Suchergebnisse

This talk is drawn from his forthcoming book: Deconstructing Eurocentric Tourism and Heritage Narratives in Mexican-American Communities: Juan de Oñate as a West Texas Icon (with Carlos F. Ortega; Routledge). This presentation will address El Paso community leaders' efforts to honor the region's past via the XII Travelers of Southwest Memorial, a project with no Mexican-American representation in a community that is 82% Hispanic, almost entirely Mexican/Mexican-American. The lecture focuses on a 36-foot-tall statue of Juan de Oñate via a critique grounded in Carey McWilliams' concept of fantasy heritage.

Universidad de Antoquia ; Gómez Zuluaga, R. M. (2019). Las políticas culturales como mecanismo de cohesión social en los proceso de paz en El Carmen de Viboral (Colombia). (Tesis de posgrado). Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; En Colombia, las políticas públicas de cultura se originaron bajo la orientación de organismos internacionales como la UNESCO y surgieron en contextos históricos particulares, estando las más recientes influenciadas en su origen, direccionamiento, forma y contenido por el conflicto armado y los procesos de paz y, fundamentalmente, por la Constitución Nacional de 1991 que define y reconoce la autonomía territorial, protege la diversidad étnica y cultural como bases de la nación y declara a Colombia como república pluralista. En síntesis, este estudio pretende analizar las nociones de cultura que se adoptaron en la construcción de las políticas públicas de cultura y sus efectos como factores de cohesión social y gobernanza territorial en el marco del conflicto y del proceso de pacificación colombiano. Para ello, se analizan los cambios y continuidades de los contenidos y formas de la Política Cultural nacional, departamental y municipal, y el papel de los gobiernos locales en su estructuración y su importancia en el proceso de implementación de las mismas determinando los factores que influyen en las decisiones sobre ese direccionamiento. Finalmente, trata de establecer cómo incide la política cultural en la construcción de identidades colectivas, la gobernanza y gestión de los conflictos sociales y políticos y la violencia en el entorno local. La investigación tomó como periodo de análisis los años 1990-2015 observando los cambios y las continuidades de las políticas culturales nacionales para, luego, relacionarlas con el proceso ocurrido a escala local. De igual manera, el análisis histórico se realizó por periodo de gobierno, ya que los procesos de paz han sido más asunto de la política del gobierno de turno que una Política de Estado.

Este artículo pretende abordar el eterno asunto de la lengua y la ideología en Argelia. Después de una breve introducción, se presentará al dramaturgo Alālū (Allalou), su recorrido artístico y su producción teatral. En segundo lugar, presentaremos a 'Alūla (Alloula), otro dramaturgo influido por el primero, su ideología, su producción y su legado artístico dentro de la sociedad argelina. Ambos tienen recorridos diferentes, pero estaban unidos por un mismo objetivo: darle a la/s lengua/s materna/s argelina/s el lugar que les corresponde. ; This paper aims to address the eternal question of language and ideology in Algeria. After a brief introduction, we will introduce the playwright Alālū (Allalou), his artistic experience and his production. Secondly, we will present 'Alūla (Alloula), another playwright influenced by the first, his ideology, his production and his artistic legacy within the Algerian society. Both with different itineraries, but close to each other by the same objective: to give the Algerian mother tongues their right place in the society.

ÖZ Sözlü kültürün kodlarına göre inzâl edilmiş olan Kur'an, tarihin belli bir zaman aralığında, belli bir dili kullanarak ve parça parça gönderilmiştir. Dolayısıyla onu en iyi şekilde anlamanın yolu, öncelikle inzâl edildiği ortamı ve âyetlerinin içerisinde yer aldığı bağlamı iyi bilmek ve anlamaktan geçer. Bu bağlamlara riâyet bize doğru anlamı vereceği gibi, âyetlere hem anakronik hem de parçacı yaklaşımlardan uzak durmamızı sağlayacaktır. Özellikle ilk dönemlerdeki bazı siyasi mücadelelerde âyetler kendi bağlamından koparılmış, bütünlük içinde olduğu önceki ve sonraki âyetlerden soyutlanarak keyfi deliller olarak kullanılmıştır. Âyetler bağlamından koparıldıkları için, sanki konuşan tarafların bizzat kendileri için/onlar hakkında nazil olmuş izlenimi verilmektedir. Âyetleri bu şekilde kullanmak suretiyle taraflar kendilerine bir meşruiyet zemini sağlamaya çalışmışlardır. ABSTRACT Betraying the Context: Employment of Qur'anic Verses in Political Struggles The Qur'an which was sent in accordance with oral cultural codes was sent piece by piece in a certain period of history, using a certain language. Therefore, the best way to understand it is to know the environment which the Qur'an was sent in and the context in which its verses take part. To obey these contexts gives us the right meaning and saves us from anachronistic and atomistic interpretations and understanding. In some political discussions, especially in early periods, some Qur'anic verses were extracted from their own contexts and used in arbitrary arguments. Thus, an impression was given that as if the verses were originally sent as they were debated on. Using the verses in this way, some tried to have a basis of legitimacy for their target.

