Suchergebnisse

Los procesos de transición en América Latina son sin lugar a dudas, un elemento de aprendizaje para poder identificar y comparar los avances en la puesta en marcha de esta propuesta en el marco de la Ley 1448 de 2011 en el caso colombiano. Para tal fin se hizo un ejercicio de análisis comparado con el fin de confrontar con los casos peruano y guatemalteco, quienes, con sus experiencias pasadas pueden servir como ejemplo para entrever una reparación colectiva como elemento cohesionador de las comunidades y colectividades vulneradas y violentadas en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano que aún no acaba. ; Abstract Transition processes in Latin America are undoubtedly an element of learning to identify and compare progress on the implementation of this proposal in the framework of Law 1448 of 2011 in the Colombian case. To this end was an exercise in comparative analysis in order to confront the Peruvian and Guatemalan cases who, with their past experiences can serve as an example to glimpse a collective redress as a cohesive element of communities and authorities violated and abused in the the Colombian armed conflict not yet finished. ; Maestría

The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the language policy on political stability in Ukraine. The article examines the current provisions of the Ukrainian legislation related to the development of language policy, as well as the provisions of the latest draft laws on the status of languages in Ukraine. The authors have analyzed recent trends in the development of language policy, which are a source of destabilization in modern Ukraine. The problem of ethno-political stability becomes one of the key problems for the modern Ukrainian state. This issue was on a par with socio-economic issues and foreign policy interaction. Its scientific analysis is necessary to determine the impact of the state language policy implemented in Ukraine on the development of all regions of the country, which have significant differences in their national composition, history and traditions. In this context, the study of this issue has not only theoretical but also practical importance. One of the draft laws regulating the language sphere assumes that foreign citizens who intend to obtain Ukrainian citizenship will have to take exams in the Ukrainian language. The required level of proficiency will be determined by the national Commission on the standards of the Ukrainian language. It will be created if the bill is passed by Parliament. This Commission will be entrusted with the task of determining the necessary level of proficiency in the state language for the persons willing to occupy certain positions. The bill provides for the introduction of mandatory use of the state Ukrainian language by various authorities. It provides for the use of the Ukrainian language not only for documentation, but also for pre-election campaigns carried out at the expense of the state budget. The main trends that occur in the language sphere of Ukraine prove that they are part of the processes that occur in all the former republics of the USSR. They include the revival of interest in the national language and national culture, the desire to expand the social functions of the national language in different spheres of communication in each of the newly independent states and constitute a part of the process of statehood assertion. ; Статья посвящена исследованию влияния языковой политики на политическую стабильность на Украине. В статье исследованы современные положения законодательства Украины, связанные с развитием языковой политики, а также положения последних законопроектов о статусе языков на территории Украины. Авторами проанализированы тенденции развития языковой политики, являющиеся источником дестабилизации в современной Украине. Проблема этнополитической стабильности становится одной из ключевых для современного украинского государства. Этот вопрос встал в один ряд с социально-экономическими вопросами и внешнеполитическим взаимодействием. Его научный анализ необходим для определения влияния государственной языковой политики, реализуемой на Украине, на развитие всех регионов страны, которые имеют значительные отличия по своему национальному составу, истории развития и традициям. В этом контексте, исследование данного вопроса имеет не только теоретическую, но и практическую значимость. Одним из законопроектов регулирующих языковую сферу предполагается, что иностранные граждане, которые намерены получить украинское гражданство, должны будут сдавать экзамены на знание украинского языка. Необходимый уровень владения им будет определять национальная комиссия по стандартам украинского языка. Она будет создана в случае принятия законопроекта парламентом. На данную комиссию будет возложена задача по определению необходимого уровня владения государственным языком при занятии определенных должностей. Законопроект предусматривает введение обязательного использования государственного украинского языка для различных органов власти. При этом, на украинском языке должна вестись не только документация, но и предвыборная агитация, которая производится за счет государственного бюджета. Основные тенденции которые происходят в языковой сфере Украины показывают, что они являются частью процессов, которые происходят во всех бывших республиках СССР. Возрождение интереса к национальному языку, национальной культуре, стремление расширить социальные функции национального языка в разных сферах общения в каждом из новых независимых государств отражает процесс утверждения государственности.

