Search results

In times of crisis, political mobilizations increase. Many of them compete to impose a determined diagnosis of the situation. This work analyses this issue, taking into consideration two of the movements that have had a greater incidence during the crisis in Spain: The Catalonian National Assembly and the Marches for dignity. The objective is to know how the categories of aggrieved ingroup and outgroup responsible were identified and how both these movements defined the emotional climate at that moment. This work includes two studies. In the first one, an analysis of the categories identified in the manifestos published by these two movements was carried out. The results show that the Marches for dignity constructed a more inclusive ingroup identity and show a more negative emotional climate than the Catalonian National Assembly. The second study includes a sample of 919 participants and non-participants in 2 demonstrations called by those organizations. In this case MANOVAs of 2 (Type of demonstration: Catalonian National Assembly, Marches for dignity) × 2 (Type of participants: participants, non-participants) were performed. Results show that participants in both demonstrations have a higher level of injustice than non-demonstrators. Furthermore, demonstrators in Marches for dignity have a more negative perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. However, and contrary to the hypothesis, demonstrators of the Catalonian National Assembly have a more positive perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. The work explains these results in the socio-political context in which each of these movements acts and highlights the relevance of comparative investigation designs to further the knowledge of political mobilization dynamics.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Introduction -- Part I: Constituting Historical Knowledge -- 1 Knowing Oceania or Oceanian Knowing: Identifying Actors and Activating Identities in Turbulent Times -- 2 Inventing Natives/Negotiating Local Identities: Postcolonial Readings of Colonial Texts on Island Melanesia -- 3 Writing Local History in Solomon Islands -- 4 'Noble Savages' and the 'Islands of Love': Trobriand Islanders in 'Popular Publications' -- Part II: Ways of Constructing Identities -- 5 Contrasting Transcripts: Constructing Images and Identities in Mediations among the Warn People of Papua New Guinea -- 6 The Identity Construction of Ethnic and Social Groups in Contemporary Papua New Guinea -- 7 Reinventing Identities: Redefining Cultural Concepts in the Struggle between Villagers in Munda, Roviana Lagoon, New Georgia Island, Solomon Islands, for the Control of Land -- 8 'Alas! And On We Go' -- 9 Resource Management in Lavongai and Tigak Islands: Changing Practices, Changing Identities -- 10 Metaphors, Media and Social Change: Second-generation Cook Islanders in New Zealand -- 11 Identity Construction as a Cooperative Project: Anthropological Film-making with the Vaiakau and Fenualoa Peoples, Reef Islands, Temotu Province, Solomon Islands -- Part III: Australia after Mabo -- 12 National Identity: Australia after Mabo -- 13 Knowing the Country: Mabo, Native Title and 'Traditional' Law in Aboriginal Australia -- 14 'All One but Different': Aboriginality: National Identity versus Local Diversification in Australia -- 15 Essentially Black, Essentially Australian, Essentially Opposed: Australian Anthropology and Its Uses of Aboriginal Identity -- Part IV: Questioning Western Democracy? -- 16 Culture and Democracy among the Maori.

Uneasy citizens: constructions of political cynicism among young satire audiencesYoung adult citizens are a mixed group – in both research and media, they're seen as engaged and disengaged, as well as politically idealistic and cynical (cf. Amnå & Ekman 2014). This paper seeks to further understand this contradiction, by studying the Swedish young adult audience of news satire, a group that has expressed a diverse set of constructions of political idealism, uneasiness and cynicism (Doona 2016). Part of the issue, the paper argues, has to do with the often ignored role of emotions and affect in relation to political idealism and/or optimism – a phenomenon dubbed the affective deficit (Coleman 2013). The paper attempts to answer the question: How do young adult audiences of news satire construct contradictions and negotiate between optimistic and pessimistic notions of citizenship? News satire engagement is of particular interest because it has been put forth as a potential source of cynicism (cf. Hart & Hartelius 2007; Coletta 2009), since it is often directed towards teens and young adults, and its ironic mode of discourse is assumed to be potentially distancing. This paper puts forth a different argument, siding with scholars who criticise such assertions since they ignore the active engagement of audiences (cf. Jones 2013), as well as the interrogating role news satire can have in relation to 'straight' news (Painter & Hodges 2010). Humour and satire require a specific type of audience engagement, as audience members are addressed in a mix of comedic and serious ways. Using thematic analysis of data from in-depth interviews and focus groups with Swedish young adults (18-35 years old) who follow Swedish Tankesmedjan (Swedish Radio P3, 2010-) and/or American The Daily Show (Comedy Central, 1996-), it is argued that these contradictions depend on subjective processes of developing citizen identities. News satire engagement entails a constant weighting of utterances and statements, where the viewer or listener is prompted to decide if what is being communicated is meant to be serious or not. This engagement connects to ongoing processes of development, where the young adult news satire audience negotiates between fears of political exclusion and manipulation, and playful and emotional constructions of the political. Further, it is argued that some of the scholarly worry regarding news satire engagement among young adult audiences is based on conceptualisations of political cynicism that need to be problematized, as they tend to conflate cynicism with criticism (cf. Baumgartner & Morris 2011).

Abstract
How political leaders construct consent is a constant theme of studies in political rhetoric and theories of
persuasion. We explore how populist linguistic strategies combine with traditional consensus-building to align populations with
the speakers' messages. We observe similarities and differences in discourse strategies across two contrasting polities, the UK,
a foundational modern representative democracy and Russia, which is considered more autocratic. The data comes from speeches
given by Boris Johnson and Vladimir Putin during the Covid-19 crisis. They were analysed using Corpus Linguistics, compared in
qualitative analysis that identities key lexico-grammatical features. The findings show a convergence in some of the strategies
and linguistic styles, but also key differences which, we suggest, depend on cultural factors specific to the two nations. The
results contribute to our understanding of the operation of these resources in modern political discourse, highlighting the way
cultural factors influence rhetorical styles in very different political structures.

