Suchergebnisse

The present work intends to highlight the most relevant aspects of the choices of the EU's external migration policy through the instrument of Mobility Partnership which was proposed as general framework for the management of migration flows from third countries. Its main aim was to take due account of the interests and objectives of EU, partner countries and migrants themselves. So, the partnership was included among the external migration policy's instruments with additional and different features than its earlier namesakes of the Union's external relations. Nevertheless, the need to contain the migratory pressure coming from Africa and the Mediterranean, an area in which the Union has recognized priority actions, affects the form and the content of the few partnerships concluded until now and has a negative impact on its results, as well as on the respect of fundamental rights of migrants. ; Este trabajo se centra en los aspectos más relevantes de las decisiones de política exterior de migración de la UE, mediante la Asociación de Movilidad que se propone como marco general para la gestión de los flujos migratorios procedentes de terceros países. Su objetivo principal era tener debidamente en cuenta los intereses y objetivos de la UE, los países socios y los propios migrantes. Es así que la cooperación se incluyó entre los instrumentos de política de migración externa con características nuevas y diferentes de sus antecedentes dentro de las relaciones externas de la Unión Europea. Sin embargo, la necesidad de contener la presión migratoria procedente de África y del Mediterráneo, área en la cual la Unión ha reconocido acciones prioritarias, influye en la forma y el contenido de pocas asociaciones hasta ahora llevadas a cabo, y posee una repercusión negativa en sus resultados, tal como en el respeto de los derechos básicos de los migrantes. ; Ce travail se concentre sur les aspects les plus pertinents des choix de la politique migratoire extérieure de l'UE à travers l'instrument de partenariat de mobilité qui a été proposé comme cadre général pour la gestion des flux migratoires en provenance des pays tiers. Son principal objectif était de tenir dûment compte des intérêts et des objectifs de l'UE, les pays partenaires et les migrants eux-mêmes. Ainsi, le partenariat a été inclus parmi les instruments de la politique de migration externe avec des fonctionnalités supplémentaires et différentes que ses homonymes anté- rieures de relations extérieures de l'Union. Néanmoins, la nécessité de contenir la pression migratoire en provenance d'Afrique et de la Méditerranée, un domaine dans lequel l'Union a reconnu les actions prioritaires, affecte la forme et le contenu des rares partenariats conclus jusqu'à présent et a un impact négatif sur ses résultats, ainsi que sur le respect des droits fondamentaux des migrants.

BACKGROUND: Sub-Saharan Africa is the region with the highest HIV burden. Adolescent girls and young women (AGYW) in the age range of 15 to 24 years are twice as likely as their male peers to be infected, making females in sub-Saharan Africa the most at-risk group for HIV infection. It is therefore critical to prioritize access to HIV testing, prevention, and treatment for this vulnerable population. OBJECTIVE: Using an implementation science framework, the purpose of this research protocol was to describe the approaches we propose to optimize engagement of AGYW in both the HIV prevention and care continuum and to determine the recruitment and testing strategies that identify the highest proportion of previously undiagnosed HIV infections. METHODS: We will compare two seek recruitment strategies, three test strategies, and pilot adaptive linkage to care interventions (sequential multiple assignment randomized trial [SMART] design) among AGYW in the age range of 15 to 24 years in Homa Bay County, western Kenya. AGYW will be recruited in the home or community-based setting and offered three testing options: oral fluid HIV self-testing, staff-aided rapid HIV testing, or referral to a health care facility for standard HIV testing services. Newly diagnosed AGYW with HIV will be enrolled in the SMART trial pilot to determine the most effective way to support initial linkage to care after a positive diagnosis. They will be randomized to standard referral (counseling and a referral note) or standard referral plus SMS text message (short message service, SMS); those not linked to care within 2 weeks will be rerandomized to receive an additional SMS text message or a one-time financial incentive (approximately US $4). We will also evaluate a primary prevention messaging intervention to support identified high-risk HIV-negative AGYW to reduce their HIV risk and adhere to HIV retesting recommendations. We will also conduct analyses to determine the incremental cost-effectiveness of the seek, testing and linkage interventions. RESULTS: We expect to enroll 1200 participants overall, with a random selection of 100 high-risk HIV-negative AGYW for the SMS prevention intervention (HIV-negative cohort) and approximately 108 AGYW who are living with HIV for the SMART design pilot of adaptive linkage to care interventions (HIV-positive cohort). We anticipate that the linkage to care interventions will be feasible and acceptable to implement. Lastly, the use of SMS text messages to engage participants will provide pilot data to the Kenyan government currently exploring a national platform to track and support linkage, adherence to treatment, retention, and prevention interventions for improved outcomes. CONCLUSIONS: Lessons learned will inform best approaches to identify new HIV diagnoses to increase AGYW's uptake of HIV prevention, testing, and linkage to care services in a high HIV-burden African setting.