The article is devoted to the study of the influence of the language policy on political stability in Ukraine. The article examines the current provisions of the Ukrainian legislation related to the development of language policy, as well as the provisions of the latest draft laws on the status of languages in Ukraine. The authors have analyzed recent trends in the development of language policy, which are a source of destabilization in modern Ukraine.The problem of ethno-political stability becomes one of the key problems for the modern Ukrainian state. This issue was on a par with socio-economic issues and foreign policy interaction. Its scientific analysis is necessary to determine the impact of the state language policy implemented in Ukraine on the development of all regions of the country, which have significant differences in their national composition, history and traditions. In this context, the study of this issue has not only theoretical but also practical importance.One of the draft laws regulating the language sphere assumes that foreign citizens who intend to obtain Ukrainian citizenship will have to take exams in the Ukrainian language. The required level of proficiency will be determined by the national Commission on the standards of the Ukrainian language. It will be created if the bill is passed by Parliament. This Commission will be entrusted with the task of determining the necessary level of proficiency in the state language for the persons willing to occupy certain positions.The bill provides for the introduction of mandatory use of the state Ukrainian language by various authorities. It provides for the use of the Ukrainian language not only for documentation, but also for pre-election campaigns carried out at the expense of the state budget. The main trends that occur in the language sphere of Ukraine prove that they are part of the processes that occur in all the former republics of the USSR. They include the revival of interest in the national language and national culture, the desire to expand the social functions of the national language in different spheres of communication in each of the newly independent states and constitute a part of the process of statehood assertion. ; Статья посвящена исследованию влияния языковой политики на политическую стабильность на Украине. В статье исследованы современные положения законодательства Украины, связанные с развитием языковой политики, а также положения последних законопроектов о статусе языков на территории Украины. Авторами проанализированы тенденции развития языковой политики, являющиеся источником дестабилизации в современной Украине.Проблема этнополитической стабильности становится одной из ключевых для современного украинского государства. Этот вопрос встал в один ряд с социально-экономическими вопросами и внешнеполитическим взаимодействием. Его научный анализ необходим для определения влияния государственной языковой политики, реализуемой на Украине, на развитие всех регионов страны, которые имеют значительные отличия по своему национальному составу, истории развития и традициям. В этом контексте, исследование данного вопроса имеет не только теоретическую, но и практическую значимость.Одним из законопроектов регулирующих языковую сферу предполагается, что иностранные граждане, которые намерены получить украинское гражданство, должны будут сдавать экзамены на знание украинского языка. Необходимый уровень владения им будет определять национальная комиссия по стандартам украинского языка. Она будет создана в случае принятия законопроекта парламентом. На данную комиссию будет возложена задача по определению необходимого уровня владения государственным языком при занятии определенных должностей.Законопроект предусматривает введение обязательного использования государственного украинского языка для различных органов власти. При этом, на украинском языке должна вестись не только документация, но и предвыборная агитация, которая производится за счет государственного бюджета.Основные тенденции которые происходят в языковой сфере Украины показывают, что они являются частью процессов, которые происходят во всех бывших республиках СССР. Возрождение интереса к национальному языку, национальной культуре, стремление расширить социальные функции национального языка в разных сферах общения в каждом из новых независимых государств отражает процесс утверждения государственности.

