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The paper interrogates the various discourse strategies adopted by the electorate on social media (SM) to delegitimize political opponents and engender rivalry in the build-up to the February 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria. A total of forty-two (42) Facebook (FB) posts on Nigerian political discourse were purposively selected between November 2018 and January 2019, and subjected to pragmatic and evaluative analysis, adopting Mey's (2001) pragmatic acts theory and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal theory.From our analysis, fourteen (14) different delegitimization strategies were found to have been utilized by the writers to achieve the pragmatic acts of discrediting political opponents as unworthy of being voted into powers, while concurrently persuading the electorate to support their side instead. These strategies include the following categories: facts and evidence, issue-based rhetorical question, frank issue-based opinion, contrastive engagement, and dysphemism. Others are implicit antithesis, direct verbal attack, allegations, irony, demonization, self-indictment, lexical gymnastics, sarcasm, and prophetism. The findings show overt and covert persuasive strategies and interactivity towards the pragmatic act of delegitimizing political opponents, showing words as the real weapons on the battlefield of politics. The analysis further reveals that people tend to support a SM post not necessarily because it is true, but because it supports the chances of their candidate or hurts the opposing side. Thus a platform has been provided for implicit and explicit political stance taking, which may be difficult outside SM due to certain insecurity and face threats. SM has become a site for a running, fierce, and open political discourse, the new voice for the voiceless, as well as for issue-based campaigns in Nigeria. It may well become a space where general elections are won and lost even before a vote is cast. ; The paper interrogates the various discourse strategies adopted by the electorate on social media (SM) to delegitimize political opponents and engender rivalry in the build-up to the February 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria. A total of forty-two (42) Facebook (FB) posts on Nigerian political discourse were purposively selected between November 2018 and January 2019, and subjected to pragmatic and evaluative analysis, adopting Mey's (2001) pragmatic acts theory and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal theory.From our analysis, fourteen (14) different delegitimization strategies were found to have been utilized by the writers to achieve the pragmatic acts of discrediting political opponents as unworthy of being voted into powers, while concurrently persuading the electorate to support their side instead. These strategies include the following categories: facts and evidence, issue-based rhetorical question, frank issue-based opinion, contrastive engagement, and dysphemism. Others are implicit antithesis, direct verbal attack, allegations, irony, demonization, self-indictment, lexical gymnastics, sarcasm, and prophetism. The findings show overt and covert persuasive strategies and interactivity towards the pragmatic act of delegitimizing political opponents, showing words as the real weapons on the battlefield of politics. The analysis further reveals that people tend to support a SM post not necessarily because it is true, but because it supports the chances of their candidate or hurts the opposing side. Thus a platform has been provided for implicit and explicit political stance taking, which may be difficult outside SM due to certain insecurity and face threats. SM has become a site for a running, fierce, and open political discourse, the new voice for the voiceless, as well as for issue-based campaigns in Nigeria. It may well become a space where general elections are won and lost even before a vote is cast. ; The paper interrogates the various discourse strategies adopted by the electorate on social media (SM) to delegitimize political opponents and engender rivalry in the build-up to the February 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria. A total of forty-two (42) Facebook (FB) posts on Nigerian political discourse were purposively selected between November 2018 and January 2019, and subjected to pragmatic and evaluative analysis, adopting Mey's (2001) pragmatic acts theory and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal theory.From our analysis, fourteen (14) different delegitimization strategies were found to have been utilized by the writers to achieve