Sahel jest regionem o strategicznym znaczeniu. Z punktu widzenia geograficznego stanowi granicę między "białą Afryką Północną" i "czarną Afryką Subsaharyjską". Z punktu widzenia politycznego to obszar, w którym zderzają się interesy państw i społeczeństw subregionu, aktorów zewnętrznych tak państwowych (Chiny, USA, Francja), jak i niepaństwowych (Al-Quaida). W regionie Sahelu krzyżują się międzynarodowe szlaki przemytu narkotyków, broni, nielegalnego transferu ludzi przez Maghreb do Europy. Mając na względzie bezpieczeństwo międzynarodowe, nie bez znaczenia pozostaje fakt, że niedostępne, trudne do kontroli tereny sahelo-saharyjskie są infiltrowane przez ugrupowania radykalnego islamu. Artykuł prezentuje występujące w Sahelu czynniki wpływające na bezpieczeństwo regionalne i międzynarodowe. Zwrócono uwagę na czynniki ekonomiczne, polityczne, społeczne determinujące słabość państw subregionu. Dalsza część artykułu zawiera analizę programów administracji USA podejmowanych wobec regionu, wpisujących się w program "globalnej wojny z terroryzmem". ; The Sahel is a region of strategic importance. From the geographical point of view, it marks the boundary between "White North Africa" and "Black Sub-Saharan Africa". From the political point of view, it is an area where various interests collide - those of the states and communities of the subregion, as well as those of external actors, both states parties (China, USA, France) and non-states parties (Al-Qaeda). International drug, illegal arms, and human trafficking routes into Europe via Maghreb cross in the Sahel region. Taking into consideration the issue of international security, it is important to highlight that radical Islamic groups operate in the inaccessible and difficult to control Sahelo-Saharan desert. The article discusses factors present in the Sahel that have an impact on regional and international security. The main attention is paid to economic, political and social factors which determine the weakness of the Sahel states. The paper also includes an analysis of the US administration's programmes implemented in the region, which are part of the "Global War on Terrorism" campaign. ; Сахель - это регион стратегического значения. С географической точки зрения он представляет собой границу между «белой Северной Африкой» и «черной Африкой южнее Сахары». В политическом аспекте это территория, на которой сталкиваются интересы стран и общественных групп субрегиона, внешних игроков как государственных (Китай, США, Франция), так и негосударственных (Аль-Каида). В регионе Сахель пересекаются международные маршруты контрабанды наркотиков, оружия, переброски незаконных мигрантов через территорию Магриба в Европу. Учитывая международную безопасность, не следует забывать о том, что недоступные, трудно контролируемые области сахело-сахарского региона подвергаются инфильтрации со стороны исламских радикальных групп. В статье представлены встречающиеся в Сахеле факторы, которые влияют на региональную и международную безопасность. Указаны экономические, политические, социальные факторы, обуславливающие слабость государств субрегиона. В дальнейшей части статьи представлен анализ государственных программ США в сахельском регионе, которые составляют часть американской стратегии «глобальной войны с терроризмом».