What information should jurors have during court proceedings to render a just decision? Should politicians know who is donating money to their campaigns? Will scientists draw biased conclusions about drug efficacy when they know more about the patient or study population? The potential for bias in decision-making by physicians, lawyers, politicians, and scientists has been recognized for hundreds of years and drawn attention from media and scholars seeking to understand the role that conflicts of interests and other psychological processes play. However, commonly proposed solutions to biased decision-making, such as transparency (disclosing conflicts) or exclusion (avoiding conflicts) do not directly solve the underlying problem of bias and may have unintended consequences. Blinding As A Solution To Bias: Strengthening Biomedical Science, Forensic Science, and Law, Robertson and Kesselheim bring together a renowned group of interdisciplinary scholars to consider another way to reduce the risk of biased decision-making: blinding. What are the advantages and limitations of blinding? How can we quantify the biases in unblinded research? Can we develop new ways to blind decision-makers? What are the ethical problems with withholding information from decision-makers in the course of blinding? How can blinding be adapted to legal and scientific procedures and in institutions not previously open to this approach? Fundamentally, these sorts of questions-about who needs to know what-open new doors of inquiry for the design of scientific research studies, regulatory institutions, and courts. The volume surveys the theory, practice, and future of blinding, drawing upon leading authors with a diverse range of methodologies and areas of expertise, including forensic sciences, medicine, law, philosophy, economics, psychology, sociology, and statistics. Introduces readers to the primary policy issue this book seeks to address: biased decision-making.Provides a focus on blinding as a solution to bias, which has applicability in many domains. Traces the development of blinding as a solution to bias, and explores the different ways blinding has been employed.Includes case studies to explore particular uses of blinding for statisticians, radiologists, and fingerprint examiners, and whether the jurors and judges who rely upon them will value and understand blinding.

Cognitive consistency as a basic principle of social information processing / Bertram Gawronski and Fritz Strack -- Mental representation -- Cognitive conflict and consciousness / Ezequiel Morsella, Pareezad Zarolia, and Adam Gazzaley -- A neuroscientific perspective on dissonance, guided by the action-based model / Eddie Harmon-Jones, Cindy Harmon-Jones, and David M. Amodio -- Parallel constraint satisfaction as a mechanism for cognitive consistency / Stephen J. Read and Dan Simon -- Fluency and fit -- Fluency of consistency : when thoughts fit nicely and flow smoothly / Piotr Winkielman, David E. Huber, Liam Kavanagh, and Norbert Schwarz -- Nonpropositional consistency / Sascha Topolinski -- Motivational fit / E. Tory Higgins -- Implicit social cognition -- Balanced identity theory : review of evidence for implicit consistency in social cognition / Dario Cvencek, Anthony G. Greenwald, and Andrew N. Meltzoff -- Implicit ambivalence / Richard E. Petty, Pablo Briñol, and India Johnson -- Discrepancies between implicit and explicit attitudes, prejudices, and self-esteem: a model of simultaneous accessibility / Christian H. Jordan, Christine Logel, Steven J. Spencer, and Mark P. Zanna -- Thinking and reasoning -- Mental models and consistency / Philip N. Johnson-Laird -- Cognitive consistency as means to an end : how subjective logic affords knowledge / Arie W. Kruglanski and Garriy Shteynberg -- Decision making and choice -- The dynamics of ambivalence : evaluative conflict in attitudes and decision making / Frenk van Harreveld, Iris K. Schneider, Hannah Nohlen, and Joop van der Pligt -- Self-produced decisional conflict due to incorrect metacognitions / Lottie Bullens, Jens Forster, Frenk van Harreveld, and Nira Liberman -- Regret, consistency, and choice : an opportunity : mitigation framework / Keith D. Markman and Denise R. Beike -- Consistency as a basis for behavioral interventions : using hypocrisy and cognitive dissonance to motivate behavior change / Jeff Stone -- Interpersonal processes -- Balance principles in attitude formation and change : the desire to maintain consistent cognitions about people / Eva Walther and Rebecca Weil -- Cognitive consistency in prejudice-related belief systems : integrating old-fashioned, modern, aversive, and implicit forms of prejudice / Bertram Gawronski, Paula M. Brochu, Rajees Sritharan, and Fritz Strack -- Stereotype confirmation and disconfirmation / Jeffrey W. Sherman, Thomas J. Allen, and Dario L. M. Sacchi -- Adhering to consistency principles in an unjust world : implications for sense-making, victim blaming, and justice judgments / Kees van den Bos and Marjolein Maas -- Interpersonal cognitive consistency and the sharing of cognition in groups / Ernest S. Park, R. Scott Tindale, and Verlin B. Hinsz -- Index

