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In recent years, there has been a tremendous growth in e-Government services due to advances in Information Communication Technology and the number of citizens engaging in e-Government transactions. In government administration, it is very time consuming to process different types of documents and there are many data input problems. There is also a need to satisfy citizens' requests to retrieve government information and to link these requests to build an online document without asking the citizen to input the data more than once. To provide an e-Government service which is easy to access, fast and secure, the e-Document plays an important role in the management and interoperability of e-Government Systems. To meet these challenges, this paper presents a Secure Multilayer e-Application (SMeA) method for improving e-Government processes. This method involves five steps: namely (i) identifying an e-Template; (ii) building a SMeA; (iii) mapping the data; (iv) processing the e-Application; and (v) approving the e-Application. The first step involves requirements analysis and the last four involve data analysis for building a SMeA. To demonstrate its usefulness, we applied SMeA to a case study of an application for a licence to set up a new business in Vietnam.

In recent years, there has been a tremendous growth in e-Government services due to advances in Information Communication Technology and the number of citizens engaging in e-Government transactions. In government administration, it is very time consuming to process different types of documents and there are many data input problems. There is also a need to satisfy citizens' requests to retrieve government information and to link these requests to build an online document without asking the citizen to input the data more than once. To provide an e-Government service which is easy to access, fast and secure, the e-Document plays an important role in the management and interoperability of e-Government Systems. To meet these challenges, this paper presents a Secure Multilayer e-Application (SMeA) method for improving e-Government processes. This method involves five steps: namely (i) identifying an e-Template; (ii) building a SMeA; (iii) mapping the data; (iv) processing the e-Application; and (v) approving the e-Application. The first step involves requirements analysis and the last four involve data analysis for building a SMeA. To demonstrate its usefulness, we applied SMeA to a case study of an application for a licence to set up a new business in Vietnam.

Using the Social Capital Benchmark Survey (SCBS) data sets, the authors conducted a multilevel comparative study of identity politics and political culture in the United States and 30 urban communities. Analysis showed that gender, race, class, and religion predict political ideology, electoral behavior, and political protest in the national sample. Replications in the community samples, however, revealed significant differences in the patterns of relationships among those variables. Some patterns deviated markedly from the national norm, particularly with respect to race as a predictor of political protest. Using an index of new political culture, the authors show that "place matters" as a contextual influence on the strength and direction of relationships between social identity (particularly race and religion) and political outcomes.

In televised debates in US electoral politics, behavior before The Issues is scrupulously monitored, so much so that even a candidate's dysfluencies can be perilous, often registering to commentators as 'avoidance' and spurring them to speculate about addressivity, about which category of implied voter the candidate's avoidance was "to" and "for." Focusing on the 2007-2008 primary debates and post-debate coverage, I examine how infelicities around The Issues are read as addressivity and used to cast candidates as social types (e.g., "flip-flopper"). I situate these critical readings in relation to the political marketing industry and compare this kind of ascribed performativity with the rigid performativity of verbal taboo.

__Abstract__ In the Netherlands, citizens have the formal opportunity to put issues – under certain conditions – on the political agenda. This has been possible since May 2006 at the national level and at the local level since March 2002. In addition, people increasingly engage in an informal way, on their own initiative, to draw from their expertise, experience and knowledge to formulate ideas for policy that they may offer to government. Such 'citizens' initiatives' can be seen, in addition to interactive policy making, as a form of citizens' participation (Edelenbos et al. 2008). Citizen participation is often initiated by government; it is a bottom-up development started by citizens themselves (Edelenbos et al. 2008). In this chapter, we elaborate on the institutional implications of the 'citizens' initiatives' within local democracy. These initiatives could be described as forms of selfgovernance, leading to the emergence of 'proto-institutions' (Lawrence et al. 2002). These proto-institutions interact with established institutions of representative democracy. This interaction is a co-evolving process in which both types of institutions react to each other in certain ways. In this contribution, we describe this institutional evolution and try to find determining factors in this process. We want to provide explanatory factors of processes of institutional co-evolution. We argue that these factors are of major importance with regard to processes of citizen participation and co-operating mechanisms between proto-institutions developed by citizens' initiatives and established institutions of representative democracy.

AbstractPublic institutions seeking to facilitate effective decision making by boundedly rational constituents often must determine what information to provide and in what form to provide it. Ideally, this determination would reflect an understanding of how different kinds, forms, and sources of information are processed by constituents and influence constituents' beliefs. However, research on this topic—especially in the context of educational institutions, and with a focus on official numerical information versus electronic word of mouth—has been minimal. Considering the case of state governments wishing to inform citizens about their schools, we examine how parents and the US public evaluate schools after receiving two increasingly abundant kinds of school quality information: numerical government ratings and online parent comments. Using an online survey experiment with a nationally representative sample, we find that perceptions of school quality are heavily influenced by parent comments even when these comments appear alongside official ratings. By contrast, the effects of official numerical ratings appear modest. Additional findings suggest that the comments' influence results from preferences for the information's source (parents over government) and style (narrative over numerical), and that nonprofit organizations are more trusted messengers of performance information than state governments. These results advance our theoretical understanding of the effects of different kinds of information on belief, and we conclude the article by discussing their implications for how public institutions disseminate information to their constituents.

