Suchergebnisse

Introduction. One of the foundations for the protection of the sovereignty, territorial integrity of our state is the patriotism of student youth in the conditions of military lyceum. Nowadays, in Ukraine, an increasing sense of education in the pupils' youth in the conditions of the military Lyceum is the feeling of patriotism caused by new socio-political realities in our state after the Revolution of dignity; circumstances associated with Russian aggression.Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the pedagogical conditions as the basis of the model of patriotism education of pupils in conditions of military lyceum based on the respective goals, approaches, principles, content, pedagogical conditions, criteria and expected results.Methods. In determining the research problem, the theoretical methods for assessing the formation of patriotism of student youth are used: and the simulation of the education of patriotism among pupils in a military environmentResults.The model of upbringing patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum in our study contains the following components: target (goal), conceptual (approaches, principles and functions of patriotism education of student youth in conditions of military lyceum), content component, operational-technological (pedagogical conditions for the upbringing of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum and the method of realization of pedagogical conditions) and a productive component.The content components of patriotism education of pupils in the military lyceum include the following components: patriotic consciousness, a set of professional and personal qualities (moral-political, civil, military-professional, social-psychological, mental, physical), psychological, general-military and physical readiness.The operational-technological component prevented pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of pupils in the conditions of the military lyceum as a set of reasons, circumstances, factors influencing a certain process and can accelerate or slow it, affecting it by the end result.Creation in the military lyceum of the educational environment should provide for the student to open up the potential of patriotic education and launch its mechanisms. An important aspect of the implementation of this pedagogical condition can be considered measures of a coordinating nature, in particular involving the student youth in the types of patriotic activities of the military lyceum.The use of the educational potential of educational subjects in order to raise the patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum is conditioned by the fact that the education of patriotism of the student is carried out mainly in the process of educational and cognitive activity by introducing value components into the contents of educational subjects (Ukrainian language and literature, Ukrainian history, Ukrainian culture, geography, defense of the Fatherland and others).Regarding the third condition, as a content-methodological provision of the education of patriotism of student youth in the conditions of the military lyceum, we note that its implementation envisaged the development of a set of educational and special programs and methods for organizing and conducting activities for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum in its various forms, the use the whole variety of pedagogical forms and means taking into account peculiarities of pupils' life; regular publication of the relevant literature covering this area of activity, taking into account innovations, advanced educational experience.The effective component included the criteria for patriotic education: cognitive, value-motivational, productive-behavioral, which determined the level of formation of the patriotic upbringing of a pupil of a military lyceum.Originalit. The scientific novelty and practical significance of the results of the study is determined by a significant increase in the role of the spiritual component in the functioning of military lyceums, modeling the process of raising patriotism among pupils in a military lyceum.Conclusion. Thus, the formed patriotic upbringing is considered by us as a result of assimilation of pupils' youth in the conditions of the military lyceum of the experience of cognitive activity, emotional-valuable relations and practical and practical experience, which manifest themselves in the ability and readiness to be realized as a personality and individuality in activities for the benefit of the Motherland.Thus, the pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of students in the military lyceum, which implement selected and structured content in practical form through a set of methods, forms and means, and is the basis of a particular model. All components of the model, in close relationship with each other, ensure the realization of the goal. Thus, the result of the implementation and implementation of the model proposed by us is a lyceum with an appropriate level of formation of patriotic education.Prospects for further research are the definition of recommendations for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum. ; В статье рассматривается содержание модели воспитания патриотизма военных лицеистов У статті розглядається зміст моделі ученической молодежи в условиях военного лицея – модели, которая базируется на определенніх концепциях, подходах, принципах образования и педагогических условиях на основе этого формирование содержание, форм методов воспитания патриотизма, а также образование патриотического середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики. Предлагаются направления перспективных исследований с заявленной проблематики. ; У статті розглядається зміст моделі виховання патріотизму учнівської молоді в умовах військового ліцею, а саме – такої моделі, яка базуватиметься на відповідних концепціях, підходах, принципах освіти та педагогічних умовах на основі цього формування змісту, форм методів виховання патріотизму, а також створення патріотичного середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики.