Colombia ha sido catalogado como uno de los países más violentos en el mundo, con uno de los conflictos más largos y costosos, en términos humanitarios, de la historia. No obstante, Colombia es uno de los países del mundo con más experiencia en términos de negociaciones de paz con más de 40 años en esfuerzos por finalizar el conflicto por la vía negociada. A pesar de esto, sólo hasta el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos se realizó un acuerdo de paz con la guerrilla de las FARC que llevó a la desmovilización y dejación de armas de este grupo. Por lo tanto, la presente investigación argumenta que a pesar de los múltiples intentos de llevar a cabo procesos de paz negociada con la guerrilla de las FARC, sólo hasta el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos, el conflicto y los actores tuvieron el conjunto de factores de madurez necesarios para que ambas partes en el conflicto decidieran desarrollar una negociación que terminara en un acuerdo que llevara al desarme y desmovilización de la guerrilla de las FARC y a la implementación de lo acordado. ; Colombia has been ranked as one of the most violent countries in the world, with one of the longest and most costly conflicts, in humanitarian terms, in history. However, Colombia is one of the most experienced countries in the world in terms of peace negotiations with more than 40 years of efforts to end the conflict through negotiated means. Despite this, it was only until the government of Juan Manuel Santos that a peace agreement was reached with the FARC guerrilla that led to the demobilization and disarment of this group. Therefore, this research argues that despite multiple attempts to carry out negotiated peace processes with the FARC guerrilla, only until the government of Juan Manuel Santos, the conflict and the actors involved in it had the necessary set of maturity factors for both parties in order to decide to develop a negotiation t hat would end in an agreement leading to the disarmament and demobilization of the FARC guerrilla and the implementation of what was agreed u pon. ; Magíster en Gobierno y Políticas Públicas ; Maestría

The object of this essay is to show how in their evolution, wars passed through several stages which span from the Napoleonic to the asymmetric war forms; this is a type that diffuses the manner in which combatants identify themselves, and where the front line of the struggle rests with the civilian population.The fourth generation war is the form of combat that will prevail in the XXI century and the legitimacy of the state to wage a war as the only agent would be questionable; in order to develop the concepts of asymmetric war, an empirical support on this type of conflict is resorted to.In the first part, the process of the modern war will be discussed, in second part the theoretical frame from the perspective of international relations will be dealt with, in the third part it will be shown that the trinitary principles of Clausewitz do not apply to this type of conflicts, in the following section the problem will be approached from the international legal order, and finally, empirical evidence is presented to demonstrate that democracy in itself does not stop conflicts, and is hit hardest by fourth generation wars. ; El objetivo del presente ensayo es mostrar como la evolución de la guerra traspaso varias etapas que van desde las guerras Napoleónicas hasta las formas de guerra asimétrica, la cual es un concepto que dispersa la forma en como se identifican los combatientes, y en donde la primera línea de lucha radica en la población civil. La guerra de cuarta generación es la forma de combate que se impondrá durante el siglo XXI, y la legitimidad del estado para hacer la guerra como único agente queda en entredicho; para desarrollar los conceptos de la guerra asimétrica, se recurre a un soporte empírico sobre este tipo de conflicto. En la primera parte, se expondrá el proceso de la guerra moderna, en la segunda se aborda el marco teórico desde la perspectiva de la relaciones internacionales, en la tercera parte mostrara como los principios trinitarios de Clausewitz no aplican para este tipo de conflictos, en la siguiente sección, se abordara el problema desde el orden jurídico internacional, y finalmente se plantea la evidencia empírica que demuestra que la democracia per-se no frena los conflictos, y que es mas golpeada por la guerra de cuarta generación.