Die CFA-Zone galt vierzig Jahre lang als Selbstbedienungsladen der afrikanischen und französischen Elite im frankophonen Afrika. Mit der Abwertung des Franc CFA am 11.1.1994 brach der Mythos der Stabilität dieser von Frankreich garantierten Währung zusammen, und mit ihm auch das Weltbild der alten Garde frankophoner Politiker und Wirtschaftler. Letztere waren maßgeblich verantwortlich für die Krise der CFA-Zone, die - neben externen Ursachen - wesentlich auf interne sozioökonomische Faktoren zurückzuführen ist. Die Entscheidung über die Abwertung bedeutet einen Sieg der Technokraten über die alte Garde. Dieser Sieg ist aber ein Pyrrhussieg. Er bringt zwar eine Versachlichung der wirtschaftspolitischen Diskussionen und Entscheidungen mit sich; er zerstörte aber traditionelle gesellschaftliche Bande, ohne neue aufzubauen, und bringt die Gefahr gesellschaftlicher und politischer Desintegration mit sich. Auch nach Ansicht unabhängiger Ökonomen wurde mit der Entscheidung über die weiter aufrecht erhaltene feste Bindung des FCFA an den FF eine Chance zur eigenständigen Entwicklung Afrikas vertan. ; Author's Version ; "The crisis of the French African Community": The CFA franc zone was for forty years as a self-service shop of the African and French elite in French-speaking Africa. The depreciation of the franc CFA on 11. January 1994 broke the myth of the stability of this currency guaranteed by France, and with it also the world picture of the old guard of francophone politicians and businessmen, the so-called 'Messieurs Afrique". The latter were mainly responsible for the crisis in the CFA franc zone, which - in addition to external causes - is essentially due to internal socioeconomic factors. The decision about the devaluation means a victory for technocrats over the old guard. But this victory is a Pyrrhic victory. It does, however, imply a neglect of economic discussions and decisions; but it destroyed traditional social ties without building new ones, and brought with it the danger of social and political disintegration. Even in the opinion of independent economists, the decision to maintain F CFA's continued commitment to the FF signifies a lost opportunity to develop Africa autonomously. ; RÉSUMÉ "La crise de la Communauté française africaine": La zone CFA a été pendant quarante ans un self-service de l'élite africaine et française en Afrique francophone. La dépréciation du franc CFA le 11 janvier 1994 a brisé le mythe de la stabilité de cette monnaie garantie par la France, et avec elle aussi le portrait mondial de la vieille garde des hommes politiques et hommes d'affaires francophones, les "Messieurs Afrique". Ces derniers sont principalement responsables de la crise dans la zone CFA qui, outre des causes externes, est essentiellement due à des facteurs socio-économiques internes. La décision sur la dévaluation signifie une victoire pour les technocrates sur la vieille garde. Mais cette victoire est une victoire à la Pyrrhus. Cependant, cela implique une négligence des discussions et des décisions économiques ; mais elle détruisait les liens sociaux traditionnels sans en construire de nouveaux et entraînait le danger d'une désintégration sociale et politique. Même selon les économistes indépendants, la décision de maintenir l'engagement continu de F CFA envers le FF signifie une opportunité perdue de développer l'Afrique de manière autonome.