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

Introduction. One of the foundations for the protection of the sovereignty, territorial integrity of our state is the patriotism of student youth in the conditions of military lyceum. Nowadays, in Ukraine, an increasing sense of education in the pupils' youth in the conditions of the military Lyceum is the feeling of patriotism caused by new socio-political realities in our state after the Revolution of dignity; circumstances associated with Russian aggression.Purpose. The purpose of the article is to highlight the pedagogical conditions as the basis of the model of patriotism education of pupils in conditions of military lyceum based on the respective goals, approaches, principles, content, pedagogical conditions, criteria and expected results.Methods. In determining the research problem, the theoretical methods for assessing the formation of patriotism of student youth are used: and the simulation of the education of patriotism among pupils in a military environmentResults.The model of upbringing patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum in our study contains the following components: target (goal), conceptual (approaches, principles and functions of patriotism education of student youth in conditions of military lyceum), content component, operational-technological (pedagogical conditions for the upbringing of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum and the method of realization of pedagogical conditions) and a productive component.The content components of patriotism education of pupils in the military lyceum include the following components: patriotic consciousness, a set of professional and personal qualities (moral-political, civil, military-professional, social-psychological, mental, physical), psychological, general-military and physical readiness.The operational-technological component prevented pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of pupils in the conditions of the military lyceum as a set of reasons, circumstances, factors influencing a certain process and can accelerate or slow it, affecting it by the end result.Creation in the military lyceum of the educational environment should provide for the student to open up the potential of patriotic education and launch its mechanisms. An important aspect of the implementation of this pedagogical condition can be considered measures of a coordinating nature, in particular involving the student youth in the types of patriotic activities of the military lyceum.The use of the educational potential of educational subjects in order to raise the patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum is conditioned by the fact that the education of patriotism of the student is carried out mainly in the process of educational and cognitive activity by introducing value components into the contents of educational subjects (Ukrainian language and literature, Ukrainian history, Ukrainian culture, geography, defense of the Fatherland and others).Regarding the third condition, as a content-methodological provision of the education of patriotism of student youth in the conditions of the military lyceum, we note that its implementation envisaged the development of a set of educational and special programs and methods for organizing and conducting activities for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of the military lyceum in its various forms, the use the whole variety of pedagogical forms and means taking into account peculiarities of pupils' life; regular publication of the relevant literature covering this area of activity, taking into account innovations, advanced educational experience.The effective component included the criteria for patriotic education: cognitive, value-motivational, productive-behavioral, which determined the level of formation of the patriotic upbringing of a pupil of a military lyceum.Originalit. The scientific novelty and practical significance of the results of the study is determined by a significant increase in the role of the spiritual component in the functioning of military lyceums, modeling the process of raising patriotism among pupils in a military lyceum.Conclusion. Thus, the formed patriotic upbringing is considered by us as a result of assimilation of pupils' youth in the conditions of the military lyceum of the experience of cognitive activity, emotional-valuable relations and practical and practical experience, which manifest themselves in the ability and readiness to be realized as a personality and individuality in activities for the benefit of the Motherland.Thus, the pedagogical conditions for the education of patriotism of students in the military lyceum, which implement selected and structured content in practical form through a set of methods, forms and means, and is the basis of a particular model. All components of the model, in close relationship with each other, ensure the realization of the goal. Thus, the result of the implementation and implementation of the model proposed by us is a lyceum with an appropriate level of formation of patriotic education.Prospects for further research are the definition of recommendations for the education of patriotism of student youth in conditions of military lyceum. ; В статье рассматривается содержание модели воспитания патриотизма военных лицеистов У статті розглядається зміст моделі ученической молодежи в условиях военного лицея – модели, которая базируется на определенніх концепциях, подходах, принципах образования и педагогических условиях на основе этого формирование содержание, форм методов воспитания патриотизма, а также образование патриотического середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики. Предлагаются направления перспективных исследований с заявленной проблематики. ; У статті розглядається зміст моделі виховання патріотизму учнівської молоді в умовах військового ліцею, а саме – такої моделі, яка базуватиметься на відповідних концепціях, підходах, принципах освіти та педагогічних умовах на основі цього формування змісту, форм методів виховання патріотизму, а також створення патріотичного середовища. Пропонуються напрями перспективних досліджень із зазначеної проблематики.

Historical maps, like other thematic maps, have their specifics that need to be taken into account when preparing them. A historical map is compiled by a cartographer and a historian. These are professionals with different education (humanistic and technical) and different approaches to work. This results in different authors' trains of thoughts, which may be a source of mistakes in upcoming historical maps. Hidden errors that none of the experts thinks about because they do not know about them or because they seem to be irrelevant in their point of view, are especially serious. The objective of the article is to present the most common unknown unknowns in the preparation of historical maps which the authors acquired during the design of the Academic Atlas of Czech History, the Czech Historical Atlas and other historical maps. Incorrectly portrayed historical boundaries is the first type of error. If the main topic of a map are historical boundaries in particular, i.e. a political or administrative map is designed, the historian specializing in political affairs usually prepares the documents for the cartographer with great care. But if the historian asks for displaying historical boundaries only as support information for the map readers (e.g. for a migration map), they only specify a general requirement (e.g. borders up to 1938). Sometimes, they also provide a background map with these boundaries, which, however, is often in a too small scale. The cartographer, who is inexperienced in the creation of historical maps, then adopts the underlying map uncritically without asking or searching for more detailed sources (larger scale maps, text description of the boundaries) on their own. Also, the cartographer usually does not have deep knowledge of historical development. Then, the cartographer might miss some territorial change, which leads to omissions in the map. Alternatively, a certain part of the border is depicted to a wrong date. The historian does not alert the cartographer to the error because they consider (from their point of view) this small border deviation to be within the limit of the map language. Or, they have no idea what can be considered generalization for the given map scale and what goes beyond that. For historians, in general, the map is rather an illustration complementing their relevant text. The historian also often does not distinguish maps according to their positional accuracy (i.e. it is generally true that a map with a topographic background, harmonized with thematic elements, is more reliable than a map in the form of "colour spots") and it is sufficient for them if a phenomenon or a territory is described in the legend or in the text accompanying the map (written view). Therefore, the cartographer must notify the historian of inappropriate background sources and ask for better quality ones. The historian often demands in good faith that the upcoming map will capture several historical boundaries of different years. However, the cartographer must verify each partial state, harmonize it with other boundaries and water features and solve different levels of generalization of the data sources. As the number of boundaries increases, the map key is becoming more complicated (issues of colour and map sign structure resolution, border line overlaps). This leads to a substantial increase in the time needed for the preparation of the map. In addition, more information (boundaries) degrades the readability of the map and the map user may not be able to understand it correctly despite the hard work on the cartographer's part. In these cases, it is advisable to explain patiently the principle that less is more or, if there is no other way, divide a complex subject into multiple maps. The way how to write names of sites and locations (settlements) can also be an unknown unknown for both parties. There are usually no problems with current names of settlements based on the Latin script. More difficult, but manageable, is to agree on a system of romanization of non-Latin-script names (e.g. Arabic to Czech). A problem arises in historical maps. The historian and the cartographer should, after mutual discussion, find out whether they will use current names, historical names or common exonyms. Should historical names be used, it is necessary to determine what system of romanization will be used – whether from the official language for a given place and epoch or otherwise. In the case of the preparation of an atlas, it is necessary to enforce that the proposed system will be used by all authors to ensure the uniformity of the work. The cartographer must also consider the technical limitations of computer fonts, which rarely contain all required glyphs for proper romanization. The examples of unknown unknowns in historical maps preparation show that the ideal state would be if the mapmaker graduated from both cartography and the appropriate discipline of history or historical geography. However, in Czechia, there is insufficient demand for historical maps so that such an expert could hardly make a living off making historical maps only. Thus, cooperation of historians and cartographers is crucial. Communication, mutual learning, high-quality sources for maps and the willingness to discuss the upcoming map with other experts are the key prerequisites to success in eliminating errors. Enough time to prepare maps is another essential precondition.