Infrastructure development can simplify the flow of the economy and provide accessibility for the community to reach public facilities that have been provided. This study aims to examine the problem of infrastructure development in Indonesia, which often occurs in conflicts between indigenous peoples and the government regarding land for infrastructure development on the ulayat lands of indigenous peoples. The research method used normative research with an statute approach, conceptual approach and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. The results show that in infrastructure development in Indonesia, several aspects must be considered, such as the balance of development and the interests of the community, paying attention to aspects of human rights so that this does not happen. One suitable concept is Free Prior Informed and Consent (FPIC) as a form of recognition of the existence of indigenous peoples as the subject of development, not as objects of development. ; In the 2015-2016 Global Competitiveness Report, compiled by the World Economic Forum (WEF), Indonesia ranks 62nd out of 140 countries in terms of infrastructure development. Ratings that are on average cause problems in the economy in Indonesia, due to growth a country's economy cannot be separated from the development of infrastructure that can affect economic growth so that it has a direct impact on people's welfare. In infrastructure development in Indonesia, land conflicts often occur between indigenous peoples and the government related to the process of infrastructure development on customary land including customary forests. In disputes that occur the government often uses the power it has and the violence is used in the resolution of agrarian conflicts that occur with indigenous peoples, so it does not yet reflect the recognition and protection of community rights. The dispute is inversely proportional to the Basic Agrarian Law article 67 relating to the rights of indigenous peoples and Article 18B of the 1945 Constitution relating to constitutional protection of indigenous and tribal peoples which should be aimed at recognizing and protecting the unity of indigenous and tribal peoples. In infrastructure development must consider several aspects such as the balance of development and the interests of the community, pay attention to aspects of Human Rights to avoid violations of related human rights, pay attention to environmental sustainability, and recognize and protect the existence of indigenous and tribal peoples as objects of development not as objects of development.

Tez No: 613387 ; Yüksek Lisans ; Bu araştırma 380 yıldır sınır değişikliği yaşamayan ve iki komşu devlet olan Türkiye ve İran'ın kendi aralarındaki ilişkiyi karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık teorisi çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Bu kapsamda çalışma, Suriye iç savaşında iki ülkenin çıkar çatışması içinde olmalarına karşın, aynı dönemde yaşanan Katar Krizi ve Kuzey Irak bağımsızlık referandumu yaptıkları işbirliğini ele almaktadır. Suriye iç savaşında aralarında ortaya çıkan ihtilafa rağmen Astana süreçleriyle diyalog zemini oluşturulmaya çalışılmıştır. Türkiye, sınırında oluşabilecek olan terör koridorundan endişe duyduğunu dile getirmiş, Fırat Kalkanı, Zeytin Dalı ve Barış Pınarı Harekatlarını gerçekleştirmiş; İran, kendi çıkarlarına ters düştüğü için bu operasyonları en üst düzey politikacılarla eleştirmiş ve iki ülke arasında görüş çatışmasının nedeni olmuştur. 5 Haziran 2017 tarihinde Katar Diplomatik Krizi ve 25 Eylül 2017'de gerçekleşen Kuzey Irak bağımsızlık referandumları ile işbirlikleri meydana gelmiş her iki ülkede birlik çağrıları yapmıştır. Bölgede yaşanan bu gelişmelere bakıldığında Türkiye ve İran'ın kendi arasındaki ilişkileri ve tutumları karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık teorisi ile açıklanmaktadır. ; This research is conducted to focus on the relationship of two neighbouring states Turkey and Iran, which did not have any changes on their mutual borders for 380 years, from the perspective of complex interdependence. In this context, the study examines the cooperation between the two countries during the Syrian civil war, despite the conflict of interest in the areas, the Qatar crisis and the independence referendum in northern Iraq. In spite of the conflicts between these two countries during the Syrian civil war, a dialogue was tried to be established with the Astana process. Turkey has voiced concerns about its border security and risks of a potential terror corridor near its borders and conducted operations Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch and Peace Spring; Iran has criticised these operations through the highest level officials for contradicting their best interests and these operations has been the cause of the conflict of views between these two countries. On 5 June 2017 The Qatar Diplomatic Crisis and 25 September 2017 the Northern Iraqi independence referendum both countries have cooperated and have called for unity in Qatar and Iraq. According to these developments in the region, the relationship between Turkey and Iran is explained by complex interdependence theory. Key words; Turkey, Iran, Complex Interdependence Theory, Syria, Qatar, Northern Iraq

