Suchergebnisse

Explores John Burton's (1997) idea of comprehensive frameworks as a means of working out international conflict, & assesses his basic human need theories in terms of conflict resolution. Sandole concludes that Burton's sketches conflict resolution as political philosophy & political system together. He closes by stating that achieving international harmony requires that the complexity of conflicts be captured. 1 Figure, 45 References. J. Backman

TheDebatesection of theReviewaims to contribute to reflection on contemporary questions of humanitarian law, policy or action. In this issue of theReview, we invited two experts in international humanitarian law (IHL) –Claus KreβandFrédéric Mégret– to debate on how IHL applicable in non-international armed conflict (NIAC) should develop. In the two pieces that follow, Professor Kreβ submits for debate a new norm of international law outlawing NIACs – ajus contra bellum internum– with a corresponding set of rules applicable in NIACs – ajus in bello interno. Thejus in bello internowould give the "privilege of belligerency" – akin to combatants' privilege in international armed conflicts – to non-State actors in NIACs, providing an incentive for them to comply with these new rules of civil war. Frédéric Mégret critically examines the proposed privilege of belligerency, pointing out its problematic aspects and positing that the creation of such a privilege is, in fact, not desirable.

The "four-day war" in Karabakh in April 2016 was the result of a surprise attack by the Azerbaijani army. The fighting revealed that the military equilibrium has largely been maintained in spite of the massive military expenditure by Azerbaijan under Ilham Aliyev. The eruption of violence signals the end of the 1994 cease-fire and raises the question of whether it will lead to a new cycle of violence or stimulate diplomatic initiatives.

A review essay on 7 books addressing the conflict in Kashmir. A mass-based nationalist movement occurred in 1989 in the Kashmir Valley, accompanied by political insurgency headed by the secular Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front demanding independence & union of the Indian & Pakistan sides of Kashmir, & the irredentist groups headed by the Islamic Hizbul Mujahideen demanding unification with Pakistan. Both India & Pakistan have espoused irreconcilable positions on the issue. While Pakistan considers Kashmir a disputed territory, India deems it an integral part of India. A range of multilateral & bilateral solutions are explored, & major events & active key players in Kashmir politics & in the secessionist movement are considered. Contemporary political history of the region is organized in chronological order. The lack of solid political institutions, capable of providing outlets to the dissident population, has been largely responsible for the rise of militancy toward the cause of secession of Jammu & Kashmir from the Indian state. The lack of economic development rather than its excess bred political instability. Among scholars studying Kashmir's secession movement the general consensus is that a resolution of the present crisis will eventually have to entail some sort of autonomy for the state of Jammu & Kashmir. E. Sanchez

Departing from the previous focus on negative involvements of business in the political economy of war and its role in fuelling or causing conflict, transnational corporations are increasingly expected to contribute to conflict prevention, crisis management and post-conflict peace building. This paper analyzes under which conditions transnational corporations contribute to peace and security in zones of conflict. The question is explored in the framework of a comparative case study of Shell's engagement in Nigeria and BP's engagement in Azerbaijan. It is argued that transnational civil society activism, company and production characteristics and the role of the host state are crucial determinants of corporate engagement towards peace and security.

Despite the importance of alliances in international politics, little is known about how they theoretically and empirically affect militarized conflicts and vice versa. This study aims to examine the reciprocal relationship between alliances and militarized conflicts. The literature has focused only on the effects of alliances on militarized conflicts without paying much attention to the simultaneous causation between them. Thus, previous studies have not consistently revealed a relationship between alliances and conflict. Moreover, they are limited due to the use of dichotomous measures of shared alliance ties. Using a continuous measure of alliance ties, this study clearly demonstrates that shared alliance ties can be effective in reducing the likelihood of militarized conflicts. In addition, this study finds that there is a reciprocal relationship between shared alliances and militarized conflicts. It finds that militarized conflicts tend to decrease the level of shared alliance ties. Then, this study argues that alliance might be added to the next element behind the Kantian tripod as a salient factor that reduces militarized conflict. Finally, this study points to insights to be gained from the findings and suggests some policy implications.

Ten years after the HIV/AIDS epidemic itself was identified as a threat to international peace and security, findings from the three-year AIDS, Security and Conflict Initiative (ASCI)1 present evidence of the mutually reinforcing dynamics linking HIV/AIDS, conflict and security. Adapted from the source document.