serbest nakitakışı sayesinde ilaç endüstrisi kârlı bir endüstri olagelmiştir.Ancak endüstrinin büyümesini sağlayan bu ilaçların patent koruma sürelerininson yıllarda teker teker dolmasıyla endüstri yaklaşık 125 milyar dolar civarında bir satış kaybı yaşamış, vegüçlü bir yeni ürün hattınınolmamasından dolayı bu kaybı telaffi edememiştir. İlaç maliyetleri çoğunlukla devletler tarafından karşılandığından endüstri genellikle olumlu bir ekonomik büyüme ortamından yararlanagelmiştir. Yavaşlayanküresel ekonomive yaşlanan nüfusa bağlı artansağlıkkaynakları kullanımı, özellikleAmerika BirleşikDevletleri veAvrupaBirliğiülkelerinde sağlığa ayrılan fonların ekonomiye oranının artmasına neden olup endüstrinin aleyhinde bir durum yaratmıştır.Sonuç olarak ilaç şirketleri bu olumsuzpiyasa koşullarının üstünden gelmek vebüyümelerinisürdürmek içinyeni büyüme stratejileri arama yoluna gitmiş, vesüratlegelişmekte olan, ve Türkiye'nin de dahil kabul edildiği Yükselen BRIC(Brezilya, Hindistan, ÇinveBrezilya) Pazarlarına öncelik vermişlerdir. Bu ekonomilerin, %5-10 yıllık GSYİH büyüme sergilemeleri, nüfuslarının sağlık hizmetlerine erişiminin ve ihtiyariharcamalarının artması tümküresel ilaç şirketleriiçinumut verici birgörünümsunmuştur.Ancak, hergelişmekte olan piyasakendine özgünsosyo-ekonomik ve politik özellikler gösterdiğindengelişmiş piyasalardabaşarılı olmuş yöntemleri aynen uygulamak aynı başarıyı tekrarlamaya yeterli olmayacaktır. Bir önliteratür taramasıbuaraştırma konusununincelenmediğini ortaya koymuştur. Butezinamacı Yükselen Pazarlarda ilaç ve biyoteknoloji şirketlerininkârlı büyümesini teminen nitelvenicel olarak başarı etmenlerini araştırmaktır.Niteliksel araştırma yöntemi akademik kurumlarca basılmışyayınları, düşüncetankları, yaşam bilimlerisanayidergileri, hükümetlerveyönetim danışmanlıkfirmalarının yayınları taranması ve bahsi geçen başarılı uygulamaların saptanması şeklinde gerçekleştirilmiştir.Retrospektif gözlemselmalianalizigerçekleştirmek amacıyla ise, küresel ölçektefaaliyet gösteren en büyük 14ilaç vebiyoteknoloji şirket verileri yatırımcılara açık kaynaklardan derlenmiş, ve endüstride yaygın olarak kullanılan finansal yaklaşım yöntemi kullanılarak ikiayrı gruptaincelenmiştir.Sermayekârlılığı ve yatırımcılara geri dönüş değişkenleri 2009 den2011'i kapsayanüç yıllık birsüre içindedeğerlendirilmiştir. 2007-2011dönemine de bakılmakla beraber 2008ekonomik krizinin olumsuz ve tekil etkileri dolayısıyla bu dönemi kullanmaktan vazgeçilmiştir. Buçalışma, ilaç ve biyoteknolojişirketleri için bu firmaların ürün portföylerinin farklı olmasından dolayı, ayrı ayrı tekrarlanmıştır.Karşıılaştırmalıçıkarıma gidebilmek içintakvim ve maliyıllarnormalize edilmiştir.Araştırmaya alınan ilaç ve biyoteknoloji firmaları AmerikaBirleşik Devletleri, İngiltereveyaİsviçre merkezli, dünya çapındaoperasyonları olan,yıllık satışları 20 ila61 milyar dolar aralğında ve hisseleri NYSE veya NASDAQ'ta işlem gören firmalar arasından derlenmiştir.Yatırımcıya Geri Dönüşve Yatırılan Sermaye Dönüşü parametrelrini belirlemek için kamuya aşık şirketlerin malikaynaklarıtoplanmış vedaha sonrakarşılaştırmalısonuç eldeedebilmek içintakvim yıllarıyla firmaların maliyıllarıayarlanmak suretiylenormalize edilmiştir.Nitel çalışma ilaç ve biyoteknoloji firmalarının Gelişmekte OlanPazarlarda yatırımcıdeğeri oluşturmak ve rekabetçi kalmak için tez kapsamında bulunan yedibaşarı faktörü aşağıda sıralanmıştır:1. Yerli Üretim Yapabilme Kabiliyeti2. Hızlı ve iyi ilişkilere dayanan Ruhsat ve Düzenleme Yetenekleri3. Ticari Organizasyon ModelininYükselen Pazar Koşullarınahitabedebilmesi4. GenişveVerimli bir Dağıtım Ağına Sahib olabilmek5. Devlet İhalelerinde Dinamik FiyatlandırmaYetenekleri6. Yerel Klinil Çalışma yapan düşünce liderlerini küreselKlinik Çalışma ve ürün geliştirme yapan liderlerlebütünleştirebilen bir Medikal Bölüm kabiliyeti, ve7. Yetkin ve yetenekli yerel personele erişim, işe alma ve işte tutma becerisi.Nicel olaraksa, Amerika BirleşikDevletleri'nde elde edilensatışYatırımcıya Geri Dönüş itibariylepozitif birkorelasyon gösterirken Yükselen Pazarlardakı satış geliri ilepozitif bir korelasyongörülmemiştir. Aynı örneklem için, Yatırılan Sermaye Kârlılığı hemilaç ve biyoteknolojifirmalarının satış gelirleri ilepozitif bir korelasyongöstermiştir. Bu bulgular, firmaların Yükselen Pazarlara girerken Yatırımcıya Geri Dönüş açısından getiri beklememelerini ve Yatırılan Sermaye Geri dönüşübazında da mütevazıbir beklentiiçinde olmalarını ortaya koymaktadır.ABSTRACTThe global pharmaceutical industry generated approximately $960 billion in revenue in 2011 demonstrating a 7.8% compounded annual growth rate (CAGR) for the preceding five years. This industry, with its foundation in discovering, developing and marketing innovative medications had the benefit of patent lives -lasting around 20 years- providing sustenance for the business to grow steadily. It has been historically a profitable business with gross margins around 80% and operating margins in the range of 40-50%.While the industry enjoyed sustained free cash flow, over the last few years, it has been challenged by the expiry of patents of its products leading to massive revenue losses estimated around $125 billion and lack of a