У статті аналізуються грузинські, російські та українські наукові джерела, які досліджують причини виникнення російсько-грузинської війни серпня 2008 р. Актуальність публікації полягає у висвітленні суттєвих відмінностей в поглядах науковців різних країн у вивченні цієї тематики, аспекти якої мають чітко виражене політичне забарвлення та перебувають в стані полеміки. Крім того, проводиться порівняння різних наукових підходів дослідників у вивченні як причин, так і наслідків війни для Грузії, країн Чорноморського регіону та розвитку міжнародної ситуації крізь призму історичних, геополітичних та інформаційно-протиборчих позицій учасників війни. ; The article analyzes the main Georgian, Russian and Ukrainian scientific sources, in which researched the causes of Russo-Georgian war occurrence in August 2008. The study relevance is to describe the significant differences in the views of different countries scientists in studying of this problem. Was made an attempt to find out the problem's etymology and to generalize the scientific results of Georgian, Russian and Ukrainian researchers in various scientific fields on the causes of the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008 and its consequences both for Georgia and for the development of the international situation.The article attempts to conduct comparative historical analysis both in the context of studying the changes in international political processes, and in view of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, which began in 2014. Also describes possible scenarios for the further development of the Russian-Georgian conflict, the military-strategic mistakes of then government, the well-planned Russian military and informational and psychological provocative operations.It shows the position of representatives of Georgian and Western scientific and expert circles, which define the sides of conflict as follows: Russia is an authoritarian aggressor, Georgia is a democratic victim.In the article is noted the differences in the Russian and pro-Russian scientific environment views on the war causes, who assume the war conduction as a complex of Russian side actions for protecting «offended» small ethnic groups in Georgia. It also emphasizes the position of Ukrainian researchers who did not investigate the conflict fundamentally, while using the conclusions of both sides and giving preference to the Russian position.The conclusions made suggest the false approach of this «multi-vector» position in the Russian-Georgian war studies by Ukrainian researchers, since today aspects of the Russian Federation aggressive policy towards Ukraine are obvious in the context of direct Russian military aggression in the East of Ukraine.

У статті аналізуються грузинські, російські та українські наукові джерела, які досліджують причини виникнення російсько-грузинської війни серпня 2008 р. Актуальність публікації полягає у висвітленні суттєвих відмінностей в поглядах науковців різних країн у вивченні цієї тематики, аспекти якої мають чітко виражене політичне забарвлення та перебувають в стані полеміки. Крім того, проводиться порівняння різних наукових підходів дослідників у вивченні як причин, так і наслідків війни для Грузії, країн Чорноморського регіону та розвитку міжнародної ситуації крізь призму історичних, геополітичних та інформаційно-протиборчих позицій учасників війни. ; The article analyzes the main Georgian, Russian and Ukrainian scientific sources, in which researched the causes of Russo-Georgian war occurrence in August 2008. The study relevance is to describe the significant differences in the views of different countries scientists in studying of this problem. Was made an attempt to find out the problem's etymology and to generalize the scientific results of Georgian, Russian and Ukrainian researchers in various scientific fields on the causes of the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008 and its consequences both for Georgia and for the development of the international situation.The article attempts to conduct comparative historical analysis both in the context of studying the changes in international political processes, and in view of Russia's aggression against Ukraine, which began in 2014. Also describes possible scenarios for the further development of the Russian-Georgian conflict, the military-strategic mistakes of then government, the well-planned Russian military and informational and psychological provocative operations.It shows the position of representatives of Georgian and Western scientific and expert circles, which define the sides of conflict as follows: Russia is an authoritarian aggressor, Georgia is a democratic victim.In the article is noted the differences in the Russian and pro-Russian scientific environment views on the war causes, who assume the war conduction as a complex of Russian side actions for protecting «offended» small ethnic groups in Georgia. It also emphasizes the position of Ukrainian researchers who did not investigate the conflict fundamentally, while using the conclusions of both sides and giving preference to the Russian position.The conclusions made suggest the false approach of this «multi-vector» position in the Russian-Georgian war studies by Ukrainian researchers, since today aspects of the Russian Federation aggressive policy towards Ukraine are obvious in the context of direct Russian military aggression in the East of Ukraine.