Summary By the end of 1974 no section of Ugandan life had been left unaffected by the crisis which had been developing since the end of the 1960s. Explanation for this crisis is often sought in the personalty of General Amin, but this author argues that most of the problems with which Amin was faced were created by the nature of the conflict in Uganda during the previous period. It is argued that these conflicts are the direct outcome of the problems of under‐development faced by many countries in tropical Africa, and that Uganda is not so much a special case as an extreme one. The Ugandan crisis is seen as the outcome of a period of intensified internal competition for resources in a situation where the structural changes in the economy were not sufficient to increase productivity to the point where it could meet the demands made upon it.RESUME L'Economie politique du Général AminA la fin de 1974 aucun secteur de la vie ougandaise ne restait inaffecté par la crise qui se développait depuis la fin des années'60. On cherche souvent I'explication de cette crise dans la personnalité du Général Amin, mais I'auteur de cet article affirme que la plupart des problèms auxquels Amin faisait face sont nés du conflit en Ouganda pendant la période précédente. Il suggère que ces conflicts résulteraient directement des problèmes de sous‐développement qui se pose.nt dans de nombreux pays de I'Afrique tropicale, et que I'Ouganda n'en serait qu'un cas plutôt extrème et non pas exceptionnel. La crise ougandaise est considérée comme aboutissement d'une période d'intense compétition interne pour la recherche des ressources dans une situation où les changements structurels de I'économie étaient trop insuffisants pour faire augmenter la productivité au niveau de la demande.RESUMEN Laeconomía politicadel GeneralHacia fines de 1974 ningum sector de la vida de Uganda había escapado los efectos de la crisis que se habla estado desarrollando desde fines de la década de 1960. La explicación de esta crisis se busca a menudo en la personalidad del General Amin, pero el autor sostiene que la mayoría de los problemas con que Amin se enfrentó fueron creados por la naturaleza del conflictc en Uganda durante el período previo. Se plantea que estos conflictos son el resultado directo de los problemas del subdesarrollo que afectan a varios países en el Africa tropical, que Uganda no es tanto un caso especìal como un caso extremo. La crisis en Uganda se quede entender como el resultado de un período de intense competencia interna por los recursos en una situación donde los cambios estructurales en la economía no fueron suficientes para aumentar la productividad en la medida necesaria para satisfacer las nuevas demandas.

This project won first place in the 2021 Signature Course Information Literacy Award. The award recognizes exemplary student work that achieves the learning outcomes of the Signature Course information literacy requirement, that students will be able to create and execute a research strategy, critically evaluate information, and navigate the scholarly conversation. The paper was nominated by Alex Beasley and completed in his Fall 2020 Signature Course, "Emotions in US History." Abbie Bard's project was chosen for her compelling argument using primary and secondary sources she found with a sound search strategy. Dr. Beasley supported this project by saying "[Abbie Bard] engaged in innovative and prodigious research to find fascinating sources for this paper, including a medical journal article from 1864 and a military surgical manual from 1861. She placed these sources into conversation with secondary sources to argue that debates over homesickness reflected Northern anxieties around the place of the home and the family in an emerging era of industrial capitalism." ; The Union soldiers of the American Civil War, though historically triumphant in their battle against the South, dealt with an additional, internal conflict in regards to their emotions while away at war. Homesickness, or "Nostalgia," ran rampant through the Union Army, to the point of becoming a diagnosis in medical journals at the time. The homesickness experienced by these soldiers was a product of the North's societal emphasis on domesticity and "the home"; however, Northerners' perceptions of the men experiencing nostalgia varied. While military officials and medics deemed nostalgia to be a sign of weakness that must be avoided at all costs, civilian doctors and Northern citizens believed these feelings demonstrated the strength of their regional values, and therefore admired and encouraged the homesick soldiers. Despite both perspectives being heavily documented, it is evident that these soldiers were, more often than not, praised by other Northerners for being proper family-men and maintaining moral nobility on and off the battlefield. By investigating not only the emotions experienced by these men on the battlefield, but also how such emotions were perceived, we are given a more holistic look into life during the war. Additionally, by connecting emotions to history, we open the door to exploring historical events through various other lenses and new perspectives. ; Beasley, Alex ; UT Libraries