robust product pipeline to replace the lost revenue. Since the industry heavily relies on the governments to pay for its medicinal products, it thrives on a healthy economic mega-system. Industry's challenge was further compounded by a slowing global economy and an aging population utilizing more healthcare resources and increasing healthcare costs in developed countries, particularly in the United States and the European Union countries. These unfavorable market conditions pushed the pharmaceutical companies to identify new strategic value levers to sustain its growth, and consequently the industry set out to expeditiously expand its footprint in the emerging markets. As the beneficiaries of the globalizing economy, the BRIC (Brazil, India, China & Brazil) bloc of countries and Turkey had offered the biggest growth platform. These economies have demonstrated a vivid GDP growth in the range of 5-10% annual growth and, thanks to an increase in access to medicine and surge in discretionary spending of their population; offer a promising outlook to all global companies. In this context, products of pharmaceutical companies are well-positioned to address healthcare needs of the growing and aging populations in the Emerging Markets.Nonetheless, each individual emerging market demonstrates unique socio-economic and political characteristics, and even as a bloc do not present characteristics similar to developed markets due to a variety of underlying reasons.A preliminary literature review had indicated that this research topic was not sufficiently examined leaving an opportunity to investigate. Consequently, the objective of the thesis was established to explore this non-trivial Emerging Markets growth challenge on qualitative and quantitative fronts that would link both business strategy and financial outcome aspects to the pressing dilemma of profitably growing in the Emerging Markets.In order to perform the retrospective observational financial analysis, a total of 14 large companies operating on a global scale were identified, and investigated in two distinct groups under pharmaceutical and biotechnology company peer sets.A shareholder value analysis framework was utilized to map out the financial levers of value generation focusing on Total Return on Shareholder Value (TRS) and Return on Invested Capital (ROIC). The relationships between the geographic revenue breakdown and the two aforementioned parameters were tested by conducting a correlation analysis. These two parameters were collected over a three year period from 2009 through 2011. Similarly, a five year period ranging from 2007 through 2011 was also initially explored but then later discontinued since the 2008 economic downturn was identified as a disruptive confounding factor to the ability to draw meaningful conclusions.The correlation analysis was performed separately for pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies. Pharmaceutical companies operate with a more traditional, primary care focused small molecule product portfolio whereas the biotechnology companies discover, develop and market expensive biologics products targeting specialists. Therefore, these two groups of life sciences companies were investigated in separate peer groups.The selected pharmaceutical companies were the largest among their peers by revenue which ranged from $20 to $61 billion. Correspondingly, their market capitalization was also among the highest in their peer set. While these companies were headquartered in the United States, United Kingdom or Switzerland; their common stock were all traded in NYSE. Also, they all recognized revenue through their worldwide operations that would allow to compare performance by geographic denominations. Similarly, seven largest biotechnology companies were all publicly traded in NYSE.Company financials to determine TRS and ROIC were collected through public sources, and later normalized by adjusting their fiscal years to the calendar years to be able to draw comparative conclusions.The qualitative study led to the identification of the following seven key success factors that the pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies need to perform exceptionally well to stay competitive in the Emerging Markets:1.Local Manufacturing Presence2.Building Agile Regulatory Affairs Capabilities3.Commercial Model Addressing Emerging Market Needs4.Broad and Efficient Distribution Network5.Dynamic Pricing and Contracting Capabilities6.Emerging Market Medical Affairs Capabilities Connecting Local Thought Leaders to Global Clinical Development Leaders7.Access to and Retention of Local TalentThe quantitative analysis suggested that TRS did not show a positive correlation with the revenue booked in the Emerging Markets whereas the United States revenue showed a positive correlation. For the same sample set, the ROIC showed a positive correlation with the revenue booked by both pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies, suggesting that in the period of this study life sciences companies that enter the Emerging Markets should not expect an appreciation for their stock price while they will gain some modest returns on their invested capitals.