ABSTRACT In raised the issue of implementation: DISPUTE ELECTION VILLAGE HEAD and solutions IN REVIEW BY LAW - SHRIMP IN 2004 JO NO 32 OF LAW NO 12 YEAR 2008 MAS MOUNTAIN DISTRICT CENTRAL KALIMANTAN background of this research problem. disputes exclusive village elections as a legislative body at the level of desa.dapat at say a power struggle, it can be seen why this could happen dispute pepilihan village head, the clash between the two groups that each have the right and obligation, in the organization of village elections less supervision and the actions of the local government, the purpose of this study is to describe the procedures for implementing the government's stewardship of the village which has a duty, obligation and authority. in the process of political reform demanded that local elections should be honest, fair, and clean. without any element of corruption. In this research using empirical juridical methods, field research and interviews as well as where to collect legal material which is then processed and analyzed literature. while the research subjects are disputed election of village heads and completion, the results of this study explain what happened on the ground that the implementation of the conflict basically have various elements that there are two parties involved the objectives made in the target, actions and circumstances which gave birth to a conflict. and factors - factors for the sake of political interests compete for power. rather than the nature of that desired by the village government Pilkades is an honest, fair, clean and free from collusion, corruption, and nipotisme. Regulation walking areas less than optimal, in the implementation of the democratic party there are many problems and issues as early symptoms Pilkades conflict that marred violent unrest that could undermine the integrity and existence of the knowledge society. post Pilkades disputes in some districts or villages the absence of clear rules need to be clear rules of the governor or regent. So that in implementing the decisions required honesty jointly carried unanimously, so bermamfaat for the benefit peopple many, poured in principle to the 4 is a democracy led by the inner wisdom of deliberations of representatives, and (NKRI in indonesian) as the unitary state of Indonesia so that subsequent disputes Pilkades not reoccur any area.

The conflict in Northern Uganda is recognized as having come to an end with the signing of a cessation of hostilities agreement between the Lord's Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda in August 2006, which resulted in improved security. Estimates suggest that the majority of the displaced populations have left their camps and moved either to transit sites near farms or to their village of origin. Much research has been done on the living conditions of women in the Ugandan IDP camps yet very little has been written on the situation for women who return home or resettle after the camp. This study aims at understanding the gender specific challenges of formerly conflict-displaced women returnees in the Gulu province of the Acholi district, as a first step towards reconstruction in the region. The paper seeks to explore the various paths these women take to establish stability in their daily lives and overcome these challenges and how they cope with trauma, gender-based violence and the experience of returning 'home' after living in displacement camps. It seeks to describe an ethnographical, phenomenological and sociopolitical background to women's experience of return. Moreover, the paper explores the idea of transition between life in the IDP camps and life at home as well as how this transition affects women. Drawing on visual ethnography methods (Pink, 2001) and the photo voice approach (Wang, 1997), women's lived experience of the difficult process and complex transition will be documented through illustrations and photography and their stories will be reported in a participatory way to explore the challenges and spatial boundaries between different surroundings. One of the main objectives of the photo voice approach is to provide women with cameras and have them photograph what represents their struggles and daily life as well as what defines 'home' and the memory of 'home' to them. Ideally, success stories from women will be collected which can then serve as an encouragement to other women still living in the camps to return home as well as illustrate the role of women in development and post-conflict peace building. Sharing life stories through photography and video may promote critical dialogue within the community and help reach policy makers in an advocacy effort.

