Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Whatever the outcome of the Russo-Ukrainian War, in its wake Ukraine will need to choose a security policy to defend its sovereignty from future threats. Its choice holds implications for broader European security. Some observers advocate Ukraine becoming a member in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), thereby gaining protection from the U.S. "nuclear umbrella." Others doubt the effectiveness of "extended nuclear deterrence"—the threat of U.S. nuclear retaliation for attacks, including those carried out with conventional armed forces, on an ally's territory. But nuclear deterrence was never put to the test in Cold War Europe, and today extended nuclear deterrence is an unreliable and risky approach to Russian aggression. An examination of the role of nuclear deterrence during the 1961 Berlin Crisis demonstrates that Soviet military strategy against U.S. nuclear weapons posed the risk of escalation. In vulnerable NATO territories, such as the Estonian city of Narva, such a risk still exists. A Cold War–era alternative to nuclear deterrence offers the possibility of a non-nuclear defense for Ukraine. Proposals such as the "spider in the web" strategy draw on concepts of the security dilemma and non-offensive, confidence-building defense to provide for Ukrainian security in a Europe threatened by Russian expansion, without relying on the threat of nuclear war.

Until recently, sport and exercise psychologists have been researching acculturation and its relation with sport and exercise through a lens of universalism and (post)positivism. Using such ontological and epistemological assumptions, researchers have been preoccupied with finding linear patterns that predict the behaviours of immigrants in their new environments without much consideration to historical, sociopolitical and cultural contexts (Chirkov, 2009a). Acculturation, however, is a changing process that is extended over time and revolves within and around specific historical, political and cultural contexts. Considerations from post/anti/decolonial studies maintain that through the western eyes, race and ethnicity have become synonymous for non-white people who have been positioned as different and lesser than their white counterparts (Butryn, 2009). Western scholarship has continued to place this 'cultural other' in the margins of the society and in constant need of intervention. Despite a call for rethinking the epistemological understanding of the acculturation and its relation to sport and exercise (Chirkov, 2009b; Ryba & Schinke, 2009), European and Scandinavias sport and exercise psychology has remained unchallenged territory for the most part. This critical overview is a call for decolonizing the knowledge and scholarship within sport and exercise psychology by utilizing transformative approaches that centralize the voices of the cultural 'other' and treat them as active agents in the process of knowledge production.

Despite the apparent fact that churches, including cathedrals, are constructed for specific purposes, namely to provide a physical frame for the execution of the various rites and acts demanded by the Christian cult and liturgy, such aspects have rarely been seriously considered in the scholarly research on Scandinavian medieval architecture. The monuments have usually been treated primarily as art historical and archaeological objects, with the main interest directed towards their building history, including possible international connections as regards formal characteristics, and sometimes also towards the buildings as manifestations of political, secular and/or ecclesiastical, processes. An ambitious effort to compensate for this lack of a more comprehensive view of the churches in their totality, i.e. as built structures providing room for cult and ritual, is made in the anthology The Medieval Cathedral of Trondheim. Architectural and Ritual Constructions in their European Context. In altogether eight articles plus an introduction, various manifestations of medieval cult and liturgy are examined in relation to the grand Gothic cathedral of Trondheim. The volume is the outcome of a conference in Trondheim in 2004, co-arranged by the Centre for Medieval Studies at NTNU (the Norwegian University of Technology and Science) and the Centre for the Study of the Cultural Heritage of Medieval Rituals at the University of Copenhagen.

The Swedish statute incorporating the European Convention on Human Rights (hereafter "the Convention") entered into force on 1 January 1995.1The present article will look at what can loosely be termed the constitutional issues raised by incorporation of the Convention into Swedish law. One of the most interesting features of the Convention, like EC law, is that it is a separate, autonomous system of law which nonetheless, with incorporation, becomes a part of the national legal system. As such it cuts across national legal categorisations. But it is also an incomplete system. Convention issues can arise under national law which have not (yet) arisen in the context of the Convention system. Thus, studying the case law of other jurisdictions dealing with the Convention can be of immediate benefit to one's own system, even leaving aside the long-term, indirect benefit to be gained by studying comparative constitutional law in general. While the main focus of the article is directed at explaining the Swedish system for English-speaking readers, I will also draw some parallels with the British legislation incorporating the Convention.2Many questions remain regarding the likely impact of the Convention on British law. In time, the courts and Parliament will provide an answer to these. In the meantime, British lawyers can usefully study other jurisdictions.

