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AKP (Justice and Development Party) can be accepted as the last and most powerful representative of Islamism in Turkey. The party came to power alone, after the general elections in 2002 and in 2007. Within its fi rst period of power, AKP claimed divergence from its extreme Islamist views and it gained trust among the majority of intellectuals. Furthermore, some socialist and liberal intellectuals supported most claims of AKP, in its fi rst period of power. In the second period, AKP's discourse began to have references to şeria law, more frequently; and fi nally, it lost the support of liberals and socialists. We witnessed some important and mysterious assassinations in the years 2006 and 2007 before the 2007 elections; and pre-elections period of 2007 was characterised by legal issues, which put AKP in a 'suff ering' position, once more. This essay is an eff ort in re-evaluating the tension between Islamism and laicism and some political issues of AKP years of Turkey, including four chosen acts of violence against laicite defenders or non-Muslims.

Security Sector Reform (ssr) is one of the key mechanisms of the UN norms of liberal peacebuilding. After the end of a 14-year-long civil war, ssr in Liberia has faced enormous challenges but opened a new space for peace and democracy for the people. Under the comprehensive supervision of the USA, two private military companies, DynCorp International and Pacific Architects and Engineers (pae), have played a pivotal role in army reform. Alternatively, unmil has been involved in police reform, which has not been considered successful enough. Furthermore, this study has observed that before ssr, disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (ddr) was not properly managed, which has had a pessimistic impact on ssr. The study has also found that the reformed army and police have been strongly criticised due to a lack of local ownership and citizen oversight, gender inequality, and poor democratic control. Nevertheless, beyond its limitations, the study shows that ssr has achieved a mixture of success in the current security, stability and peace in Liberia.

Security Sector Reform (ssr) is one of the key mechanisms of the UN norms of liberal peacebuilding. After the end of a 14-year-long civil war, ssr in Liberia has faced enormous challenges but opened a new space for peace and democracy for the people. Under the comprehensive supervision of the USA, two private military companies, DynCorp International and Pacific Architects and Engineers (pae), have played a pivotal role in army reform. Alternatively, unmil has been involved in police reform, which has not been considered successful enough. Furthermore, this study has observed that before ssr, disarmament, demobilisation, and reintegration (ddr) was not properly managed, which has had a pessimistic impact on ssr. The study has also found that the reformed army and police have been strongly criticised due to a lack of local ownership and citizen oversight, gender inequality, and poor democratic control. Nevertheless, beyond its limitations, the study shows that ssr has achieved a mixture of success in the current security, stability and peace in Liberia.

"National Archives microfilm publications, pamphlet accompanying microcopies nos. 529 & 530." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The effects of recent institutional change within the European Union on small states have often been overlooked. Taking a number of small states as case studies, this innovative and sophisticated book offers an accessible, coherent and informative analysis of contemporary and future foreign policy challenges facing small states in Europe.

Pakistan has declared itself an Islamic state, but in terms of gender, its constitutional provisions are equal to all citizens. The gendered UN-evenness is embedded in the social fabric of society due to men's domination over the mode of production. This unevenness is causing gendered segregation and alienation by women in a society. How does 'state' ideological orientation influence women's politics and their involvement in Islamic Legislation? This is a fundamental question that has been addressed in this paper. The available scholarship explained the nature of Islamic legislation and place of women in Islam. The present study is an attempt to explore the nature of the state and its ideological implications on women's role in Islamic legislation. Applying the qualitative approach, it has been found that the ideological nature of the state is structuring and re-organizing the relationship between women and legislation.Despite representation in the legislative process, women are yet alienated from control over the decision-making process.

Today, freedom of religion is important for faith leaders in Australia and also in Europe, the United States and other parts of the world. My study aims to explore how the church and state relationship in contemporary Australia has been influenced by constitutional, legal and historical arrangements. My focus is on the spheres of education, the law and legal system as these are the most common areas of church-state contention. I argue that pragmatic changes to the church and state relationship are increasingly recognising the value of religious freedom but not always protecting it as an existing human right. My data comprise a sample of nineteenth and twentieth century newspaper articles, interviews with Australian faith leaders, public submissions received from two national consultations and six court cases, all from Australia. My study is a contribution to existing scholarship on the church and state relationship in contemporary Australia. My study found that from European settlement to the twenty-first century the church and state relationship has been characterised by four different arrangements: establishment, plural establishment, liberal separationism, and pragmatic pluralism. Australia has no overriding legal or policy principle to guide state limitations on freedom of religion. State neutrality as an aspirational goal is not fully realised in contemporary Australia, as state neutrality can be used as a vehicle to discriminate against some or all faith groups. Against a backdrop of increasing religious diversity, the aspirational goal towards state neutrality is not just an academic question but an every-day reality that has consequences for Australia and Australians. Two recommendations are made. First, that a range of stakeholders from faith leaders to policy makers and academics convene a national forum with a view to reaching agreement on an overarching church-state framework that can accommodate the growth of religious diversity in contemporary Australia. Second, that as part of these national discussions, the government considers the need to reconceptualise the principles and institutions of liberal democracy that are important for accommodating religious diversity.

Morozov is absolutely right to point out that other countries—not in the set analyzed in Digital Origins—might reveal different paths toward or away from democratic government. But a quick look at some of the examples shows that they do not directly conflict with my argument that the proliferation of consumer electronics in countries with an active civil society and limited resource wealth seems to come with democratic consequences. China, Cuba, North Korea, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela are often offered as examples of how a tough regime can use digital media to oppress their citizens.