UID/HIS/00286/2019 ERC/SNSF Consolidator Grant (BSCGI0_157787, Universite de Geneve) ; In the mid-1970s, the fascist-leaning dictatorships in Spain (1939–1977) and Portugal (1933–1974) fell. Closely linked to the 1973 oil crisis, debates over energy and technology policies became very prominent during the ensuing political redefinition of both countries. Two decades after the first international agreements between the Iberian regimes and the United States for the development of nuclear programs, a myriad of movements of social resistance to nuclear technology emerged in dialogue with anti-nuclear organizations in other European countries. Fun and playfulness have been used for top–down popularization and banalization of nuclear technologies since the 1950s, but here pleasant forms of resistance also played a central role in contesting national energy plans, expert discourses, and vested interests. This article explores what we call "anti-nuclear fun," the use of amusement, play, and humor as political and epistemic tools to familiarize society with the exceptional and daily risks of the "peaceful atom.". ; published

Based upon the interpretation of data that were essentially provided by archaeological and epigraphic records, different circumstances as well as processes of crises and resilience have been proposed during the prehispanic maya period. These circumstances and processes have been analyzed in an attempt to infer their causes and consequences as well as the responses and strategies followed by individuals who were affected and how they were able to overcome them. The circumstances and processes were usually interpreted from the researcher's ethic perspective who pinpoints and assesses different markers or signs as evidence of the existence of crisis episodes and/or calamity situations. In this contribution we attempt to distinguish the categories or indicators that the maya themselves used to identify, describe, and value crisis situations at a moral level. We then compare the results we obtained from the archaeological and epigraphic records with the emic evidence. To achieve our goal, we will analyze written maya Colonial manuscripts such as literary texts as well as historical and prophetic documents where epochs or times were labeled as bad, misery, suffering, or doomed. ; A partir de la interpretación de los datos proporcionados fundamentalmente por el registro arqueológico y epigráfico se han propuesto y descrito diversas situaciones y procesos de crisis y resiliencia en época maya prehispánica, analizando sus manifestaciones y tratando de inferir sus causas y consecuencias, así como, en su caso, las respuestas y estrategias seguidas por los actores implicados para su superación. Este discurso se ha realizado normalmente desde el punto de vista etic del investigador, señalando y valorando diversos marcadores como indicadores de existencia de episodios o situaciones de crisis. En este trabajo buscamos identificar las categorías que los propios mayas usaron para identificar, describir y valorar moralmente situaciones de crisis, con objeto de comparar los resultados obtenidos del análisis arqueológico y epigráfico con la evidencia emic. Para ello analizaremos las fuentes escritas mayas de época colonial, fundamentalmente textos literarios, históricos y proféticos, donde se describen épocas categorizadas como malas, míseras, de padecimiento o infelices.

With increasing concerns on the sustainability of agricultural systems, many tools have been developed to assess farm sustainability. The main objective of this study was to assess and compare the sustainability of different forms of family farm organization. A second objective was to test the relevance of the IDEA method (Indicateurs de Durabilité des Exploitations Agricoles or Farm Sustainability Indicators) to compare tree-crop-based family farms in tropical areas. Percentages of sustainability were calculated based on individual interviews conducted with 25 rubber farmers representing three different types of farm (typology based on the labor used for farming activities), using three scales and 10 components. The socio-territorial scale was the weak point of the rubber farms. In contrast, the economic scale was relatively the best asset on all farms. The factor that most differentiated the three types of farm was the agro-ecological scale followed by the socio-territorial scale. The economic scale did not discriminate. Moreover, only the diversity of production and efficiency components showed a notable difference between the different types of farm. Overall, the three types of farm with contrasting forms of farm organization were not much different in terms of sustainability performance. Family business farms with managerial family labor appeared to be the least sustainable. Thus, as family business farms are becoming more and more important in Thai agriculture, if these results are confirmed on a broader scale, this represents an issue for the sustainability of the Thai rubber sector that would require government intervention. ; Les préoccupations croissantes concernant la durabilité des systèmes agricoles ont conduit au développement de nombreux outils pour l'évaluer. L'objectif principal de cette étude était d'évaluer et comparer la durabilité de différentes formes d'organisation de l'agriculture familiale. Un deuxième objectif était de tester la pertinence de la méthode IDEA (Indicateurs de Durabilité des Exploitations Agricoles) pour comparer des exploitations familiales à base de plantes pérennes en zone tropicale. À partir d'entretiens individuels conduits avec 25 planteurs d'hévéa représentant trois types d'exploitations agricoles (typologie basée sur le travail mobilisé pour les activités agricoles), des pourcentages de durabilité ont été calculés sur trois échelles et 10 composantes. L'échelle socio-territoriale était le point faible des exploitations hévéicoles. À l'inverse, l'échelle économique était le point fort pour toutes les exploitations. L'échelle agro-écologique est celle qui discriminait le mieux les trois types d'exploitations, suivie par l'échelle socio-territoriale. L'échelle économique n'était pas discriminante. De plus, les seules composantes présentant des différences entre les trois types d'exploitation étaient la diversité des productions et l'efficience des exploitations. Les trois types d'exploitation représentant des formes contrastées d'organisation de la production agricole ne sont finalement pas apparus très différents en termes de durabilité. Les exploitations familiales patronales avec la famille seulement impliquée dans la gestion seraient les moins durables. Pourtant, les exploitations patronales occupent une place croissante dans l'agriculture en Thaïlande. Si ces résultats sont confirmés à plus grande échelle, cela représente un problème pour la durabilité de l'hévéaculture en Thaïlande qui demanderait une intervention du gouvernement.