Description: [1-2 paragraphs providing an introduction to interviewee] Peter Prizer, a 71 year old gay man, lived in Portland, Maine from the early 1970s through the late 1990s. He discusses growing up in Pennsylvania, going to a private boys' school, and then to Penn State before moving to Maine. In Portland, he worked on the Portland Pier from 1971 to 1977. His first act of publicly coming out occurred at a panel event of local gay activists at Bowdoin College in the early 1970s. As a response to a homophobic comment by an audience member, he got up and joined the panelists on stage. Together with lesbian feminist organizers in Brunswick, including Wendy Ashley and Susan Breeding, he helped organize a picket of the Stowe House Restaurant (after they fired all their women servers and replaced them by men). He also helped organize a protest of the Freedom Train (1976 – bicentennial commemoration of the nation's founding) in Portland. He was centrally involved with the Maine Gay Taskforce and helped produce their newsletter. The newsletter later became "Mainely Gay" which he worked on with Stan Fortuna among others. In 1977, along with Lois Reckitt and Susan Henderson, he worked on an outline for what would be the first gay rights bill submitted to the legislature in Maine. He also served as a lobbyist, together with Stephen Leo and Nan Stone, to try to secure passage of the bill after it was introduced by Gerald Talbot (D-Portland) and Larry Connolly (D-Portland). He describes the reactions of several legislators to the lobbying (including Olympia Snowe who was then a state representative from Auburn). The proposed law, one of the first in the country, was defeated – though it received significant support. He also discusses completing his degree (in Political Science) at USM, getting sober, working at Maine Medical Center Hospital, and moving to Bisbee, Arizona where he currently resides. Citation Please cite as: Querying the Past: LGBTQ Maine Oral History Project Collection, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer+ Collection, Jean Byers Sampson Center for Diversity in Maine, University of Southern Maine Libraries. For more information about the Querying the Past: Maine LGBTQ Oral History Project, please contact Dr. Wendy Chapkis. ; https://digitalcommons.usm.maine.edu/querying_ohproject/1048/thumbnail.jpg

Abstract Critical posthumanism is an invitation to think differently about knowledge and educational relationality between humans and the more-than-human. This philosophical and political shift in subjectivity builds on, and is entangled with, poststructuralism and phenomenology. In this paper we read diffractively through one another the theories of Finnish architect Juhani Pallasmaa and feminist posthumanists Karen Barad and Rosi Braidotti. We explore the implications of the so-called 'ontological turn' for early childhood education. With its emphasis on a moving away from the dominant role of human vision (knowing and seeing) in educational research we show how videoing and photographing works as an apparatus in an analysis of data from an inner-city school in Johannesburg, South Africa. We are struck by children's seeing with the 'eyes of their skin' (Pallasmaa) and 'seeing' with/in the world (posthumanism), as their obvious distress is felt when a small tree sapling has been mowed down in a nearby park. We analyse the event with the help of a variation on Deleuze's notion of 'becoming-child': 'becoming-little', and Anna Tsing's 'the arts of noticing'. 