Suchergebnisse

Transitional justice studies increasingly apply to processes of truth, restoration and accountability in contexts far removed from the paradigmatic transitions from authoritarianism or war to relatively liberal democracy on which the field was initially based. At a time when transitional justice is being evaluated with greater stringency, it is worrying that assessments of its worth might be unduly coloured by reliance on non-transitional circumstances of established democracies or ongoing conflicts or authoritarianism. A systematic empirical understanding of the value of transitional justice is skewed when undue weight is given to mechanisms applied in favourable contexts. This may be where political or economic circumstances are so advanced that the mechanisms have little causal significance to an ongoing process of political, civil and (possibly) economic reform, or in contexts too inimical to anything approaching a liberalising or peace-building conclusion (e.g. when it takes place while war is ongoing or within an authoritarian regime). The article accepts that transitional justice mechanisms can be used to improve conditions under authoritarianism or war and can augment the rule of law, development and human rights in states that are already committed to liberal democracy. However, its impact in these non-paradigmatic circumstances will be limited because of the weakness of the state's commitment to improving societal conditions in the former and the pre-existing strength of the commitment in the latter. It argues that there is a distinction between transitional justice and the use of transitional justice mechanisms.

In den letzten fünfzehn Jahren ist das Wissenschaftssystem erheblich in Bewegung geraten. Einen Aspekt unter vielen bildet dabei die wissenschaftspolitische Forderung nach verstärkter Verwertungsorientierung öffentlicher Forschungsergebnisse. Fehlende Erfolge im Wissens- und Technologietransfer in öffentlichen Forschungseinrichtungen werden aus wissenschaftspolitischer Sicht meist als ein Praxisproblem gesehen, das die Institutsleitung lösen kann, indem sie, gleich einer Firma, eine spezifische Transferkultur in der Organisation etabliert. Das hier vorliegende Papier reflektiert Transferaktivitäten in der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft. Auf Makro- wie auf Mikroebene wurden überwiegend wirtschaftliche Aktivitäten in technologieorientierten Instituten der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft untersucht. Aus einer organisationssoziologischen Perspektive zeigt sich, dass auch in vermeintlich transfernahen Leibniz-Instituten konfligierende Erwartungen und Handlungsorientierungen zum Tragen kommen, die auf der Organisationsebene in Form unterschiedlicher Strategien austariert werden müssen. Die damit verbundenen Implikationen für die Institute und die Leibniz-Gemeinschaft werden am Ende des Papers diskutiert. ; In the last 15 years, there have been considerable changes in Germany's science system. One of the demands made by science policy makers of research organizations is more commercialization of the research results. The lack of success in this field is often interpretated by science policy as a practical problem that can be solved when institutes (directors) establish an organizational culture which supports technology transfer activities. This paper discusses out of a macro and micro perspective in organizational sociology technology transfer processes in rather technology oriented institutes of the Leibniz-Association. It is shown that these institutes are exposed to different expectations and orientations (of actions) from their institutional environments which cause conflicts they have to manage within the institutes. The negotiation processes to balance different interests in the institutes are reflected in this paper as well as its possible implications for the institutes and the Leibniz-Association.

Демографические показатели постоянно меняются в результате общественнополитических и социально-экономических процессов. Некоторые изменения проявляют себя за очень короткий период времени. В конце 80-х, начале 90-х гг. в постсоветском пространстве начался переходный период. Приобретение независимости, проведение экономических и социальных реформ отрицательно влияли на демографические показатели. В Азербайджане экономический кризис, ухудшение жизненного уровня, межнациональные конфликты и военное положение со соседней страной привели к тому, что усилилась эмиграция русскоязычного населения и коренных жителей, резко изменился этнический состав, возрастная структура, и структура занятости, снизился естественный прирост и темпы роста численности населения. В статье анализируются эти процессы, их причины и социально-демографические последствия. Demographic indicators constantly vary as a result of political, social and economic processes. Some changes prove for very short period of time. In the late eighties, the beginning of nineties years in the post-Soviet territory the transition period has begun. Gain of independence, implementation of economic and social reforms negatively influenced to demographic indicators. In Azerbaijan the economic crisis, deterioration of a standard of life, international conflicts and the martial law with the neighboring country have led to that the emigration of the Russian-speaking population and aboriginals amplified, the ethnic structure, age structure, and employment structure sharply changed, the natural increase and rates of growth of the population decreased. These processes, their reasons and social-demographic after-effects are analyzed in the article.