В Минобороны практически полностью завершился процесс передачи функций по организации питания военнослужащих в ведение сторонних организаций (аутсорсинг). В тоже время вопросы организации питания военнослужащих в условиях локальных войн, военных конфликтов и в миротворческих операциях в большинстве своем остаются открытыми. В связи с осложнением геополитической обстановки вокруг границ Российской Федерации армия должна быть готова к ведению боевых действий в локальных войнах, военных конфликтах и миротворческих операциях, которые в любой момент могут быть спровоцированы разжигателями конфликтов во взрывоопасных регионах. Соответственно к полному и своевременному продовольственному обеспечению воинских частей и учреждений в специальных операциях должна быть готова и продовольственная служба Российской армии. В настоящей статье аргументированы и обоснованы предложения по реформированию существующей системы продовольственного обеспечения Российской армии с целью увеличения возможностей системы при действии российских войск в условиях локальных войн, военных конфликтов и в миротворческих операциях. Их практическое внедрение позволит без существенной перестройки современной системы продовольственного обеспечения Российской армии исключить зависимость от действия или бездействия аутсорсинговых компаний, действующих на рынке, по продовольственному обеспечению войск в специальных операциях, а также во время крупных учений ; Leadership of the Ministry of Defense in 2013 almost fully completed the process of catering service for the Army transition to outsourcing. Thus a function of food supply has been almost entirely transferred to commercial organizations. In view of the aggravation of geopolitical situation around Russia's borders army must be ready for combat operations in local wars, military conflicts and peacekeeping operations, which at any moment can be provoked by enemies in conflicts in dangerous areas. Accordingly to the full and timely food supply in the military units and institutions in special operations the food service of the Russian army should be prepared as well. In this article we have reasoned and substantiated proposals for reforming the existing system of food supply of the Russian army with the objective of increasing the capabilities of the system under the action of the Russian troops in the conditions of local wars, armed conflicts and in peacekeeping operations. Their practical implementation will allow a significant restructuring of the modern system of food supply of the Russian army to eliminate the dependence of the action or inaction of the outsourcing companies operating on the market of food supply troops in special operations, as well as during major trainings

В Минобороны практически полностью завершился процесс передачи функций по организации питания военнослужащих в ведение сторонних организаций (аутсорсинг). В тоже время вопросы организации питания военнослужащих в условиях локальных войн, военных конфликтов и в миротворческих операциях в большинстве своем остаются открытыми. В связи с осложнением геополитической обстановки вокруг границ Российской Федерации армия должна быть готова к ведению боевых действий в локальных войнах, военных конфликтах и миротворческих операциях, которые в любой момент могут быть спровоцированы разжигателями конфликтов во взрывоопасных регионах. Соответственно к полному и своевременному продовольственному обеспечению воинских частей и учреждений в специальных операциях должна быть готова и продовольственная служба Российской армии. В настоящей статье аргументированы и обоснованы предложения по реформированию существующей системы продовольственного обеспечения Российской армии с целью увеличения возможностей системы при действии российских войск в условиях локальных войн, военных конфликтов и в миротворческих операциях. Их практическое внедрение позволит без существенной перестройки современной системы продовольственного обеспечения Российской армии исключить зависимость от действия или бездействия аутсорсинговых компаний, действующих на рынке, по продовольственному обеспечению войск в специальных операциях, а также во время крупных учений ; Leadership of the Ministry of Defense in 2013 almost fully completed the process of catering service for the Army transition to outsourcing. Thus a function of food supply has been almost entirely transferred to commercial organizations. In view of the aggravation of geopolitical situation around Russia's borders army must be ready for combat operations in local wars, military conflicts and peacekeeping operations, which at any moment can be provoked by enemies in conflicts in dangerous areas. Accordingly to the full and timely food supply in the military units and institutions in special operations the food service of the Russian army should be prepared as well. In this article we have reasoned and substantiated proposals for reforming the existing system of food supply of the Russian army with the objective of increasing the capabilities of the system under the action of the Russian troops in the conditions of local wars, armed conflicts and in peacekeeping operations. Their practical implementation will allow a significant restructuring of the modern system of food supply of the Russian army to eliminate the dependence of the action or inaction of the outsourcing companies operating on the market of food supply troops in special operations, as well as during major trainings