Мета статті полягає в дослідженні інституційних важелей міжнародної конкурентоспроможності національної інноваційної системи у глобальному науково-технологічному просторі. Стверджується, що актуальність питання пошуку нових форм організації бізнесу, галузевої спеціалізації та модернізації економіки в цілому зростає під впливом переосмислення відносної значимості класичних факторів, що визначають збільшення національного добробуту суспільства (а саме природніх ресурсів, динаміки чисельності населення, індустріалізації, географії, клімату, продуктивних сил, законодавства) та супроводжується абсолютизацією ролі інновацій, що визначають конкурентні переваги будь-якої країни. Стверджується, що в умовах глобального науково-технологічного простору тільки активне використання інноваційних технологій виробництва може посилити конкурентні позиції країни на світовому ринку. Отже, національна інноваційна система (НІС) є тим базисом, що забезпечує динамічний розвиток країни.Визначено, що на розвиток і функціонування НІС безпосередньо впливають соціальні, політичні, культурні та міжнародні чинники, а також стартові умови країни для здійснення інноваційної діяльності, серед яких виділяють три категорії: активи, мережі та культура. До активів належить людський і фінансовий капітал, інститути, що здійснюють дослідження і розробки (ДіР), виробнича база, комунікаційна та фізична інфраструктура, нормативно-правова база, що сприяє розвитку підприємництва, а також бажані для працівників умови життя, які допомагають залучати і утримувати необхідні кадри. Зв'язок між стартовими умовами формування конкурентоспроможної НІС сприяє міждисциплінарним ініціативам, розвитку окремих галузей, зниженню ризиків при спільному проведенні ДіР і розвитку міжнародного співробітництва, що, в свою чергу, досягається шляхом формування ефективної інституційної системи.Виходячи з того, що інституційні механізми інноваційної діяльності, з одного боку, залежать від її галузевої специфіки (спеціалізація, кооперація, технології), а з іншого – від параметрів НІС та інноваційної політики держави, яка, крім іншого, визначає пріоритети економічного розвитку, інституційне середовище НІС вивчено та синтезовано з огляду блоків науково-технічної, економічної, соціальної та політичної діяльності, задіяних в інноваційному процесі, які в сукупності сприяють посиленню міжнародних конкурентних позицій НІС. Інноваційна активність багато в чому визначаються інституційною структурою країни, тому середовище НІС має як загальні, так і набуває специфічних рис залежно від співвідношення між елементами інноваційних блоків та інститутами. Визначено інституційне забезпечення інноваційного процесу крізь призму дослідження структурних елементів інноваційних блоків, до яких віднесено: креативний блок, або блок створення знань (НДІ, венчурні компанії, бізнес-інкубатори, тощо); блок трансферу технологій (різного роду посередники, в тому числі некомерційні фонди професійної експертизи); блок фінансування (держава, банківські кредити, продаж інновацій, венчурне фінансування); блок виробництва (функціонуючі високотехнологічні підприємства та створення інноваційно активних підприємств в нових галузевих сферах); блок підготовки кадрів, включаючи інноваційних менеджерів (університети, національні інженерні школи). ; The article's objective is to study institutional levers of the international competitiveness of the national innovation system in the global science and technology area. It is argued that the importance of the issue related with searching for new forms of business organization, industry specialization and economic modernization as a whole increases as a result of rethinking the relative significance of classical factors determining growth in the nation's welfare (namely, nature resources, population dynamics, industrialization, geography, climate, productive forces, legislation) along with making absolute the role of innovations determining competitive advantages of any country. It is argued that in the conditions of the global science and technology area, only intensive use of innovative technologies in production can enhance the competitive positions of a country on the global market. It follows that the national innovation system (NIS) lays the basis for the dynamic development of a country.It is found that the development and operation of NIS is driven by social, political, cultural and international factors, as well as by start-up conditions for innovating in a country, divided into the three categories: assets, networks and culture. Assets include human and financial capital, institutes performing R&D, production facilities, communication and physical infrastructures, legal and regulatory base favorable for business expansion, as well as living conditions wanted by employees, which help recruit and keep the required personnel. The links between start-up conditions for building up the competitive NIS ensure the interdisciplinary initiatives, the development of individual industries, the reduction of risks involved in collaborative R&D and international cooperation, which can, respectively, be achieved by building up the effective institutional system.Assuming that the institutional mechanisms of innovating are conditional on its industry specifics (specialization, cooperation, technologies), on the one hand, and on the NIS parameters and the innovation policy of the government with its economic priority setting, on the other hand, the institutional environment of NIS is studied and synthesized by modules of science & technology, economic, social and political activities, engaged in the innovation process, which, in their totality, enhance the international competitive positions of NIS. Because the innovation activity is largely determined by the institutional structure of a country, the NIS environment, apart from general features, has specific ones depending on the correlation between the elements of innovation modules and the institutes. The institutional support for the innovation process is defined through investigating the structural elements of the innovation modules, to which the following ones are included: the creative module or the module of knowledge generation (research institutes, venture companies, business incubators etc.); the module of technology transfer (various types of intermediaries, including non-commercial foundations of professional expert review); the module of financial (government, bank lending, sales of innovations, venture financing); the module of production (operating high tech enterprises and creation of innovating enterprises in new industrial segments); the module of personnel training, including innovation managers (universities, national engineering schools).