Undergraduate medical education in Sweden has moved from nationally regulated, subject-based courses to programmes integrated either around organ systems or physiological and patho-physiological processes, or organised around basic medical science in conjunction with clinical specialities, with individual profiles at the seven medical schools. The national regulations are restricted to overall academic and professional outcomes. The 5½ year long university undergraduate curriculum is followed by a mandatory 18 months internship, delivered by the County Councils. While quality control and accreditation for the university curriculum is provided by the Swedish National Agency for Higher Education, no such formal control exists for the internship; undergraduate medical education is therefore in conflict with EU directives from 2005. The Government is expected to move towards 6 years long university undergraduate programmes, leading to licence, which will facilitate international mobility of both Swedish and foreign medical students and doctors. Ongoing academic development of undergraduate education is strengthened by the Bologna process. It includes outcome (competence)-based curricula, university Masters level complying with international standards, progression of competence throughout the curriculum, student directed learning, active participation and roles in practical clinical education and a national assessment model to assure professional competence. In the near future, the dimensioning of Swedish undergraduate education is likely to be decided more by international demands and aspects of quality than by national demands for doctors.

This article seeks to relocate the analysis of violence in Palestine within an alternative paradigm that emphasizes long-term processes of global colonization. Beginning from the premise that Palestine is a site of an ongoing settler-colonial project (Zionism) rather than a simple "conflict," it views contemporary realities as overdetermined by the deep structures that this project has put in place. Using the work of Paul Virilio as a key theoretical touchstone, it explores Palestine's microcosmic and often prophetic embeddedness in three overlapping colonial modes: exocolonization (the colonization of territories outside one's own), endocolonization (the colonization of specific populations within the territory under one's control in the context of permanent or "pure" war), and dromocolonization (the colonization of humanity by techno-scientific acceleration). Examination of these three modes not only sheds light on Zionism's specific colonial practices (e.g., the exclusion and confinement of Palestinians), but also encourages us to think beyond actor-centered conceptions of politics and consider the impact of processes (e.g., militarization or acceleration) that stretch beyond the control of rational actors. In particular, we see how Palestine has become a laboratory for new forms of warfare and social control whose global implications cannot be overestimated. With this in mind, the article concludes by arguing that an exploration of the challenges and possibilities of decolonization in Palestine can help us think through what global decolonization might mean.

Undergraduate medical education in Sweden has moved from nationally regulated, subject-based courses to programmes integrated either around organ systems or physiological and patho-physiological processes, or organised around basic medical science in conjunction with clinical specialities, with individual profiles at the seven medical schools. The national regulations are restricted to overall academic and professional outcomes. The 51/2 year long university undergraduate curriculum is followed by a mandatory 18 months internship, delivered by the County Councils. While quality control and accreditation for the university curriculum is provided by the Swedish National Agency for Higher Education, no such formal control exists for the internship; undergraduate medical education is therefore in conflict with EU directives from 2005. The Government is expected to move towards 6 years long university undergraduate programmes, leading to licence, which will facilitate international mobility of both Swedish and foreign medical students and doctors. Ongoing academic development of undergraduate education is strengthened by the Bologna process. It includes outcome (competence)-based curricula, university Masters level complying with international standards, progression of competence throughout the curriculum, student directed learning, active participation and roles in practical clinical education and a national assessment model to assure professional competence. In the near future, the dimensioning of Swedish undergraduate education is likely to be decided more by international demands and aspects of quality than by national demands for doctors.