I. EinleitungII. Abschaffung der GmbH und Einführung neuer Gesellschaftstypen1. Wegfall der GmbH als Gesellschaftstypus2. Die Limited Liability Company (gôdô kaisha, LLC) japanischen Rechtsals eine Form einer Anteilsgesellschaft3. Die Limited Liability Partnership (yûgen sekinin jigyô kumiai, LLP) japanischen Rechts als Sonderform einer Gesellschaft des ZivilgesetzesIII. Neuregelungen und Änderungen bei den bestehenden Formen der Handelsgesellschaften1. Änderungen im Recht der Aktiengesellschaften2. Änderungen und Besonderheiten im Recht der OHG und der KG3. Änderung der Dauer der Nachhaftung bei den AnteilsgesellschaftenIV. Sonstige ÄnderungenV. Fazit / Resümee ; The Company Law Reform 2005/2006, which will probably come into effect on 1 April or 1 May 2006, will once again bring about major changes in the field of company law in Japan. As a result of this reform and other reforms in recent years, Japan will soon have a very modern and well-structured company law. This will be by no means a slavish copy of U.S. company law, although as a model the U.S. company law has had a great impact on many parts of the various reforms.First of all, the reform entails the emergence of a Japanese Company Act. The Company Act will unite all the legal provisions concerning companies that were formerly to be found scattered in various laws such as the Commercial Code, the Law for Special Commercial Law Provisions concerning the Audit of Joint Stock Companies, and the Law concerning the yûgen kaisha. One formal change will be that in contrast to the old Commercial Code, the new Company Act will be written in modern Japanese. Furthermore, the Law concerning the yûgen kaisha will be abrogated and the yûgen kaisha system will be abolished. The existing yûgen kaisha will continue to exist, but it will become impossible to establish new companies of that kind. The former yûgen kaisha will be legally treated as stock companies to the extent that there are no particular provisions in the Law Regarding the Execution of the Company Act, which will come into effect on the same day as the Company Act.Moreover, two new types of legal entities will be introduced into Japanese law: the so-called limited liability company (gôdô kaisha, LLC) and the limited liability partnership (yûgen sekinin jigyô kumiai, LLP). Both forms are based on homonymous types of legal entities in U.S. law, but they show several differences compared to the U.S. models. While all forms of companies are now regulated by the Company Act, the rules for the LLP are set by a different and particular law governing specifically the limited liability partnership because the limited liability partnership is not regarded as a company in its narrow meaning. This law has already been in effect since 1 August 2005.Another important aspect of the upcoming company law reform concerns many changes in the law of Japanese joint stock companies, including the rules for corporate governance structures. In general, one can say that the reform provides for a much greater flexibility for designing corporate governance structures. Henceforth, the joint stock companies can be divided into two groups: large-sized companies, which correlate to the large companies that were formerly regarded as such and particularly regulated by the Law for Special Commercial Law Provisions concerning the Audit of Joint Stock Companies; and small-sized companies, which do not meet the specific requirements set for the definition of large companies. Furthermore, both groups of companies can be established as publicly held companies or as closely held companies. Depending on the size of a company and its character as a closely held or publicly held company, the Company Act sets minimum requirements for the establishment of a corporate government structure. Henceforth, a joint stock company is at least required to have a shareholders' meeting and one director. This is a significant change as formerly all stock companies were required to set up a board with at least three directors. Generally speaking, the Company Act requires large and publicly held companies to set up a more complex structure of corporate governance than small-sized and closely held companies. Accordingly, small-sized and closely held companies can be henceforth established with a very basic and plain governance structure. Besides, for large-sized companies it is still possible to set up a company structure with committees within the board of directors.With the reform coming into effect, joint stock companies are permitted to have an optional accounting consultant who shall assist the director(s) in preparing the financial statements of the company. Like the accounting auditor of the company, the Company Act regards this governing body as an organ (kikan) of the company, although by definition both organs have to preserve a sufficient independent stance within the company which differs from that of other company organs.Furthermore, the rules for the power of attorney of the representative directors and the representative executive officers of stock companies have been changed slightly. There are also new rules for the appointment and dismissal of directors, and in closely held companies it is no longer necessary to treat all shareholders equally if certain requirements are met by the company. The Company Act now