International audience ; For the comprehensive assessment of the policy impact on greenhouse gas emissions from agricultural soils both socio-economic aspects and the environmental heterogeneity of the landscape are important factors that must be considered. We developed a modelling framework that links the large-scale economic model for agriculture CAPRI with the bio-geochemistry model DNDC to simulate greenhouse gas fluxes, carbon stock changes and the nitrogen budget of agricultural soils in Europe. The framework allows the ex-ante simulation of agricultural or agri-environmental policy impacts on wide range of environmental problems such as climate change (greenhouse gas emissions), air pollution and groundwater pollution. Those environmental impacts can be analysed in the context of economic and social indicators as calculated by the economic model. The methodology consists in four steps (i) the definition of appropriate calculation units that can be considered as homogeneous in terms of economic behaviour and environmental response; (ii) downscaling of regional agricultural statistics and farm management information from a CAPRI simulation run into the spatial calculation units; (iii) setting up of environmental model scenarios and model runs; and finally (iv) aggregating results for interpretation. We show first results of the nitrogen budget in cropland for the area of fourteen countries of the European Union. These results, in terms of estimated nitrogen fluxes, must still be considered as illustrative as needs for improvements in input data (e.g. the soil map) and management data (yield estimates) have been identified and will be the focus of future work. Nevertheless, we highlight inter-dependencies between farmer's choices of land uses and the environmental impact of different cultivation systems.

Introduction: Federalist politics and religious struggle in the new American nation -- I. Evangelicals and federalists -- John Jay and the shift from republican religion to Evangelical federalism -- Timothy Dwight and Jedidiah Morse : the politics of infidelity -- Caleb Strong and the politics of personal piety -- Advocating "public righteousness" : Elias Boudinot and the transformation of Federalist religion -- II. Alternatives to the Evangelical Party -- Unitarian politics and the splintering of the Federalist coalition -- Religion and federalism with a south Carolina accent -- III. Religion and politics after the Federalist Party -- Peter Augustus Jay : Federalist withdrawal and the turn to voluntarist morality -- William Jay : nonpolitical moral and religious reform -- Epilogue: Federalists, religion, and American politics

El presente artículo se propone analizar los fundamentos de un proyecto emblemático de la década sustancialmente reformista de 1620: el proyecto de la Unión de Armas, tal y como fue formulado para el ámbito de los Países Bajos católicos. La estrategia negociadora que siguieron los representantes del soberano ha sido reconstruida con detenimiento para subrayar el éxito parcial de Bruselas en el contexto de 1627: la aceptación de las provincias obedientes a participar en la «confederación armada» contrasta con la ausencia de un compromiso formal que las obligara a crecer sus servicios extraordinarios para sufragar un porcentaje mayor de gastos militares generados en su propio territorio. Compromiso que Felipe IV y Olivares persiguieron desde el primer momento pese a la controversia que su plan generó en el entorno de la Infanta gobernadora. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the basis of one of the master projects at the reformism of the 1620s, the Unión de Armas, as it was formulated to the catholic Netherlands. The bargaining strategy employed by the sovereign's representatives is reconstructed carefully in order to underline the partial success of the Brussels government in 1627: the loyal provinces's acceptance to take part in the «armed confederation » contrasts with non-agreement directed to increase their contributions of an extraordinary kind and to finance a bigger rate of domestic military spending. This was the agreement that Philip IV and the count-duke of Olivares tried to obtain since the beginning, in spite of the differences with the Court of Isabel Clara Eugenia.

El presente artículo se propone analizar los fundamentos de un proyecto emblemático de la década sustancialmente reformista de 1620: el proyecto de la Unión de Armas, tal y como fue formulado para el ámbito de los Países Bajos católicos. La estrategia negociadora que siguieron los representantes del soberano ha sido reconstruida con detenimiento para subrayar el éxito parcial de Bruselas en el contexto de 1627: la aceptación de las provincias obedientes a participar en la «confederación armada» contrasta con la ausencia de un compromiso formal que las obligara a crecer sus servicios extraordinarios para sufragar un porcentaje mayor de gastos militares generados en su propio territorio. Compromiso que Felipe IV y Olivares persiguieron desde el primer momento pese a la controversia que su plan generó en el entorno de la Infanta gobernadora. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the basis of one of the master projects at the reformism of the 1620s, the Unión de Armas, as it was formulated to the catholic Netherlands. The bargaining strategy employed by the sovereign's representatives is reconstructed carefully in order to underline the partial success of the Brussels government in 1627: the loyal provinces's acceptance to take part in the «armed confederation» contrasts with non-agreement directed to increase their contributions of an extraordinary kind and to finance a bigger rate of domestic military spending. This was the agreement that Philip IV and the count-duke of Olivares tried to obtain since the beginning, in spite of the differences with the Court of Isabel Clara Eugenia. ; Este ensayo se ha beneficiado de un proyecto CAM, n.° de ref. 06/0128/2001