'Becoming-little' as a methodology disrupts the adult/child binary that positions 'little', younger humans as inferior to their 'bigger' fully human counterparts. We exemplify 'becoming-little' through 4 and 5 year-olds' learning with the little tree and adopt Barad's temporal diffraction to 'see' what is in/visible in the park: the extractive, exploitative, colonising mining practices of White settlers. These are still part of the land on which the park was created but are in/visible beneath the 'skin' of the earth. ; Resumen 'Viendo' con/dentro el mundo : devenir-pequeño El posthumanismo critic es una invitación a pensar de otra manera acerca del conocimiento y la relacionalidad educativa entre los humanos y los más-que-humanos. Este cambio filosófico y político en la subjetividad se construye sobre el postestructuralismo y la fenomenología, y está enredado con ellos. En este artículo leemos difractivamente una y otra teorías del arquitecto finlandés Juhani Pallasmaa y las feministas posthumanistas Karen Barad y Rosi Braidotti. Exploramos las implicancias del llamado 'giro ontológico' en la educación para la primera infancia. Con su énfasis en un alejamiento del rol dominante de la visión humana (saber y ver) en la investigación educativa, mostramos cómo el video y la fotografía funcionan como aparato en el análisis de datos de una escuela del centro urbano de Johannesburgo, Sudáfrica. Nos impacta el hecho de que los niños vean con los "ojos de su piel" (Pallasmaa) y "vean" con/dentro del mundo (posthumanismo) en tanto se percibe su obvio malestar y preocupación cuando un árbol joven es cortado en un parque cercano. Analizamos el evento con la ayuda de una variación de la noción de Deleuze de "devenir-niño": "devenir-pequeño", y de "el arte de notar" de Anna Tsing. Como metodología "devenir-pequeño" disrrumpe el binario adulto/niño que posiciona a los humanos "pequeños", más jóvenes como inferiores a sus contrapartes "más grandes" completamente humanas. Ejemplificamos el "devenirpequeño" a través del aprendizaje de niños de 4 y 5 años con el arbolito y adoptamos la difracción temporal de Barad para "ver" qué es in/visible en el parque: las prácticas mineras extractivas, explotadoras y colonizadoras de los colonos Blancos. Estas todavía son parte del terreno en el que el parque fue creado pero son in/visibles debajo de la "piel" de la tierra. ; Resumo 'Ver' com / no mundo : tornar-se pequeno O pós-humanismo crítico é um convite a pensar de outra forma sobre o conhecimento e a relacionalidade educacional entre os humanos e o mais-que-humano. Essa mudança filosófica e política na subjetividade se baseia e se enreda no pós-estruturalismo e na fenomenologia. Neste artigo, lemos, de forma difrativa, as teorias do arquiteto finlandês Juhani Pallasmaa e das pós-humanistas feministas Karen Barad e Rosi Braidotti. Exploramos as implicações da chamada "virada ontológica" para a educação da primeira infância Com sua ênfase no afastamento do papel dominante da visão humana (saber e ver) na pesquisa educacional, mostramos como o vídeo e a fotografia funcionam como um aparato na análise de dados de uma escola no centro de Joanesburgo, África do Sul. Ficamos impressionados com as crianças vendo com os "olhos de sua pele" (Pallasmaa) e "vendo" com / no mundo (pós-humanismo), já que sua óbvia angústia é sentida quando uma pequena muda de árvore foi ceifada em um parque próximo. Analisamos o evento com a ajuda de uma variação da noção de "tornar-secriança" de Deleuze: "tornar-se-criança" e "as artes de perceber" de Anna Tsing. 'Tornar-se pequeno' como metodologia perturba o binário adulto / criança que posiciona 'pequenos', humanos mais jovens, como inferiores a seus 'maiores' totalmente humanos. Nós exemplificamos o "tornar-se pequeno" por meio da aprendizagem de crianças de 4 e 5 anos com a pequena árvore e adotamos a difração temporal de Barad para "ver" o que é in/visível no parque: as práticas de mineração extrativistas, exploradoras e colonizadoras dos colonos brancos. Eles ainda fazem parte da terra na qual o parque foi criado, mas são in/visíveis sob a "pele" da terra.