The advancement of research from discovery to the delivery of medical care can be limited without the support of industry to sponsor its continued development. Federal government financial support is generally crucial in early-stage development through funding from the NIH, National Science Foundation, and other federal agencies; however, government support generally stops shortly after basic research discoveries have been reported. Much of the cessation of financial support derives from the government's regulatory responsibilities, as sponsoring the commercialization of a product conflicts with regulation of the approval for clinical use of a drug or device. Furthermore, differences in goals, resources, and flexibility render government, as compared with private industry, inefficient and less responsive to market demands with regard to stream-lining the development of and enhancing the quality of products and services offered. Thus, industry and private investment provide the bridge that converts new discoveries into healthcare products that are available to consumers and patients. This conversion occurs through commercialization, which involves both high risks and high rewards. Taking advantage of the commercialization option for research development requires an understanding of the technology transfer process. This article reviews 5 topics: 1) industry motivation to invest in academic research; 2) institutional considerations in partnering with industry; 3) academia's interactions with inventors in the commercialization process; 4) the research institution's route to commercialization, and 5) the role of intellectual property and commercialization in the advancement of healthcare.

Under National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in September 2005, Government of India got passed the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act in the Parliament. Through this Act, a member of a rural house hold was to be provided job for at least 100 days in a financial year, as an unskilled worker (labourer). This was guaranteed under the Act. Thereafter Government of India issued a guide and the scheme was launched on February 2, 2006 in 200 districts of the country. In the first phase this scheme was launched in 22 districts of Uttar Pradesh. For transparency and Responsibility in NREGA, Social audit is an effective tool. It returns to the poor and deprived people its right of ownership alongwith democratic awareness. Social audit is such a process which promotes mass awareness and also ensures people's participation. For ensuring transparency and responsibility, people's involvement is a must and it will be tickle down to the lower levels only when the process of social audit is adopted and done through citizens, groups and gram sambas. The most interesting finding of this research is the possibility of a new paradigm for the relationship between state agencies and civil society organisations. In a sense, this model involves both conflict and cooperation with state agencies and therein lies it uniqueness. Ar we approach the second anniversary of NREGA in February-2008 there may be lessons to be learnt from the experience of Andhra Pradesh for other states.

When Taliban rule was overthrown in autumn 2001 Afghanistan was to start a new pattern of peace-building process. However, experts on Afghanistan pointed out several problematic aspects of Afghan post-war society (criminalization, distribution of arms, disaster economy with narcotic production within failed state etc.). These problems determined the key tasks of both newly installed Afghan government and international community (often viewed as "strangers on Afghan soil"). The status of the above mentioned points are analyzed in the article within the chapters dealing with politics, economy, army, drugs, raising of military opposition and the role of outside players in the country. All of these aspects move around insolvable vicious circles and nobody is able to cleave them in its complexity. They also hamper any peace settlement in the country for a long-term perspective.The consequences of analyzed vicious circles for future development of Afghanistan seem to be rather pessimistic. Despite certain positive trends of peace-building process, the overall situation moves on to onward deterioration. The presence of foreign troops provokes more attacks from opposition field commanders. Western armies have limited maneuvering capabilities and they are not able to neutralized negative propaganda against themselves. However, it keeps at least some stability within the country and without them the Karzai's regime will be probably overthrown. Legitimate government is not able to manage the country, but its fall would probably lead in the new round of internal conflict in the country.

Резкая эскалация недавнего военно-политического конфликта в Южной Осетии является лишь локальным индикатором острейших проблем мирового геополитического пространства в целом. В данной статье анализируются причины нарастания хаоса и неуправляемости процессов. Во многом, по мнению автора, это является следствием одномерной стратегии США с ее методами насильственной военной и идеологической индоктринации мирового политического пространства. Современную ситуацию автор определяет как «постреализм» с соответствующими институциональными и идеологическими характеристиками. В заключение сделаны выводы и краткосрочные прогнозы относительно факторов, значение которых будет возрастать как в самих международных отношениях, так и в подходах к их изучению. ; The aim of the article is to represent the problems of today in the processes of geopolitics and to analyze the causes and possible effects of them. Sharp escalation of recent military and political conflict in South Ossetia is only the local indicator of burning problems of the world geopolitical space. This article examines the reasons for this escalation of chaos and uncontrolled processes. In the author's opinion, this is the result of one-dimensional strategy of the United States, of its violent methods of military and ideological indoctrination of world political space. The author defines current situation as «post realism» with the relevant institutional and ideological characteristics. Summaries and short-term forecasts on the factors, the value of which will grow in self-international relations and in approaches to the study are represented in the conclusion of the article.