My research analyzes how the remaking anew of tradition—the return to"traditional" birthing arts (home birth, midwife-assisted birth, water birth, "natural" birth)—has resulted in the commodification of indigenous culture and the re-inscription of racial inequalities on the one hand, and, despite feminist rhetoric about women's liberation from (masculine) biomedical hegemony, the reconfiguring of parent-child bonds in ways that again place the burden of correctly producing future bioconsumers on women's shoulders. I focus on the extremes of contemporary Mexican society—disenfranchised indigenous families and members of the global meritocracy—and in doing so, I demonstrate how citizenship retains value for some while being rendered an inadequate analytical frame for others. More specifically, I argue that the privileged do not position themselves as citizens through claims to public resources; instead, they accumulate cultural capital through privatized services. Through an examination of processes of racialization and patterns of bioconsumption, I critique the broad application of the concept of citizenship, and make a case for the consideration of the bioconsumer (individuals for whom market-based consumption of medical services plays a formative role in how their identities are syncretically portrayed and perceived). The main stakes of bioconsumption are the presentation of self and accrual of cultural capital. Furthermore, I demonstrate how what is under negotiation in the alternative birth movement is the social-moral body onto which identities get mapped. Close ethnographic study reveals how the so-called "humanization" of birth and the reduction of maternal and infant mortality are distant projects that are collapsed onto one another and produce an emerging ideology of "good parenthood." In this ideology, children represent parents' stake in the contemporary global meritocracy. This work therefore uncovers how traditional ways of birthing are being destroyed and reinvented through racialized class privilege, which is based on a model of neoliberal consumption that simultaneously promotes "humanity" and reinforces inequality by infusing transnational movements with reified class logics and racialization. I thus consider Mexican traditional midwivery as a unique lens for examining how indigeneity becomes an object of consumption via ethnomedical piracy within a transnational racialized economy. Through 28 months of in-depth, multi-sited research across Mexico, from October 2010 to November 2013, this dissertation analyzes the physical and social mobility of some individuals, and the relative immobility of others, through the lens of humanized birth. In writing this dissertation, I aim to make the following interventions:First, I disrupt notions of citizenship-making by placing under the same lens those for whom citizenship is always just out of reach and those for whom citizenship is not a concern as their privileged access to privatized markets allows for a supra-state existence. I offer the concept of "supranationalism" as a contribution to emerging literature that rethinks states as the consolidation of territory and government, thus opening up other ways of conceptualizing polity and geography. I use the topic of birth to provide ethnographic evidence of how biopower is not only imposed by states upon citizen-subjects; but by powerful, extra-governmental, social and economic forces operating in the context of neoliberalism, thus resulting in real material consequences and shaping health outcomes. Second, I deploy the concepts of racialization and power when I critique the ways in which the global alternative birth movement inadvertently appropriates and commodifies indigenous culture. When "indigeneity" is invoked in the realm of so-called "humanized" birth, the object is fetishized, separated entirely from its cultural, socioeconomic, and geographical context, and repackaged for popular consumption—leading me to rethink the relationship between neoliberal citizenship and consumerism. I use the example of midwifery in Mexico to examine racialized identities-turned-merchandise, with real effects for the bodies of women. Building upon studies that explore the political economy of the body under contemporary global capitalism, I use a transnational context to analyze the political economy of identities vis-à-vis the body.In this dissertation, I examine the disparate and unequal distribution of "traditional," and ethnomedical forms of "natural" birth among social collectivities. The dissertation examines the mobility of humanized birth practitioners and participants who travel across borders to contribute to ideology and practices being produced transnationally, while comparatively immobile women are socially situated in ways that preclude their participation in medical migrations. Thus, while my ethnographic research provides detailed examples of how humanized birth is reshaped and reconstituted in sites that bear stark contrast to the social and geographic locations where the humanized birth model was originally produced, I am more concerned with how politic economic terrains are not only traversed, but are themselves transformed by medical migration. Finally, I complexify notions of feminist liberation by asking how humanized birth may be the first step within a new regime of pressures and "requirements" presented by modern-day "good parenting." I resist viewing children only as commodities; however, I do argue that children represent parents' stake in our contemporary meritocracy—a system that naturalizes extreme inequality by allowing us to believe in democratic structures and the idea that education and proper preparation will open doors for children to a brilliant future. Furthermore, I suggest that meritocratic structures exert pressure in the womb. The difference between a privatized and public childhood begins in vitro with prenatal care.

COST Action IS1003: 'International Law between Constitutionalisation and Fragmentation',Working Group 1: Territoriality

 

Organizing Fragmented Territoriality

Call for papers:
Working Group meeting & Workshop
November 15-17, 2012, Hamburg (Germany)

Recently, scholars from various fields in legal studies and the social sciences have begun to re-think implied dichotomies (like national/global, public/private, etc.). Facing criticisms like "methodological nationalism" (Beck) or the "territorial trap" (Agnew), the workshop aims to invite perspectives that take issue with the established nexus of state sovereignty and territo-riality and to re-visit territoriality as a phenomenon organized in a variety of sites and by a variety of actors. Although obviously touching upon related social phenomena, scholars from different disciplines (like international law, international relations, sociology, geography, an-thropology, or history) have rarely linked up research agendas, so far. A major aim of the workshop is to prompt trans-disciplinary engagement.

Debates on globalization, even when focussing on international law confronted by constitu-tionalization and fragmentation, have often continued to conceive of territorial state sover-eignty and dynamics of globalization as a zero-sum game. But is this still appropriate: Do states (still) monopolize territoriality? And if they do not, who else does it, and how?

While liberal approaches to international law have made remarkable steps in facing the social complexities of globalized governance by pointing to the increasingly "disaggregated" character of (democratic) nation-state sovereignty (Slaughter), other scholars have pointed out that the implied networked forms of governance through sub-state entities -- like execu-tive agencies or courts -- are not mere functions of a de-territorialized state. Instead of just reacting to "post-modern" security threats or so-called economic necessities, state agencies rather find themselves involved in a substantive "politics of sovereignty".

 These politics of sovereignty are not about choosing more or less state, state regulation or de-regulation, or public or private authority. Rather, diverse and, in part, disaggregated state agencies alongside various other actors establish new modes of governing, including the governing of "former" state territoriality. Although no longer alone in the projection of authority, "the state" itself is taking a decisive part in the reorganization of its own territoriality (Sassen). While, no doubt, states have their stakes in the organization of territoriality, they can be expected (and observed!) practicing governance in newly established sites ranging, as has been detailed in different research contexts, from now well-established forms of international governance in the context of International Governmental Organizations (IGOs) to "local" but nevertheless border-crossing arrangements of public-private partnerships. Furthermore, the governance of territory is in danger of slipping out of the states' hands when IGOs establish increasingly autonomous bureaucracies that tend to emancipate themselves from the mem-ber states consent, or when governance capacities of the state are effectively challenged by private actors emerging on the scene. These different processes – conceivable as different communications constituting a "world society" (Stichweh) – profoundly change the idea of territoriality itself.