Armenia's 'Velvet Revolution' further underlined the inherent flaws in Armenia's political space. Political parties had lost touch with their voter base and had broadly failed to fulfil their functions. Consolidation was reached not in the political, but in the public field. The civic activist base played a crucial role in the revolution, raising further questions as to the relevance of political parties. However, with a switch to a parliamentary system of governance, the role of the parliament - and the political parties - has become crucial. For the parliamentary democracy system to gain traction, political parties will need to adapt and develop institutionally - both separately and as a whole - in the process and work closely with civil society more broadly.

Representation is a process of making, accepting, or rejecting representative claims (Disch, 2015; Saward, 2014). This groundbreaking insight challenged the standard assumption that representative democracy can be reduced to elections and activities of elected representatives (Pitkin, 1967). It broadened the scope of representative democracy to encompass representation activities beyond those authorized by elections, transformed our thinking and provided a new perspective, putting claims and their reception into the center. This paradigm shift erased the distinction between elected and non-elected representatives and disclosed the potential of non-elected actors' claims to represent (Andeweg, 2003; Kuyper, 2016; Rosanvallon &amp; Goldhammer, 2008; Saward, 2006, 2009; Van Biezen &amp; Saward, 2008). In spite of this lively debate, we identify an important gap in the literature: while this paradigmatic shift inspired many authors, conceptual <em>frameworks that can be applied for systematic empirical analysis of real-life cases</em> are missing. In this article, we fill this gap and propose frameworks for assessing and validating a variety of real-life claims. Our study provides empirical substance to the ongoing theoretical debates, helping to translate the mainly theoretical 'claim approach' into empirical research tools. It helps to transform the conventional wisdom about what representation can (not) be and shines a new light on the potential future of (claims on) representation.

Literaturessay zu: Klaus Mathis und Luca Langensand (Hg.): Anarchie als herrschaftslose Ordnung? Berlin: Duncker & Humblot 2019. 978-3-428-15670-2.+++Nathan Jun: Brill's Companion to Anarchism and Philosophy. Leiden, Boston: Brill 2018. 978-9-004-35688-7.+++Carl Levy, Matthew S. Adams (eds.): The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan 2019. 978-3-319-75619-6.+++Carl Levy, Saul Newman: The Anarchist Imagination: Anarchism Encounters the Humanities and the Social Sciences. London, New York: Routledge 2019. 978-1-138-78276-1

Theodor W. Adorno: Aspekte des neuen Rechtsradikalismus. Berlin: Suhrkamp 2019. 978-3-518-58737-9

Jahrzehntelang war in Belarus eine untertänig geprägte und fürsorgeorientierte politische Kultur der Bevölkerung vorherrschend. Eine solche politische Kultur fördert eine spezifische sozialpaternalistische Reziprozitätsbeziehung zwischen den Regierten und dem Regierendem. Die meisten Belarussen betrachten ihrenPräsidenten nicht als ihren höchsten Repräsentanten, der verfassungsgemäß abgewählt werden kann. Vielmehr wird der Präsident als eine väterliche Figur wahrgenommen, der so lange an der Macht bleiben darf,wie er ein hohes Wohlstandsniveau gewährleistet sowie seinen Diskurs nach fürsorgeorientierten Mentalitäten der Bevölkerung ausrichtet. Rückt der Präsident einmal von dieser Reziprozitätsbeziehung ab, kannsein Thron ins Wackeln geraten. Dies verspricht jedoch keine Demokratisierung. Eine gründliche Demokratisierung von Belarus ist nur dann möglich, wenn an die Stelle einer politischen Kultur von Untertaneneine politische Kultur von Bürgern tritt und die demokratiehemmende sozialpaternalistische Reziprozitätsbeziehung auflöst.