El posthumanismo critic es una invitación a pensar de otra manera acerca del conocimiento y la relacionalidad educativa entre los humanos y los más-que-humanos. Este cambio filosófico y político en la subjetividad se construye sobre el postestructuralismo y la fenomenología, y está enredado con ellos. En este artículo leemos difractivamente una y otra teorías del arquitecto finlandés Juhani Pallasmaa y las feministas posthumanistas Karen Barad y Rosi Braidotti. Exploramos las implicancias del llamado 'giro ontológico' en la educación para la primera infancia. Con su énfasis en un alejamiento del rol dominante de la visión humana (saber y ver) en la investigación educativa, mostramos cómo el video y la fotografía funcionan como aparato en el análisis de datos de una escuela del centro urbano de Johannesburgo, Sudáfrica. Nos impacta el hecho de que los niños vean con los "ojos de su piel" (Pallasmaa) y "vean" con/dentro del mundo (posthumanismo) en tanto se percibe su obvio malestar y preocupación cuando un árbol joven es cortado en un parque cercano. Analizamos el evento con la ayuda de una variación de la noción de Deleuze de "devenir-niño": "devenir-pequeño", y de "el arte de notar" de Anna Tsing. Como metodología "devenir-pequeño" disrrumpe el binario adulto/niño que posiciona a los humanos "pequeños", más jóvenes como inferiores a sus contrapartes "más grandes" completamente humanas. Ejemplificamos el "devenir-pequeño" a través del aprendizaje de niños de 4 y 5 años con el arbolito y adoptamos la difracción temporal de Barad para "ver" qué es in/visible en el parque: las prácticas mineras extractivas, explotadoras y colonizadoras de los colonos Blancos. Estas todavía son parte del terreno en el que el parque fue creado pero son in/visibles debajo de la "piel" de la tierra. ; O pós-humanismo crítico é um convite a pensar de forma diferente sobre o conhecimento e a relacionalidade educacional entre os humanos e o mais-que-humano. Essa mudança filosófica e política na subjetividade se baseia e se enreda no pós-estruturalismo e na fenomenologia. Neste artigo, lemos, de forma difrativa, as teorias do arquiteto finlandês Juhani Pallasmaa e das pós-humanistas feministas Karen Barad e Rosi Braidotti. Exploramos as implicações da chamada "virada ontológica" para a educação infantil. Com sua ênfase no afastamento do papel dominante da visão humana (saber e ver) na pesquisa educacional, mostramos como o vídeo e a fotografia funcionam como um aparato na análise de dados de uma escola no centro de Joanesburgo, África do Sul. Ficamos impressionados com as crianças vendo com os "olhos de sua pele" (Pallasmaa) e "vendo" com / no mundo (pós-humanismo), já que sua óbvia angústia é sentida quando uma pequena muda de árvore foi ceifada em um parque próximo. Analisamos o evento com a ajuda de uma variação da noção de "tornar-se-criança" de Deleuze: "tornar-se-criança" e "as artes de perceber" de Anna Tsing. 'Tornar-se pequeno' como metodologia perturba o binário adulto / criança que posiciona 'pequenos', humanos mais jovens, como inferiores a seus 'maiores' totalmente humanos. Nós exemplificamos o "tornar-se pequeno" por meio da aprendizagem de crianças de 4 e 5 anos com a pequena árvore e adotamos a difração temporal de Barad para "ver" o que é in / visível no parque: as práticas de mineração extrativistas, exploradoras e colonizadoras dos colonos brancos. Eles ainda fazem parte da terra na qual o parque foi criado, mas são / são visíveis sob a "pele" da terra. ; Critical posthumanism is an invitation to think differently about knowledge and educational relationality between humans and the more-than-human. This philosophical and political shift in subjectivity builds on, and is entangled with, poststructuralism and phenomenology. In this paper we read diffractively through one another the theories of Finnish architect Juhani Pallasmaa and feminist posthumanists Karen Barad and Rosi Braidotti. We explore the implications of the so-called 'ontological turn' for early childhood education. With its emphasis on a moving away from the dominant role of human vision (knowing and seeing) in educational research we show how videoing and photographing works as an apparatus in an analysis of data from an inner-city school in Johannesburg, South Africa. We are struck by children's seeing with the 'eyes of their skin' (Pallasmaa) and 'seeing' with/in the world (posthumanism), as their obvious distress is felt when a small tree sapling has been mowed down in a nearby park. We analyse the event with the help of a variation on Deleuze's notion of 'becoming-child': 'becoming-little', and Anna Tsing's 'the arts of noticing'. 'Becoming-little' as a methodology disrupts the adult/child binary that positions 'little', younger humans as inferior to their 'bigger' fully human counterparts. We exemplify 'becoming-little' through 4 and 5 year-olds' learning with the little tree and adopt Barad's temporal diffraction to 'see' what is in/visible in the park: the extractive, exploitative, colonising mining practices of White settlers. These are still part of the land on which the park was created but are in/visible beneath the 'skin' of the earth.