Their result might be a fragmented (legal and political) order of territoriality. New and multiple forms of regulation, however, can hardly be seen as consequences of fragmentation. Instead, the politics of sovereignty and fragmented territoriality are inextricably linked and dependent on each other. It is but the constitution of territoriality that -- in a paradoxical move -- brings about its fragmented normativity. This new multiplicity of governance raises questions for the reproduction of global normativity:

- How is territoriality (re-) constructed or challenged in different arenas (political system, legal system, and beyond)?
- How can the category of territoriality be conceived in terms of governance instead of government? What is the nexus between territoriality and governance?
- How do legal phenomena like the legalization of world politics and/or constitutional quality beyond the state emerge? What are the processes that advance/impede le-galization or constitutionalization?
- Which actors are involved? How are they related? And how is their social status de-termined and reproduced?
- How are the dividing lines between public and private established? What separates and what links up these spheres?
- How are the boundaries between law and politics drawn and how does this relate to territory?

Contributions to the workshop could touch upon themes and perspectives including
the historicization of territoriality, international law and politics; state and/or non-state politics of sovereignty; the methodology of overcoming territorial traps; Global Administrative Law (GAL); Governmentality perspectives; Legal Pluralism; Sociology of Law; (Global) Governance.

 Please send paper proposals (max. 300 words) to Philip Liste and Katja Freistein (philip.liste@wiso.uni-hamburg.de; katja.freistein@uni-bielefeld.de) by July 1st, 2012.

Participants from countries participating in COST Action 1003 can apply for funding for this workshop. As a rule, COST reimburses a flat rate of €120,- per night for accommodation and travel costs for two participants per participating country. For more information on COST Action 1003, please check the website: http://www.il-cf.eu If you would like to receive COST funding, please attach a short request (max 150 words) to your paper proposal.

Organization:
Dr. Philip Liste, University of Hamburg, Faculty for Economics and Social Sciences, Allende-Platz 1, 20146 Hamburg
Email: philip.liste@wiso.uni-hamburg.de
Dr. Katja Freistein, Bielefeld University, Collaborative Research Centre (SFB 882), Universitaetsstr.25, 33615 Bielefeld
Email: katja.freistein@uni-bielefeld.de

In Europa haben sich im Laufe der vergangenen Jahrhunderte zahlreiche Kriege und Auseinandersetzungen Art abgespielt, die die Menschen und Nationen, ihre Ideologien und Ansichten stark geprägt haben. Gerade im SaarLorLux-Raum, einer grenzüberschreitenden Region im Gebiet von Deutschland, Frankreich, Luxemburg und Belgien, wurden die Grenzen von den Siegermächten immer neu gezogen und verschoben. Heute leben hier Menschen mit sehr verschiedenen kulturellen Hintergründen in einer multikulturellen Gesellschaft zusammen, die aber oftmals stark von einem Nebeneinander und von Unterschieden geprägt ist. Für die Grenzräume haben sich mit dem Konzept "Europa der Regionen", das kleineren räumlichen Einheiten ein Mitwirken bei Entscheidungsprozessen ermöglicht, große Kooperationschancen eröffnet. Von politischer Seite wird der SaarLorLux-Raum oft als "Mitte Europas" (BRÜCHER, QUASTEN, REITEL 1982, S. 13) oder "einzige europäische Kernregion" bezeichnet, in die "besonders hohe Erwartungen gesetzt" (SANTER 1997) werden. Wie aber sieht das Leben jenseits der Politik auf der ganz alltäglichen Ebene aus? Welche Möglichkeiten bieten sich den Menschen, die kulturelle Vielfalt, die Andersartigkeit der Nachbarländer sowie die Vor- und Nachteile hautnah in Alltagssituationen zu erleben? Die Dissertation untersucht, inwieweit die Grenzen in den Köpfen der Menschen auch nach ihrer Öffnung durch das Schengener Abkommen verankert bleiben und ob die Bewohner einer Grenzregion diesen besonderen Lebensraum in ihrem Alltag nutzen und zu grenzüberschreitend agierenden Europäern werden. Dazu werden wahrnehmungsgeographische Forschungsmethoden (mental maps) genutzt und auf das konkrete Beispiel des SaarLorLux-Raumes angewendet. In drei Studien (2000, 2002 und 2006) wurden insgesamt 5865 Schüler und Bewohner in 20 Orten in den vier Ländern zu ihren Vorstellungen vom SaarLorLux-Raum, zu ihrem aktionsräumlichen Verhalten und zu ihrer Abgrenzung der Region befragt. Dabei wurden bewusst grenznahe und grenzferne Standorte ausgewählt wurden, um Unterschiede im Verhalten herauszuarbeiten. Ziel der Analyse ist es, das Leben in der Großregion über den Zeitraum von sechs Jahren zu untersuchen und mit dieser Langzeitstudie Veränderungen beziehungsweise Gemeinsamkeiten im Verhalten der Bewohner herauszuarbeiten. Die Wahrnehmung des Lebens im SaarLorLux-Raum aus der Sicht seiner Bewohner wird herausgearbeitet und -ausgehend von den Ergebnissen- werden Potentiale und Defizite im grenzüberschreitenden Zusammenleben abzuleiten. Die politische und ökonomische Liberalisierung ist seit mehr als einem halben Jahrhundert Realität in Westeuropa. Ob allerdings die sich daraus ergebenden Chancen von den Bewohnern der grenznahen Räume erkannt, erwünscht und erlebt werden, ist Gegenstand der Untersuchungen. Durch die Fokussierung auf die Befragung von Schülern, also den jungen Menschen, die die Zukunft darstellen, wird die Frage beantwortet, ob sich traditionelle und eventuell auch eingefahrene Sichtweisen von Generation zu Generation übertragen und somit das aktionsräumliche Verhalten beeinflussen und erstarren lassen. Einen Beitrag zu einer funktionierenden Zusammenarbeit leistet die kulturelle und regionale Identität, die dazu beiträgt, dass sich die Menschen über die Grenzen hinaus als Bewohner der gleichen Region definieren. Dabei sollen nicht die Unterschiede, die zwischen den Bewohnern mit unterschiedlichen Nationalitäten bestehen, geleugnet oder verwischt werden. Abschließend werden, losgelöst vom regionalen Beispiel, Möglichkeiten aufgezeigt, wie durch unterschiedliche Initiativen vor allem auf schulischer Ebene zur Stärkung einer gemeinsamen europäischen Identität bei der jungen Bevölkerung beigetragen werden kann. Die Dissertation endet "ausgerichtet auf die Hauptzielgruppe bei den Befragungen- mit dem Entwurf einer Unterrichteinheit zur Stärkung eines grenzüberschreitenden Wir-Gefühls. Der Schulunterricht kann einen Beitrag dazu leisten, dass die zukünftigen Generationen ein tieferes Bewusstsein für das Zusammenleben im Grenzraum und in Europa erhalten. ; Over the centuries there have been many wars and hostilities in Europe that have had an influence on the people and nations, their ideologies and points of view. Especially in the SaarLorLux-region, a border zone composed of parts of Germany, France, Luxembourg and Belgium, the frontiers were often newly drawn and dislocated by the victorious powers. Today, the inhabitants form a multicultural society with diverse cultural backgrounds. They live together in one region but the differences oftentimes cause a feeling of coexistence rather than one of togetherness. For the border regions the concept "Europe of the Regions" has opened up huge possibilities for cooperation as small spatial units are now able to contribute to the decision-making process. In the political discussion the SaarLorLux-region is often called the "center of Europe" (cf. BRÜCHER, QUASTEN, REITEL 1982, p. 13) or "the only European core region", in which "particularly high expectations are set" (cf. SANTER 1997).But what does everyday life look like beyond politics? Which possibilities present themselves so that the inhabitants can benefit from the cultural diversity, the differences of their neighboring countries and experience the advantages and drawbacks in daily situations? This dissertation analyses the question whether the frontiers are still fixed in the heads of the people, even after the opening of the borders due to the Schengen agreement. Do inhabitants of this European region take advantage of their living space during their daily routine and act transnational? For the study, methods from perception geography (mental maps) were used and trans-ferred to the concrete example of the SaarLorLux-region. In three studies (2000, 2002 and 2006) a total of 5865 pupils and inhabitants in 20 cities in the four countries were interviewed concerning their perception of and spatial behavior in the SaarLorLux-region. The choice of cities deliberately included some locations close and some distant to the borders in order to explore the differences in behavior. The goal of the dissertation is to analyse life in the so-called "Great Region" over a period of six years and to evaluate differences and similarities in human behavior with this long-term study. The inhabitants" perception of life in the SaarLorLux-region is taken as a basis to deduce potentials and deficits of cross-border interactions. The political and economic deregulations were established over half a century ago in Western Europe. But are people who live close to a different country aware of all their opportunities, do they desire and experience them " that is the question. Focusing on pupils (i.e. young people who are our future) the question is answered whether traditional or preconceived opinions are passed on from generation to generation, thereby influencing spatial behavior. A regional and cultural identity can help people across borders to define themselves as inhabitants of the same region without denying differences that occur between people with diverse nationalities. At the end, general options are shown that help to strengthen a collective European identity especially among pupils and young people. As school can make a contribution towards future generations having a deeper understanding of life in border regions and in Europe, the dissertation ends with the suggestion of a teaching unit aiming to develop a transnational shared identity.