In dieser Masterarbeit wird die Frage untersucht, ob sich in den mittel- und osteuropäischen EU-Mitgliedsländern der Erweiterungsrunde von 2004 (Estland, Litauen, Polen, Slowakei, Slowenien, Ungarn, Tschechien) in der Befürwortung verschiedener normativer Demokratiemodelle Unterschiede zwischen der jüngsten und den älteren Generationen finden lassen. Diese demokratischen Wertorientierungen spielen für die Persistenz der noch jungen Demokratien eine entscheidende Rolle. Eine Inkongruenz des mehrheitlich favorisierten Demokratiemodells einerseits und der institutionellen Struktur andererseits kann zu Spannungen und Instabilität des politischen Systems führen. Theoretisch werden zwei Demokratiekonzeptionen unterschieden: Das Modell der liberalen Demokratie und das Modell der sozialistischen Demokratie. Dem Sozialisationsansatz folgend, sollte die jüngste Generation ein liberales Demokratiemodell eher und ein sozialistisches Demokratiemodell weniger befürworten als die älteren Generationen. In der empirischen Analyse auf Basis der Daten der sechsten Welle des European Social Survey von 2012 wird zunächst durch konfirmatorische Faktorenanalysen die konzeptuelle Trennung beider Modelle bestätigt. In der Regressionsanalyse wird der Fokus durch die Untersuchung verschiedener Kohorten gelegt, zusätzlich wird für situative Faktoren und mögliche Alterseffekte kontrolliert. Die Ergebnisse der Modellschätzungen zeichnen ein heterogenes Bild. In keinem der untersuchten Länder zeigt sich eine signifikant höhere Zustimmung zum liberalen Demokratiemodell durch die jüngste Generation, wie es der theoretischen Erwartung entsprechen würde. Stattdessen finden sich entweder keine signifikanten Unterschiede zwischen den Generationen oder sogar signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte durch die jüngste Generation. Bei der Befürwortung eines sozialistischen Demokratiemodells entsprechen die Ergebnisse teilweise der theoretischen Erwartung: In einigen Ländern finden sich signifikant niedrigere Zustimmungswerte in der jüngsten Generation. ; In this thesis, I investigate the question whether there are differences between the youngest generation and older ones within the EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe, regarding the endorsement of different normative models of democracy. These democratic value orientations play a crucial role for the persistence of the newly established democracies. An incongruity between the favoured model of democracy of the majority on the on hand and the political structure on the other hand, can lead to serious frictions and therefore instability of the political system. Theoretically, I differentiate two conceptions of democracy: the liberal model and the socialist model of democracy. Following socialisation theory, I propose that the youngest generation should favour a liberal model of democracy rather than the socialistic model, both in comparison to the older generations. Within the empirical analysis, based on data from the sixth wave of the European Social Survey from 2012, first the theoretical separation of the two theoretical models is ratified through confirmatory factor analysis. The results of the following regressions are heterogeneous, focussing mainly on cohort analysis while controlling for situative factors and age effects. In none of the countries investigated, I find a higher endorsement for the liberal model of democracy within the youngest generation. Instead, either no differences or even lower approval values are observed within the youngest generation rejecting the proposed hypothesis. Regarding the endorsement of the socialistic model, the results partly confirm the theoretical expectations. In some countries, lower approval values for the youngest generation can be found while in others there are no differences between generations.