the pragmatic acts of discrediting political opponents as unworthy of being voted into powers, while concurrently persuading the electorate to support their side instead. These strategies include the following categories: facts and evidence, issue-based rhetorical question, frank issue-based opinion, contrastive engagement, and dysphemism. Others are implicit antithesis, direct verbal attack, allegations, irony, demonization, self-indictment, lexical gymnastics, sarcasm, and prophetism. The findings show overt and covert persuasive strategies and interactivity towards the pragmatic act of delegitimizing political opponents, showing words as the real weapons on the battlefield of politics. The analysis further reveals that people tend to support a SM post not necessarily because it is true, but because it supports the chances of their candidate or hurts the opposing side. Thus a platform has been provided for implicit and explicit political stance taking, which may be difficult outside SM due to certain insecurity and face threats. SM has become a site for a running, fierce, and open political discourse, the new voice for the voiceless, as well as for issue-based campaigns in Nigeria. It may well become a space where general elections are won and lost even before a vote is cast. ; The paper interrogates the various discourse strategies adopted by the electorate on social media (SM) to delegitimize political opponents and engender rivalry in the build-up to the February 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria. A total of forty-two (42) Facebook (FB) posts on Nigerian political discourse were purposively selected between November 2018 and January 2019, and subjected to pragmatic and evaluative analysis, adopting Mey's (2001) pragmatic acts theory and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal theory.From our analysis, fourteen (14) different delegitimization strategies were found to have been utilized by the writers to achieve the pragmatic acts of discrediting political opponents as unworthy of being voted into powers, while concurrently persuading the electorate to support their side instead. These strategies include the following categories: facts and evidence, issue-based rhetorical question, frank issue-based opinion, contrastive engagement, and dysphemism. Others are implicit antithesis, direct verbal attack, allegations, irony, demonization, self-indictment, lexical gymnastics, sarcasm, and prophetism. The findings show overt and covert persuasive strategies and interactivity towards the pragmatic act of delegitimizing political opponents, showing words as the real weapons on the battlefield of politics. The analysis further reveals that people tend to support a SM post not necessarily because it is true, but because it supports the chances of their candidate or hurts the opposing side. Thus a platform has been provided for implicit and explicit political stance taking, which may be difficult outside SM due to certain insecurity and face threats. SM has become a site for a running, fierce, and open political discourse, the new voice for the voiceless, as well as for issue-based campaigns in Nigeria. It may well become a space where general elections are won and lost even before a vote is cast. ; The paper interrogates the various discourse strategies adopted by the electorate on social media (SM) to delegitimize political opponents and engender rivalry in the build-up to the February 2019 presidential elections in Nigeria. A total of forty-two (42) Facebook (FB) posts on Nigerian political discourse were purposively selected between November 2018 and January 2019, and subjected to pragmatic and evaluative analysis, adopting Mey's (2001) pragmatic acts theory and Martin and White's (2005) appraisal theory.From our analysis, fourteen (14) different delegitimization strategies were found to have been utilized by the writers to achieve the pragmatic acts of discrediting political opponents as unworthy of being voted into powers, while concurrently persuading the electorate to support their side instead. These strategies include the following categories: facts and evidence, issue-based rhetorical question, frank issue-based opinion, contrastive engagement, and dysphemism. Others are implicit antithesis, direct verbal attack, allegations, irony, demonization, self-indictment, lexical gymnastics, sarcasm, and prophetism. The findings show overt and covert persuasive strategies and interactivity towards the pragmatic act of delegitimizing political opponents, showing words as the real weapons on the battlefield of politics. The analysis further reveals that people tend to support a SM post not