This study concerns the representation of space in Caribbean literature, both francophone and Anglophone and, in particular, but not only, in the martinican literature, in the works of the authors born in the island. The analysis focus on the second half of the last century, a period in which the martinican production of novels and romances increased considerably, and where the representation and the rule of space had a relevant place. So, the thesis explores the literary modalities of this representation. The work is constituted of 5 chapters and the critical and methodological approaches are both of an analytical and comparative type. The first chapter "The caribbean space: geography, history and society" presents the geographic context, through an analysis of the historical and political major events occurred in the Caribbean archipelago, in particular of the French Antilles, from the first colonization until the départementalisation. The first paragraph "The colonized space: historical-political excursus" the explores the history of the European colonization that marked forever the theatre of the relationship between Europe, Africa and the New World. This social situation take a long and complex process of "Re-appropriation and renegotiation of the space", (second paragraph) always the space of the Other, that interest both the Antillean society and the writers' universe. So, a series of questions take place in the third paragraph "Landscape and identity": what is the function of space in the process of identity construction? What are the literary forms and representations of space in the Caribbean context? Could the writing be a tool of cultural identity definition, both individual and collective? The second chapter "The literary representation of the Antillean space" is a methodological analysis of the notions of literary space and descriptive gender. The first paragraph "The literary space of and in the novel" is an excursus of the theory of such critics like Blanchot, Bachelard, Genette and Greimas, and in particular the recent innovation of the 20th century; the second one "Space of the Antilles, space of the writing" is an attempt to apply this theory to the Antillean literary space. Finally the last paragraph "Signs on the page: the symbolic places of the antillean novel landscape" presents an inventory of the most recurrent antillean places (mornes, ravines, traces, cachots, En-ville,…), symbols of the history and the past, described in literary works, but according to new modalities of representation. The third chapter, the core of the thesis, "Re-drawing the map of the French Antilles" focused the study of space representation on francophone literature, in particular on a selected works of four martinican writers, like Roland Brival, Édouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau and Raphaël Confiant. Through this section, a spatial evolution comes out step by step, from the first to the second paragraph, whose titles are linked together "The novel space evolution: from the forest of the morne… to the jungle of the ville". The virgin and uncontaminated space of the Antilles, prior to the colonisation, where the Indios lived in harmony with the nature, find a representation in both works of Brival (Le sang du roucou, Le dernier des Aloukous) and of Glissant (Le Quatrième siècle, Ormerod). The arrival of the European colonizer brings a violent and sudden metamorphosis of the originary space and landscape, together with the traditions and culture of the Caraïbes population. These radical changes are visible in the works of Chamoiseau (Chronique des sept misères, Texaco, L'esclave vieil homme et le molosse, Livret des villes du deuxième monde, Un dimanche au cachot) and Confiant (Le Nègre et l'Amiral, Eau de Café, Ravines du devant-jour, Nègre marron) that explore the urban space of the creole En-ville. The fourth chapter represents the "2nd step: the Anglophone novel space" in the exploration of literary representation of space, through an analytical study of the works of three Anglophone writers, the 19th century Lafcadio Hearn (A Midsummer Trip To the West Indies, Two Years in the French West Indies, Youma) and the contemporary authors Derek Walcott (Omeros, Map of the New World, What the Twilight says) and Edward Kamau Brathwaite (The Arrivants: A New World Trilogy). The Anglophone voice of the Caribbean archipelago brings a very interesting contribution to the critical idea of a spatial evolution in the literary representation of space, started with francophone production: "The spatial evolution goes on: from the Martiniques Sketches of Hearn… to the modern bards of Caribbean archipelago" is the new linked title of the two paragraphs. The fifth chapter "Extended look, space shared: the Caribbean archipelago" is a comparative analysis of the results achieved in the prior sections, through a dialogue between all the texts in the first paragraph "Francophone and Anglophone representation of space compared: differences and analogies". The last paragraph instead is an attempt of re-negotiate the conventional notions of space and place, from a geographical and physical meaning, to the new concept of "commonplace", not synonym of prejudice, but "common place" of sharing and dialogue. The question sets in the last paragraph "The "commonplaces" of the physical and mental map of the Caribbean archipelago: toward a non-place?" contains the critical idea of the entire thesis.