Subsequent to airline deregulation, an increasing commercialization, privatization and restructuring gradually changed a sovereign operated airport industry to modern business enterprises. Where market power was likely to be exploited, airports may now face competition with nearby airports or other transport modes. Consequently airport benchmarking became popular for comparisons with competitors and to assess efficiency changes resulting from the structural change. Within academic benchmarking a number of studies emerged utilizing parametric and non-parametric approaches to estimate the productivity and efficiency of airports. Building on the limitations and discussions from previous research the general objective of this thesis is to further the understanding of the airport industry and to improve airport benchmarking in order to enhance its usefulness for managerial, political and regulatory purposes. Particular emphasis is given on the consideration of the heterogeneous character of airports and how to explain efficiency difference across airports. The cumulative thesis presents the results of three research articles. The first article provides a survey on the methods, data and findings of empirical research from the current literature in airport benchmarking. The survey indicates substantial progress in the methodological application however many issues still remain unresolved such as the appropriate measurement of capital. The second article assesses the combined impact of ownership form, economic regulation and competition on airport performance and pricing in order to search for the most desirable combination. Australian and European are analyzed using non-parametric data envelopment analysis (DEA) in a first stage efficiency measurement and regression analysis in a second stage environmental study. The results reveal that airports not facing competition should be regulated to increase cost efficiency and prevent exploitation of market power. However, in a competitive setting, regulation inhibits airports of any ownership from operating efficiently. Nevertheless, unregulated private airports appear to remain profit-maximizer within competition. The third article aims to improve the airport benchmarking process. Most previous studies either treat the airport production technology as a black box or separate terminal and airside activities, assessing them individually. This research analyzes European airports as a single unit due to the direct complementarities but opening the black box through network DEA. Combined with dynamic clustering appropriate benchmarks are identified based on pre-defined characteristics. Compared to basic DEA models, the results of the network DEA structure provide more meaningful benchmarks with comparable peer units and target values that are achievable in the medium term.

Road safety has become an increasing concern in developed countries due to the significant amount of fatalities and the associated economic losses. Only in 2005 these losses rose to 200,000 million euros, a considerable sum ¿ approximately 2% of GDP ¿ that easily justifies any public intervention. One measure taken by governments to address this issue is to enact stricter policies and regulations. Since drunk driving is one of the greatest concerns among public authorities in this field, several European countries have lowered their illegal Blood Alcohol Content (BAC) levels to 0.5 mg/ml during the last decade. This study is the first evaluation of the effectiveness of this transition using European panel-based data (CARE) for the period 1991-2003 with the differences-in-differences method in a fixed effects estimation that allows for any pattern of correlation (Cluster-Robust). The results reveal a positive impact on certain groups of road users and on the whole population when the policy is accompanied by enforcement interventions. Moreover, positive results appeared after a time lag of over two years. Finally, I state the importance of controlling for serial correlation in the evaluation of this type of policy. ; - La seguridad vial se ha convertido en una creciente preocupación en el mundo desarrollado por el gran número de víctimas mortales sufridas y por las pérdidas económicas que se derivan de ella. En el año 2005 éstas ascendieron a 200.000 millones de euros, una cantidad que supone el 2% del PIB europeo y que justifica la existencia de intervención pública. Los gobiernos se enfrentan a este reto fijando leyes y normativas más estrictas, especialmente en la lucha contra la conducción bajo los efectos del alcohol. La mayoría de países europeos decidieron a lo largo de la última década rebajar el nivel de alcohol en sangre permitido hasta 0.5 mg/ml. Este trabajo evalúa por primera vez la eficacia de esta transición usando un panel de datos europeo (CARE) mediante el método de Diferencias en Diferencias y efectos fijos permitiendo cualquier patrón de correlación (Cluster-Robust). Los resultados muestran la existencia de un impacto positivo sobre ciertos grupos, mientras que la efectividad sobre el conjunto de usuarios solo se consigue donde la reducción en el nivel de alcohol en sangre se acompaña de medidas que fuerzan su cumplimiento. Además, el trabajo encuentra un retardo superior a dos años en dicha eficacia. Finalmente, también se destaca la importancia de controlar por la autocorrelación, habitualmente olvidada en la evaluación de esta política.

Third British presidency, which began July 1, 1986. Partial contents: Previous British presidencies; British policy becomes more European; Priority for the internal market; Entrepreneurs and employment.

This paper studies economic and financial spillovers from the euro area to Poland in a two-country semi-structural model. The model incorporates various channels of macrofinancial linkages and cross-border spillovers. We parameterize the model through an extensive calibration process, and provide a wide range of model properties and evaluation exercises. Simulation results suggest a prominent role of foreign demand shocks (euro area and global) in driving Poland's output, inflation and interest rate dynamics, particularly in recent years. Our model also has the capability for medium-term condi