The situation of displacement by violence in Colombia is one of the most dramatic social problems for which traverses much of our population today, has affected the loss of fundamental rights, specifically in the full exercise of citizenship. In relation to this forced migration, have advanced studies show that the structural causes of conflict and humanitarian processes attention to individuals, families and communities affected. There are few investigations on the restoration of citizenship in the new territories, from organizational processes and social participation, political and community involvement. The authors investigated the matter with people that has been established in the Towns of Usme and Ciudad Bolivar in Bogota. ; La situación de desplazamiento por violencia en Colombia hace parte de las problemáticas sociales más dramáticas por las cuales atraviesa gran parte de nuestra población hoy en día; ha repercutido en la pérdida de los derechos fundamentales, específicamente en el ejercicio pleno de las ciudadanías. En relación a esta migración forzosa, se han adelantado estudios que muestran las causas estructurales del conflicto y los procesos de atención humanitaria a las personas, familias y comunidades afectadas. Son escasas las investigaciones en torno al restablecimiento de las ciudadanías en los nuevos territorios, a partir de procesos de organización y participación social, política y comunitaria. Las autoras investigan el tema con población que se ha establecido en las localidades de Usme y Ciudad Bolívar de Bogotá.

This article outlines the views of children and parents involved in family law disputes, about the need for and appropriateness of children's participation in decisions regarding residence and contact arrangements. Ninety parents and 47 children (ranging in age from 6 to 18 years) who had been through parental separation, were interviewed. Both parents and children had a range of views about the general appropriateness and fairness of children being involved, but the great majority, particularly of parents, thought that children should have a say in these matters. Core findings of the study include the considerable influence that older children had over the arrangements either in the aftermath of the separation or in making further changes over time, and the higher stated need of children who had experienced violence, abuse, or high levels of conflict to be heard than those in less problematic and noncontested matters. Parents involved in contested proceedings supported the participation of children at a younger age than those who were not. There was a reasonable degree of agreement between parents and children about the need for children to be acknowledged and the value of their views being heard in the decision‐making process. Parents, however, expressed concern about the pressure and manipulation that children can face and exert in this process, whereas children were generally more concerned about the fairness of the outcomes, and maintaining their relationships with their parents and siblings.

This article charts the constellation of vision and research that underpin a new era in the Family Court of Australia, focusing on the development and outcomes of two programs that have attempted to meaningfully reinforce the centrality of children's rights and needs in family court proceedings. The Less Adversarial Trial and its front‐end Child Responsive Program (CRP) both aim to minimise the potentially negative effects on parents of a litigation process by application of a more intensive case management model adopted with the intention of altering the parents' experience of the journey. Key features of this approach include the adoption of inquisitorial techniques, which include direct consultation with children through the CRP, modified application of the rules of evidence, and strong judicial management rather than being party driven. Findings from two studies into the pilot Children's Cases Program (now the Less Adversarial Trial) and the CRP are discussed. Significantly, evidence is outlined around the capacity of the new processes to impact on both the co‐parenting and parent–child relationships and to influence short‐term adjustment of complex families in high‐conflict dispute. In encouraging a more active focus on children's needs and views and by facilitating a stronger voice for children in proceedings that affect them, both initiatives advance Australia's commitments under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

I believe that freedom of choice constitutes a pillar of rational choice in economic theory, regardless of the definition of rational choice one adopts. On the other hand, economics being socially embedded, free choice in economics seems senseless without political freedom of choice. Democracy, therefore, plays an important role in economic efficiency as much as in social fairness. Following this line of thought one should expect that economics, both in theory and in practice, should permanently strengthen the role of democracy in its institutional construction. Unfortunately it does not seem to be the case. Although historically many of the democratic achievements in the past two centuries have been intimately connected to the development of liberal economics, one can assert that mainstream liberal economics is intrinsically contradictory with the democratic ideal. The first stage of the demonstration of this thesis concerns the dismounting of the naturalization process that economics has undergone with the purpose of transforming economic decisions into plain technical issues supposedly free from democratic debate.The second stage concerns the ways in which the market has managed to legitimise its hegemony in society and the reasons why this contributes to the erosion of democracy. Within this hegemony five aspects will be dealt with; the imposition of a market jurisdiction; the deregulation of the economy; the process of political and economic unaccountability; the de-politicization of free choice and the conflict between the territorialization of democracy and the de-territorialization of economics.