"European leaders' biggest concern is Trump's potential return to the White House in 2025... plans for a 'dormant NATO' and advocating a shift from burden-sharing to 'burden-shifting,'" groaned an essay from the European Council on Foreign Relations, as NATO started to gear up for its 75th anniversary with Brussels painted blue, in reflection of the sanctity of the alliance, which President Biden has called sacred. One would be forgiven to notice the religious instinct behind something that is supposed to be an amoral alignment based purely on interest. "NATO 's shield against aggression 'will permit us to get on with the real business of government... of achieving a fuller and happier life for all our citizens,'" says Secretary Blinken. Atlanticist think tanks agreed. Incidentally, at the same time, NATO is planning to move executive decision making out of American political chaos, to Europe. Politico reported that officials hope to move the Ukraine Defense Contact Group "into the alliance's control, according to three European officials and a U.S. official with knowledge of the internal deliberations." The hope is "to finalize the move at the NATO leaders' summit in Washington in July," Politico wrote, adding that it would be better to institutionalize the process, in case Trump wins again. "With NATO's supreme allied commander, General Chris Cavoli, in charge, such a step could protect the structure from any political change that may result after the November elections," reported Bloomberg.But why should talks of "burden shifting" be a "concern?" Why will NATO have to "institutionalize" decision making regarding humanity's greatest questions of war and peace, and then make it undemocratic? These are not idle questions; the very future of NATO hinges on them. Everyone, from President John F. Kennedy onwards, has talked about "burden sharing." It hasn't worked, because thus far there was no actual policy guideline about achieving burden shifting in certain domains. This shouldn't be a concern, as burden shifting is purely a moderate compromise. Burden shifting in certain domains is a strategy in order to achieve burden sharing, which is the aim. Only those who want to free-ride should be concerned about burden shifting. Likewise the issue of institutionalizing is the original curse of NATO. Unless NATO assumes a supranational political role instead of a defense alliance — which has been, and is, a valid worry of conservatives — one is skeptical of how any institutionalizing will work, much less guard against democratic mandates. Consider a hypothetical. NATO established a command and coordination where Americans are working. A government back home wins election saying they would put a stop to all that. The NATO leadership proceeds to refuse civilian oversight, Congress or Presidential order and continues as is.Getting NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Europe to decide on matters of war and peace, instead of the elected President or the Congress, will in reality mean that NATO bureaucracy (and American forces operating under the said NATO bureaucracy) will continue working despite changes to the civilian leadership back home and despite a democratic mandate to the contrary. That's a worldview, I suppose. But it is no different than military leadership in Pakistan or Egypt. One either believes in democracy and civilian leadership, or one doesn't. One cannot, however, tout a system of governance of and by unelected military bureaucrats, and then claim that it is for an alliance to ostensibly defend democracy.Contrary to some, I don't think NATO should be disbanded completely, nor do I think it is even possible to do that. Realists are not utopians. And NATO was a decent alliance, for as long as it was doing what it is supposed to do. In that light, the strategy of a future Dormant NATO is predicated on three assumptions. One, as I wrote, the "NATO bureaucracy is increasingly a barrier in the path of reduced American commitment. It is self-sustaining and prone to push missions that are beyond NATO's core role and, at times, opposed to the domestic interests of the United States." Two, there is no "Europe" as a coherent political identity, in the sense that there is no common European interest. Interests and threat perceptions are based on primarily geography, offensive power, offensive intention, and proximity. Both NATO and the European Union exist as artificial constructs, maintained by American martial prowess. Without American military power, the chances of the EU collapsing under its own contradiction are relatively high. This also gives America a unique leverage to shape and reshape Europe to its advantage, and not get taken for a ride. Three, the expansion of NATO has led to a "curtailing" of American power. This third point is counterintuitive but crucial. As I wrote, "the larger the alliance, the bigger the constraint on the hegemon. Expanding an alliance would, in turn, consolidate the liberal-internationalist orthodoxy and multiply an imperial, self-sustaining and expanding bureaucracy, making it more difficult for a hegemon like the U.S. to act on its own interests as opposed to the interests of the group. The bigger the alliance and the worse Russo-American relations are, the better the deal for protectorate states." To put simply, the tail now has more power than the dog. One can argue that our "liberal internationalist" friends also believe in all these assumptions. They believe that democratic passions are opposed to their grand plan of social engineering through military power, which is why they want to take the power out of the hands of messy electoral processes. They absolutely believe that the European Union is an artificial construct, and a potential future trade rival to America, which is arguably why they want to ensure its survival and are worried about an American retrenchment. They have swallowed their own worldview that members of alliances are all equal, and it is not asymmetric, and there are no hegemons and protectorates.A Dormant NATO will put a stop to all further expansions, all out of area operations, and would focus strictly on military defense of those within the club. A Dormant NATO framework will delegate all further European military burden, from infantry to logistics, armor, to artillery, in the hands of European states, for them to pay and man the posts, under an overarching American nuclear umbrella. The Cold War style of garrisoning was obsolete by the 1990s, as understood by the troop drawdown from a total of around 300,000 to around 70,000 over a span of half a decade. For a country that is reaching its Weimarian fiscal cliff, and increasingly looking like a late stage Soviet Union — with a bloated national security bureaucracy on autopilot with no democratic control, anti-meritocratic academia, broken manufacturing base, and foreign interventions and overstretch based on promoting a craven secular theocracy at home and abroad — the time to reform NATO and redistribute a fiscal burden was yesterday. Dormant NATO is therefore the moderate compromise. It is time to let the 75 year old entity sleep more.