necessarily because it is true, but because it supports the chances of their candidate or hurts the opposing side. Thus a platform has been provided for implicit and explicit political stance taking, which may be difficult outside SM due to certain insecurity and face threats. SM has become a site for a running, fierce, and open political discourse, the new voice for the voiceless, as well as for issue-based campaigns in Nigeria. It may well become a space where general elections are won and lost even before a vote is cast. ; Prispevek obravnava različne strategije za delegitimiziranje političnih nasprotnikov in krepitev političnega boja v diskurzu, ki so ga širili volivci v družbenih medijih v času nigerijskih predsedniških volitev februarja 2019. Za namen študije je bilo v obdobju med novembrom 2018 in januarjem 2019 zbranih skupno 42 objav na Facebooku, ki so vsebovale politični diskurz. Analiza objav se je osredotočila na pragmatične vidike jezika vrednotenja, pri čemer sta bili za teoretski okvir uporabljeni Meyeva teorija pragmatičnih dejanj (2001) in teorija jezika vrednotenja Martina in Whita (2005). Analiza kaže, da je bilo uporabljenih 14 različnih strategij delegitimiranja, ki so jih pisci širili za diskreditiranje političnih nasprotnikov kot neprimernih za izvolitev in prepričevanje volivcev v podporo njihove strani. Te strategije vključujejo naslednje kategorije: dejstva in dokazi, retorična vprašanja na določeno temo, odkrito mnenje na določeno temo, izražanje kontrasta, disfemizem, implicitna antiteza, neposredni verbalni napad, obtožbe, ironija, demoniziranje, samoobtožba, leksikalna gimnastika, sarkazem in prerokbe. Ugotovitve kažejo, da objave vsebujejo implicitne in eksplicitne strategije prepričevanja in interaktivnost v pragmatičnem dejanju delegitimiziranja političnih nasprotnikov, pri čemer besede postanejo arzenal na bojišču politike. Analiza nadalje nakazuje, da ljudje objav v družbenih medijih običajno ne podpirajo zato, ker bi bile resnične, temveč zato, ker podpirajo izvolitev kandidata njihove strani ali kritizirajo nasprotno stran. Družbeni mediji tako ponujajo platformo za izražanje implicitnih in eksplicitnih političnih stališč, kar je zunaj družbenih medijev zaradi pomanjkanja varnosti in morebitnih groženj lahko težko. Ti mediji so postali mesto za tekoč, bojevit in odprt politični diskurz ter nov glas za tiste, ki so sicer brez glasu, kar odpira novo obdobje v političnih kampanjah v nigerijskih družbenih medijih. Družbeni mediji lahko sčasoma postanejo prostor, kjer se volitve dobijo ali izgubijo še pred dejanskimi volitvami.

V članku preučujem, kako se sodobni francoski avtobiografski roman spreminja in razvija iz osebne izpovedne proze v preplet avtobiografije, generacijskega romana in socialne proze, kakršnega v francoski književnosti doslej ni bilo. Tovrstni roman – ki slovenski prozi 20. stoletja ni tuj – bom natančneje opredelila skozi razmišljanje o metodoloških težavah, ki jih povzroča »avtosociobiografija«, kakor jo poimenuje pisateljica Annie Ernaux, in skozi podrobno analizo treh literarnih del s preloma med 20. in 21. stoletjem: v romanih La Place (Prostor, 1982) in Les Années (Leta, 2008) pisateljice Annie Ernaux (rojena leta 1940) ter v avtobiografski pripovedi En Camping-car (Avtodom, 2016) Ivana Jablonke (rojen leta 1973).

The Little Rock NAACP decision to sue, 1954-1956 -- Aaron v. Cooper: rights at bay, 1956-1957 -- The crisis erupts, 1957 -- Cooper v. Aaron: delay won and appealed, 1957-1958 -- The Cooper v. Aaron opinions: unanimity and division, 1958 -- Protean precedent after 1958

Das Interesse der Griechen für das serbische lyrische Volksschaffen äußerte sich in drei besonderen Wellen (im sieben Jahrzehnt des 19. Jh., gleich zu Beginn des 20. Jh. und im dritten und vierten Jahrzehnt des 20. Jh.). Die von Tommaseo, Koumanoudis, Martsokis oder Velianitis in führenden literarischen oder volkstümlichen Zeitschriften erschienenen Übersetzungen, hatten außer einer kulturellen auch eine politische Mission. Die Instrumentalisierung der geistigen Werte für den Bedarf der politischen Annäherung zeigt auch die Änderungen im Selbstverständnis des griechischen nationalen Wesens auf. *** Zanimanje Grkov za srbsko ljudsko lirsko ustvarjalnost se je pokazalo v treh valovih (v sedmem destletju 19. stoletja, na začetku 20. stoletja in v 30. in 40. letih 20. stoletja). Prevodi Tommasea, Koumanoudisa, Martsokisa in Velianitisa, objavljeni v vodilnih literarnih ali narodopisnih časopisih, so imeli poleg kulturne tudi pomembno politično poslanstvo. Instrumentalizacija duhovnih vrednot za potrebe političnega zbliževanja kaže tudi na spremebmo v samorazumevanju grškega nacionalnega bistva.