provides for a somewhat altered, specific legal liability regime for all organs and other bodies of the company, toward the company itself as well as toward third parties.A further very important alteration regarding the law of stock companies is that henceforth the requirement of setting up a minimum stated capital when establishing a company has been abolished. Theoretically, it is now possible to found a stock company with only one yen of stated company capital. Hitherto this was only possible by the application of a specific procedure and only for a limited period of five years.In closely held stock companies, the power of corporate auditors can be limited to audit only the financial statements of the company, whereas in other companies the corporate auditor is in principle authorized to audit the business operations of the directors also.In addition, in closely held stock companies the term of office of directors, corporate auditors, and accounting consultants can be extended and set for a period of up to ten years.The structure of corporate governance of each company has to be described in the business report, which is part of the financial statements that stock companies have to prepare once a year. Moreover, stock companies become free to distribute their profit to the shareholders whenever they like, not only twice a year as was formerly limited.Important changes will also be brought about in regard to the rules set for restructuring stock companies, particularly for mergers. It will become possible to conduct a merger between three companies. The absorbing company in a merger will soon be allowed to pay a compensation in cash or to distribute other assets to the shareholders of the extinguishing company rather than emitting new shares of the new company as the results of the merger. For instance, such assets can be stocks of the parent company of the absorbing company. This corresponds to a facilitation of hostile takeovers, about which there has been an increasing controversial public debate in Japan. As a result, it is not yet clear whether this part of the reform will come into force at the same time as the other parts, or instead later in a slightly altered form, probably along with new defense mechanisms for hostile takeovers, which are also currently under discussion. Another important change is the introduction of the opportunity to emit so-called golden shares as one kind of company stocks. In general, these are heavily disputed in many countries, particularly within the European Union.The above-mentioned limited liability company (LLC), which will be introduced by this company law reform, will be regarded along with the partnership company (gômei kaisha) and the limited partnership company (gôshi kaisha) as a new category of company in contrast to the joint stock company. In this context, many changes will also take place in regard to the law for the partnership companies and the limited partnership companies. For instance, the Company Act provides for a new legal liability regime for all representative members of the company toward the company itself as well as toward third parties, which is similar to that of the joint stock companies, including a set of rules for a new type of lawsuit similar to the shareholders' representative lawsuit. Moreover, from the date the reform comes into effect, it will be possible for companies to become a non-limited liability partner in a partnership company as well as in a limited partnership company; the former Art. 55 Commercial Code will be abolished.Finally, it also has to be mentioned that, as the result of the upcoming reform, the hitherto existing obligatory ex ante check by Japanese authorities of the company name to be registered in the context of founding a company will be abolished.

A combination of one of the oldest professions – espionage – with one of the newer ones – cyber hacking – has led to hyperbole and threats of kinetic escalation. But is all this talk really warranted? What will the real fallout be?

Russia has never been the easiest nation to understand, at least to the West that has often seen Russia as hostile. This appreciation goes back to Winston Churchill's surly description of the country as a "riddle, wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." Still, a hefty amount of economists studying the Russian economy's growth might want to share his viewpoint. The difficulty in analyzing the Russian economy's growth may attribute to some atypical features with which Russia has been endowed. As a developing country, Russia has relatively advanced technologies, which in large part may find its roots in the top-notch scientific progressions during the Soviet era. On the contrary, Russia's labor force, especially considering its far-reaching territory, is scarce compared to other developing countries, particularly many southeastern countries such as Vietnam, Indonesia, and Malaysia, to name a few. Hence, one may need a different lens or framework when assessing the Russian economy to identify problems underlying and prescribe a cure for ongoing growth.

Relying solely on a domestic response will not end the cycle of global cyber threats. A concerted effort to build capacity, confidence, and rules of the road may bring consequences to states who choose to continue sponsoring hostile activity.