The study aims to show the extent to which the government sector in Iraq uses managerial accounting innovations, the most important of which being VCA - Value Chain Analysis, TDABC – Time-Driven Activity-Based Costing Method, BM – Benchmarking Method, TC - Target Cost Method, SWOT – Strategic Analysis Method, while indicating factors that hinder their application. As the application of these methods leads to the development of accounting information systems in a manner that ensures rationalization of costs and strengthening control over them, and the provision of appropriate information that contributes to rationalizing the correct administrative decisions, a questionnaire was prepared for this purpose and distributed to 500 account and production managers in governmental sectors in Iraq as well as the industrial, agricultural and service sectors. The study found that the government sector in Iraq applies some of these methods, but in a limited manner, as a result of constraints that limit the use of these methods

Accepted manuscript version. Published version available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X17000046 . ; This study explores policy makers', health-care professionals' and senior volunteers' perceptions of senior volunteers. Two Norwegian government white papers regarding older adult care and welfare services, which were published over a period of 19 years, were selected for close examination. Furthermore, focus group interviews with a purposeful sample of five senior volunteers and 15 health-care professionals were conducted. The study explores the discursive formations of senior volunteers in the government white papers and how they are negotiated in the senior volunteers' and the health-care professionals' narratives. Two dominant discourses were presented in the white papers: a prevention discourse (in which volunteering was presented primarily as a means to prevent volunteers' loneliness and need for care services) and a sustainability discourse (in which the volunteers were presented as instrumental in future sustainable care services). Both discourses echo a common overarching discourse about a capacity crisis due to the ageing population. The senior volunteers were positioned as partners and active agents in both their own narratives and the health-care professionals' narratives. Their position as independent and as spokespersons for the less empowered were evident only in the senior volunteers' own narratives. Only the health-care professionals referenced the prevention discourse and capacity issues. The senior volunteers presented themselves as competent, efficient political actors, and they resisted both the prevention and sustainability discourses. In the senior volunteers' narratives, social and political participation were interrelated. The study demonstrates that new discursive landscapes must be created to capture the diversity among senior volunteers and their efforts. While senior volunteers must be meaningfully involved in decision making, planning and design, their positions as independent and active agents must also be ensured. Authentic partnerships between senior volunteers and public care services involve a balance between involvement and independence.

This study explores policy makers', health-care professionals' and senior volunteers' perceptions of senior volunteers. Two Norwegian government white papers regarding older adult care and welfare services, which were published over a period of 19 years, were selected for close examination. Furthermore, focus group interviews with a purposeful sample of five senior volunteers and 15 health-care professionals were conducted. The study explores the discursive formations of senior volunteers in the government white papers and how they are negotiated in the senior volunteers' and the health-care professionals' narratives. Two dominant discourses were presented in the white papers: a prevention discourse (in which volunteering was presented primarily as a means to prevent volunteers' loneliness and need for care services) and a sustainability discourse (in which the volunteers were presented as instrumental in future sustainable care services). Both discourses echo a common overarching discourse about a capacity crisis due to the ageing population. The senior volunteers were positioned as partners and active agents in both their own narratives and the health-care professionals' narratives. Their position as independent and as spokespersons for the less empowered were evident only in the senior volunteers' own narratives. Only the health-care professionals referenced the prevention discourse and capacity issues. The senior volunteers presented themselves as competent, efficient political actors, and they resisted both the prevention and sustainability discourses. In the senior volunteers' narratives, social and political participation were interrelated. The study demonstrates that new discursive landscapes must be created to capture the diversity among senior volunteers and their efforts. While senior volunteers must be meaningfully involved in decision making, planning and design, their positions as independent and active agents must also be ensured. Authentic partnerships between senior volunteers and public care services involve a balance between involvement and independence.

This article critically examines print media discourses regarding the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games. The forthcoming analysis considers the political symbolism of the Commonwealth Games with regards to the interlinkages between the British Empire, sport and the global political status of the UK, with specific consideration given to the UK's declining global power as well as the interconnections between the 2014 Games and the Scottish independence referendum. Hechter's (1975) 'internal colonialism' thesis, which portrays Scotland's marginalised status within the UK, is drawn upon to critically explore the political symbolism of sport for Scottish nationalism, before discussion focuses upon the extent to which the modern Commonwealth is symptomatic of the UK's declining status as a global power. Finally, the existence of these narrative tropes in print media coverage of the Commonwealth Games is examined, allowing for critical reflections on the continuing interconnections between the media, sport, nationalism and post-imperial global politics.

Extant research emphasizes the ways in which collective identity is negotiated within broader political and economic opportunity structures. However, the interplay between collective identity and the subjective nature of opportunities has been largely unexplored. We address this gap in the literature by delineating how conflicting perceptions of salient political opportunities can fuel animosity and threaten movement identity. We draw from a unique qualitative dataset on the Czech environmental movement collected over a ten-year span. In 2002, a group of movement leaders circulated a manifesto urging environmentalists to stage a coup d'état of the Czech Green Party. Controversy erupted as some activists felt that the rallying call violated their longstanding independence from party politics. Our findings reveal that the movement's collective identity ultimately became fragmented as a result of activists' dissonant perceptions of this opportunity. We conclude by discussing the implications of our results for social movement research.