This volume addresses the problem of military and economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, particularly the impact of the end of the Cold War, on the evolution of its four regional subsystems (Australasia, Southern Asia, Southeast Asia, and Northeast Asia), the level of institutionalization in its economic and military dimensions, and the tendency towards regional amity or regional enmity. It investigates the regional institutions of military and economic security organizing the interstate relations of the Asia-Pacific; assesses the military and economic ambitions of China, Japan, and the United States; and suggests that the 'clash of civilizations' thesis is of limited use in understanding the dynamics of interstate relations in this centrally important area of the world. Contributors are Shigekio N. Fukai, Haruhiro Fukui, Norman A. Graham, Steven A. Hoffmann, Jim Rolfe, Sheldon Simon, James Sperling, and Robert M. Uriu

It is commonly known that the Andean nations of Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia are the international centers of cocaine production. But until now, there has been no comprehensive view of this billion dollar industry. Using never-before unearthed information culled from their extensive field research, Patrick Clawson and Rensselaer Lee reveal the configuration of the drug industry, from the original cultivation of coca in the fields of South America to the sale of cocaine on the streets of the United States. The authors analyze the economic and political impact of the drug business on the Andean nations, including such problems as violence and the undermining of legitimate business. Through the ground-breaking work of Clawson and Lee, The Andean Cocaine Industry illuminates one of the most pervasive problems facing the world today

""Between 1958 and 1962, China descended into hell. Mao Zedong threw his country into a frenzy with the Great Leap Forward, an attempt to catch up with and overtake Britain in less than fifteen years. The experiment ended in the greatest catastrophe the country had ever known, destroying tens of millions of lives." So opens Frank Dikotter's astonishing, riveting, magnificently detailed chronicle of an era in Chinese history much speculated about but never before fully documented because access to Communist Party archives has long been restricted to all but the most trusted historians. However, a new archive law has opened up thousands of central and provincial documents that "fundamentally change the way one can study the Maoist era."" "Dikotter makes clear, as nobody has before, that far from being the program that would lift the country among the world's superpowers and prove the power of communism, as Mao imagined, the Great Leap Forward propelled the country in the other direction. It became not only one of the most deadly mass killings in human history---at least 45 million people were worked, starved, or beaten to death---but also the greatest demolition of real estate in history, as up to one third of all housing was turned into rubble. The experiment was a catastrophe for the natural world as well, as the land was savaged in the maniacal pursuit of steel and other industrial accomplishments." "In a powerful meshing of exhaustive research in Chinese archives and narrative drive, Dikotter for the first time links up what happened in the corridors of power---the vicious backstabbing and bullying tactics that took place among party leaders---with the everyday experiences of ordinary people, giving voice to the dead and disenfranchised. His magisterial account recasts the history of the People's Republic of China."--BOOK JACKET

Abstract
This article discusses the problem of evaluating socio-political interventions in language at the case of Croatian. From a theoretical point of view, definitions of such interventions, often called purism, are first analyzed and placed in the context of the 'one standard axiom' thesis. To determine why only some historical periods of intervention are labeled as purist, a brief comparative overview is provided of conflicting perspectives on interventions in the Croatian language made between 1918 and 1990. The author argues that partial historical analyses will always find that a particular regime pursued a policy of purism. Moreover, proponents of the Yugoslav period as normal adhere to the thesis of the existence of the 'One Standard Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian Axiom,' while their counterparts argue for the distinctiveness of the Croatian language from related South Slavic languages.

As with Amazonian primates, mixed associations between species in the Atlantic Forest are also influenced by ecological factors. However, Atlantic Forest primates may face additional challenges, such as isolation pressures and fragmentation of forest habitats, which may increase the frequency of these arrangements. The main of this work is to report a sympatry with possible interaction between individuals of two species of primates of the Pitheciidae and Callitrichidae families: Callicebus nigrifrons (Spix 1823) and Callithrix aurita (É. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire 1812) in an urban park in the south of the state of Minas Gerais. Individuals were observed interacting during foraging and displacement. The association of individuals of the two species can be explained by the low quality of the forest fragment, as it can increases the chances of obtaining food resources and configures a dilution strategy against predator attacks.

The study deals with the issue of commercial education in Austrian Silesia in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It specifi cally focuses on schools oriented this way in the East Silesian centre of Cieszyn (Teschen), whose development is placed in the context of more general trends in the development of Silesian and pre-Austrian commercial education. It primarily focuses on the circumstances of the emergence of schools and their composition, organization, curriculum content and students. The study aims to assess to what extent Cieszyn fulfi lled the role of an alternative centre for commercial education in Silesia during the observed period alongside the provincial capital of Opava, and to what extent the signifi cance of local educational institutions crossed provincial borders and benefi ted the population of the southern regions of neighbouring Galicia.