Este documento es un intento de interpretar el reciente crecimiento de China en una perspectiva a más largo plazo y en comparación con el desempeño económico de Rusia. Primero, se argumenta que la reciente liberalización económica produjo resultados espectaculares (1979 en adelante) porque la estrategia de reforma fue muy diferente del paquete de consenso de Washington (desregulación de precios gradual en lugar de instantánea, no privatización masiva, política industrial fuerte, subvaluación del tipo de cambio). mte vía acumulación de reservas). En segundo lugar, el reciente éxito de China (1979 en adelante) se basa en los logros del período Mao (1949-76): instituciones estatales fuertes, un gobierno eficiente y una mayor reserva de capital humano. A diferencia de lo que sucedió en la ex Unión Soviética, estos logros no se desperdiciaron en China debido al tipo gradual más que al choque. ; This paper is an attempt to interpret recent mpid Chinese growth in a longer term perspective and in comparison with Russian economic performance. First, it is argued that recent economic liberalization produced spectacular results (1979-onwards) because the reform strategy was very different from the Washington consensus package (gradual rather than instant deregulation of prices, no mass privatization, strong industrial policy, undervaluation of the exchange mte vía accumulation of reserves). Second, recent Chinese success (1979-onwards) is based on the achievements of the Mao period ( 1949-76) – strong state institutions, efficient government and an increased pool of human capital. Unlike in the former Soviet Union, these achievements were not squandered in China due to gradual mther than shock-thernpy type. ; Este artigo tenta interpretar o recente crescimento chinés sob urna perspectiva de longo pmzo e tendo como compam~éio a performance económica russa. Primeiro, afirma-se aqui que a recente liberaliza~éio da economía produziu resultados espetaculares (1979 em

Referred to the Committee on Commerce December 17, 1918. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This article addresses ways in which members of Generation Z construct identity as techno-entrepreneurs by using livestreaming applications. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative assessments of surveys, interviews, documents, and observations, the authors show how visual and verbal conduct based on expressions, interaction, communication, and transactions was used for informal educational purposes by techno-entrepreneurs in their daily lives. On the micro level, members of Gen Z construct self-images as entertainers and businesspeople who need self-recognition and build relationships with viewers. On the meso level, identity emerges via community cohesiveness and a community of talent, and by streaming pop culture. On the macro level, Gen Z follows social and cultural issues and engages in global citizenship while responding to streaming business opportunities. Livestreaming fosters Gen Z's identity construction and shapes the role of influencers in the development of techno-entrepreneurship.

The present study explores ideological construction related to corona pandemic with the application of critical discourse analysis and socio-cognitive approach to depict the domination of political authorities through COVID-19 related headlines in selected Pakistani newspapers. This study investigates news discourse critically to observe how this particular type of discourse unveils implicit beliefs, achieve the power and practice hegemony in the society. The researchers have followed the qualitative approach and the news headlines of two English-language Pakistani newspapers; 'Dawn' and 'The News' have collected through purposive sampling technique. Critical Discourse Analysis (1998) and Triangular Socio-Cognitive approach of Van Dijk(2009) are applied to this study. The findings revealed that ideological construction through COVID-19 related headlines (de)emphasize our/their performance over corona crisis. Use of active constructions and instances with absence of nominalization imply that speakers of news headlines try to represent themselves the sovereign and supreme to manipulate the readers' ideology and actions over corona pandemic as the biological issue of corona has been made politicized by the selected world leaders. Moreover, Ideology regarding COVID-19 is propagated by authorities to practice societal oppression and power abuse to manipulate the beliefs of the innocent masses. Upcoming researchers can use the data through COVID-19 related headlines in different time frame or can conduct the research as an extension of the present study. Furthermore, comparative study of newspapers and electronic media discourse through COVID-19 related headlines, speeches and interviews can be under taken for the application of the present framework in future.

The built heritage, through the multiple meanings it associates (oldness, architectural, aesthetic, symbolic, authenticity), is characterized by uniqueness and irreversibility, being frequently related to the cultural and implicitly tourist image of cities. Due to the seniority of architectural heritage and the special relations established with the place and people, under the direct influence of the socio-cultural and political factors, it ensures the accumulation of symbols that codify the urban space. As a result, heritage buildings are associated with elements of territorial identity. Visual imagery is used as an argument to support the process of selecting significant buildings for local / national culture. These are promoted among the general public. Most of the time, the selection process aims at identifying representative buildings, a process that registers the influence of socio-cultural and politic factors. This article focuses on the socio-cultural evolution of the Romanian Athenaeum, a symbolic building of the Romanian culture. Based on a rich background of historical illustrations and recent observations, the authors analysed the symbols associated with the Romanian Athenaeum, in various historical periods. The authors used a sample of picture postcards with representations of the Athenaeum and interpreted the information they provided. The key results show the cultural role of the Athenaeum for the capital city, Bucharest, and its relation with the political factor, as this building was selected as the host for important political events with a deep historical charge, most often having the support of national authorities. In the course of time, the Athenaeum was represented constantly in picture postcards, as cultural building symbol and tourist attraction, due to its unique characteristics which emphasize its role as element of urban identity for Bucharest. At the same time, the interpretation of visual imagery allowed the decoding of the symbols and identification of the identity narrative and politics built around the Athenaeum, which, through the interactions generated by the socio-cultural and political plans, confer it the quality of symbolic building for the national and European culture.