Suchergebnisse

Academic interest in homeschooling has increased over the last decade, as what was once perceived as a marginal development, has, in fact, turned into a significant and growing phenomenon. There has been, in recent years, a noticeable surge in African American involvement in the homeschooling movement as well. However, there continues to be a general paucity of research on the motivations of homeschooling Black parents. It is the purpose of this essay (a) to present empirical evidence regarding African American motivations for homeschooling; and (b) to explore in depth one of the main reasons why African Americans increasingly choose to educate their children at home, namely, African American discontent with the poor quality of the education available in American schools, both public and private. While discontent with the quality of education is also commonly cited by other ethnic groups, the African American definition of a satisfactory education stands out, as it is articulated within the context of a racially exclusive and discriminatory society, and often includes demands for cultural and historical relevance.

In EU daily politics, multi-level governance proponents consider legislative regions as active players which might even by-pass the Member State government in order to defend their individual interests autonomously, whereas liberal intergovernmentalists strongly reject that view and claim that the Member State government holds a gate-keeper position. Due to different empirical results and sometimes contradicting findings the debate among these scholars has still not come to an end. Until the present day, no scholar has provided hard evidence about regular state by-passing. Undeniably, a few regions do that once in a while. But is it possible to make general conclusions if this action is the exception rather than the rule? Against this background, the study raises the question of which is the preferred lobbying strategy of legislative regions (dependent variable). For theoretical reasons, the lobbying strategies will be distinguished between working with and working without the national government. Since scholarship has not identified the most important variable that affects regions' EU lobbying activities, this work applies the situational approach, one of the most popular approaches in organizational sociology. The analysis will conclude that the legal and constitutional situation of the EU and the Member State (independent variable) is by far the most essential variable in this regard. With this in mind, the focus is on German and UK legislative regions in EU Competition, Environment and Education policies because of the different legal-political situation of both the Member States and the EU. I have conducted semi-structured expert interviews with policy advisers, heads and deputy heads of office of the regions' representations in Brussels and several officials in the Committee of the Regions, the European Commission and Members of the European Parliament about (a) collecting and exchanging information with other organizations, (b) the procedures of lobbying and the mechanisms facilitating coalition-building as well as (c) the necessity, frequency and relevance of coalition-building. The results show that, despite of the different legal situation in the three selected policy areas, state by-passing is done very rarely because the national government is considered the most important and influential coalition-partner. Even in EU Education policy, a field in which the German Länder possess exclusive legal-political competences, state by-passing cannot be observed because the newly introduced 'Inner-Circle' format or the preference of national education ministers from other EU Member States to speak with their national counterparts makes it almost impossible for legislative regions to defend their regional interests autonomously.

Multiculturalism and multi-ethnicity have assumed the status of the most charged signs characterizing social contingencies and resultant violence in the increasingly glocalized world today. Minoritization continually interrupts and interrogates the homogeneous, horizontal claim of the projected democratic liberal society. Solidarity turns out to be situational and strategic while the concept of commonality is negotiated through contingencies of social interest and political claims. As Homi K. Bhabha points out in "Cultures in Between"- "How did we allow ourselves to forget that the nationalist violence between Hindus and Muslims lie just under the skin of India's secular modernity? .We have entered an anxious age of identity"(p.59). Experimenting with UNESCO's vision of promoting a "culture of peace" through education, 70 trainee teachers from varied socio-cultural and religious backgrounds were exposed to ELT exercises that opened up new avenues of peace education.

AbstractDespite consensus that higher‐education programs should be evaluated, assessed, or monitored closely, the many, inherent problems and issues are intensified by the difficulties of specifying precisely what is to be monitored.

There is a saying by Einstein (Limiting scientific knowledge to a group of people contributes to weakening the philosophical spirit of the people and leads to its spiritual impoverishment, because knowledge is a refinement and arrangement for the way we grow in life) the saying emphasizes, beyond doubt, on the importance of exaltation and encourages the obedience of the community, rather, its role in bringing about the desired peace and development. Education has enjoyed a great deal of political and social importance during the last two decades of the twentieth century, as the Arab world in general and Iraq in particular began to discover for the first time the meaning and importance of education and its role in establishing and building peace in society, they sought to choose this over society, knowing that many societies realized the importance of education in building peace in societies. Therefore, vigorous educational efforts have been made in order to raise the level of societies in all scientific, political, economic and social aspects, and thus build peace commensurate with the requirements of society.

This paper aims to present some of the intermediate results of a PhD research on "Teaching Citizenship and the Italian Constitution in a Community of Democratic Practice" which is taking place at the University of Tourin (Department of Educational Sciences). The research has been structured as a research-training, that is a way for the in-service teachers' training, according to the Decree n. 797/2016. It has been carried out with three groups of upper secondary education teachers in a Piemonte area. It has produced a useful scheme for programming for citizenship skills, a reflection on the importance of the relational climate among teachers and on the features of the school environment that are required to be a Community of democratic Practice.

This article takes up the theme that a significant but often ignored source for British Cultural Studies began in the interdisciplinary teaching of the Workers' Educational Association and university extra-mural departments in the immediate post-Second World War years. I deepen this argument by outlining the history of 'popular education' in Europe and beyond in the modern period to illustrate how the coming together of subaltern political movements and intellectual inquiry created an independent public sphere of radical self-enlightenment. In this article, by utilising archival and textual sources, I should like to explore whether it may be possible to renew the original project of Cultural Studies through radical programmes of 'popular' adult education in the digital age. I see Jim McGuigan's work as offering 'resources of hope', in Raymond Williams' phrase, for this tradition in the universe of academic Cultural Studies.