Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the process of Sino-Russian rapprochement which has significantly intensified since the worsening of Russia's relations with the West in 2014. This process is studied as a part of the emerging of Greater Eurasia in place of Greater Europe which was envisioned in late 1980s. The states of Greater Eurasia, will not be tied by alliance relations, as are the United States and its European satellites. Some of them may turn to different centers of power; however, on the whole, they will form a unity, brought together by core interests. Precisely, this kind of democratic unity of Greater Europe could not be established by the United States and its allies. Attempting to subordinate every state to their dictates, they have united allies from most of Eastern Europe but lost Russia and Central Asia, and are increasingly antagonizing China and India, forcing them to draw closer to each other even in spite of significant contradictions. Only the future will tell who will succeed and who will not.

Research has shown that an enormous range of variation exists in nation-state commitment to environmental treaties and international cooperation. I examine the degree of involvement of eighteen democratic states across fifteen international environmental treaties over the past twenty years. The analysis tests several hypotheses of the rival theories of international-level policy making, specifically structural conditions, political institutions, interest-based, and international connectivity theory, to determine causal forces underlying collaborative international behavior. Empirical findings reveal that the strongest determinants of a state's international environmental treaty engagement are the citizenry's post-material orientations and executive-centered political institutions. This primarily corroborates liberal theory's emphasis on the underlying values of the polity and domestic institutional procedures and challenges the importance of external, international forces and structural conditions.

The United States needs to address the existing trust deficit with North Korea if it wants to coexist peacefully with that country. Trust building through health cooperation may be the least contentious way politically and the most likely to succeed. However, engagement on health and humanitarian assistance with North Korea, like security negotiations, has been undermined by geopolitics.

Acknowledgments -- Introduction: why pro-capitalists need to think pre-modern -- Why modern ideas leave capitalism exposed -- The social cooperation directive -- The Ciceronian theory of justice -- Capitalism cannot be secular -- A constitution that opens the way to capitalism -- How a redistributive state jeopardizes social cooperation -- Pursuing human excellence under capitalism -- Conclusion: from utter skepticism to probabilistic contrarianism -- Bibliography -- About the author

Abstract
By qualitatively drawing on relevant empirical and secondary data sources, the present study sought to investigate the relationship and the practice between the Ethiopian state and csos through the illustration of different relationship patterns, i.e. cooperation and/or co-optation and confrontation, between the two actors and the implications thereof for the imperative of democratization in the country. The study primarily analyzed two supplementary notions: the politico-legal changes in the governance of Ethiopian csos, between 1991 and 2018, on the one hand, and the strategies employed by cso actors to deal with such changes in the same period, on the other hand. The analysis could be further divided into two analytical time periods i.e., the first is from 1991 up to 2005 and the second is from 2005 up to 2018. In doing so, the study found out that the state-civil society relations in Ethiopia since 1991 was more complicated than implied by the liberal discourse, and reflected a continuum of accommodation and confrontation dynamics. The study concluded by arguing that the commonly held dichotomy which polarized the relation between the state and csos as a whole may have overlooked the nature of relationship between the two actors, which can range from overt and hidden tensions and active hostility to cooperation and collaboration, depending on various factors across time and space.

Examines Denmark's bilateral agreements on military cooperation with Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Russia, within the Partnership for Peace framework. Trilateral cooperation between Denmark, Germany, and Poland, and Baltic participation in UN peacekeeping operations.

Die Maghreb-Union ist eine Idee, die seit den 1950er Jahren als erstrebenswertes Ziel gilt. 1989 schien ein entscheidender Schritt getan, als sich die fünf Maghreb-Staaten Algerien, Marokko, Mauretanien, Libyen und Tunesien in der Arabischen Maghreb-Union (AMU) zusammenschlossen. Politische Differenzen zwischen den Maghreb-Staaten, insbesondere zwischen Algerien und Marokko, sowie innen- und außenpolitische Probleme einzelner AMU-Mitgliedsstaaten führten 1994 zu einer Blockade der AMU. Die Regimewechsel in Tunesien und Libyen 2011 stimulierten zwar seit 2012 Treffen auf Ministerebene, die politische Blockade der AMU wurde jedoch nicht gelöst. Die sicherheitspolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Probleme, eine Folge der politischen Entwicklungen nach 2011, begünstigten stattdessen eine nationale Rückbesinnung und Abschottung. Die anhaltende institutionelle Instabilität und der Aufschwung der Islamisten in Tunesien und Libyen wirken sich zudem kontraproduktiv auf die AMU aus. Regionale Kooperation wird ein Wunschbild bleiben, wenn sich die Vorstellungen von Staat und Gesellschaft und von der Rolle der Religion im Staat in den einzelnen Maghreb-Staaten weiter auseinander entwickeln.

"This book offers an understanding of the current state of public management in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region, highlighting the region's institutional and human capital constraints. Drawing on case studies from GCC states and beyond, the text provides a policy-oriented analysis of these challenges and a set of recommendations on how to address them. Public Management Reform in the Gulf Cooperation Council and Beyond utilizes several theoretical frameworks to explore three themes: first, how the quality of government and efficiency of its bureaucratic machinery can offer a business-friendly environment for the private sector; second, how public-private partnerships can foster stronger collaboration and exchange of knowledge and expertise between the public and private sectors; and finally, how the existing human capital constraints may be addressed through the effective implementation of talent management, knowledge management, and training programs. A comparative approach is taken throughout the book, contrasting the performance of GCC states with other Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries or the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) member countries in key governance, public sector performance, and business competitiveness indicators - to identify what the GCC states need to do to enhance the quality of government and the capacity to deliver services more efficiently. This book will appeal to academics, practitioners, policymakers and private sector consultants, as well as those interested more broadly in the Middle East and Gulf region"--