Вивчення історії Криму як комплексного поняття, що має географічний, етнічний та політичний аспекти, у ХІХ ст. в Російській імперії мало свою специфіку. Остання потребує на спеціальне дослідження, особливо з погляду поступової зміни пріоритетів у підходах істориків. Серед головних напрямків цієї зміни слід згадати перехід від розгляду історії Криму як історії політичної та полі-етнічної в діахронії до історії моноетнічної та співіснування останньої з історією політичною. Головними зовнішніми чинниками цього процесу стали як приєднання Криму до Російської імперії й втрата державності, що призводило до певного інтересу до державницької традиції на території півострову, так і різке зменшення кримсько-татарського населення на півострові як наслідок подій Східної війни та масової еміграції. Останнє, в умовах зростання уваги до ідеї народності, актуалізувало сприйняття історії Криму як історії етнічної, й призвело до появи історії змішаного етно-політичного типу, яка формально характеризувалася як історія народна – кримських татар. У статті ці зміни історичних парадигм розглядаються головним чином на прикладах загальних праць Станіслава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврийского» («История о Таврии») та Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станіслав Сестренцевич Богуш простежує історію Криму від давньої історії до 1783 р., вважаючи її в цей період самобутнім процесом. Він звертає увагу на зв'язок історії півострова зі світовою, як західною, так і східною. Історія Кримського ханства розглядається ним як частина історії імперії Моголів. Однак з 1783 р., на його думку, історія Криму вже має розглядатися як частина історії Російської імперії. Дальшому розвитку історіографії історії Криму сприяла увага дослідників до історії Новоросійського краю та публікація історичних джерел. Це стало науковим підґрунтям для появи праці Феоктиста Хартахая, в якій автор поставив за мету простежити долю кримських татар. Він піднімає низку важливих питань, такі, як час заснування Кримського ханства, становище християн в цій державі, еволюція кримсько-татарського суспільства від агресивного військового в цивільному напрямку та інші. Приділяючи увагу внутрішній історії, автор показує кримських татар як народ, що створив своєрідну культуру, згадує окремих правителів, які розуміли необхідність внутрішніх реформ. Водночас іноді історик, у дусі народницької історіографії, використовує протиставлення народу державі. ; Изучение истории Крыма как комплексного понятия, которое объединяет географический, этнический и политический аспекты, в ХІХ в. имело в Российской империи свою специфику. Последняя нуждается в специальном исследовании, особенно с учетом постепенного изменения приоритетов в подходах историков. Среди главных направлений этих изменений следует упомянуть переход от рассмотрения истории Крыма как истории политической и полиэтнической в диахронии к истории моноэтнической и сосуществование последней с историей политической. Главными внешними факторами этого процесса стали как присоединение Крыма к Российской империи и утрата государственности, так и резкое сокращение численности крымско-татарского населения на полуострове вследствие событий Восточной войны (1853-1856) и массовой эмиграции. Последнее, в условиях увеличения внимания к идее народности, актуализировало восприятие истории Крыма как истории этнической, и привело к появлению истории смешанного этно-политического типа, которая формально характеризовалась как история народная – крымских татар. В статье эти изменния исторических парадигм рассамтриваются главным образом на примерах общих работ Станислава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврического» («История о Таврии») и Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станислав Сестренцевич Богуш прослеживает историю Крыма с древности до 1783 года, рассматривая ее в этот период как самобытный процесс. Он обращает внимание на связь истории полуострова с всеобщей историей как Запада, так и Востока. История Крымского ханства рассматривается ним как последняя часть истории империи Моголов. Однако с 1783 года, по его мнению, история Крыма должна рассматриваться как часть истории Российской империи. Дальнейшему развитию историографии истории Крыма способствовало внимание исследователей к истории Новороссийского края и публикация исторических источников. Это стало научной основой для появления работы Феоктиста Хартахая, в которой автор поставил цель проследить судьбу крымских татар. Он касается ряда важных вопросов, таких, как время основания Крымского ханства, положения христиан н в этом государстве, эволюция крымско-татарского общества от агрессивного военного в направлении гражданского и другие. Уделяя внимание внутренней истории, автор изображает крымских татар как народ, который создал своеобразную культуру, упоминает отдельных правителей, которые понимали необходимость внутренних реформ. В то же время историк иногда, в духе народнической историографии, противопоставляет народ государству. ; The studying of Crimea history as complex definition with geography, ethnic and political aspects, has its own specific in Russian empire in XIX c. This specific needs in particular investigation, especially because of gradual changing of priorities in historians' approaches. Among the main trends of the transformation we should name the transition from interpretation of Crimea history as political and poly-ethnic one to the mono-ethnic history and their co-existing with political history. The main external factors of that process became as connection of Crimea with Russian empire and the lost of the state, what inspire some interest to the state tradition on peninsula, as a radical dimension of Crimean Tatars population on peninsula followed the Eastern War 1853-1856 caused their mass emigration to Ottoman empire. This fact in connection with growing of interest towards idea of people (before all as ethnic and also as social phenomena), made influence to accepting the history of Crimea as ethnic history. As the result, the history of melted ethnic-political type appeared, wich was presented formally as history of ethnic or people – of Crimean Tatars. In the article this changing of investigation patterns is studied in the whole on examples of the works of Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush's «The history on reign of Khersones of Tauria»(«The history of Tauria») and of Pheoktist Khartakhaj «The historian fate of the Crimean Tatar». Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush studies the Crimea history from ancient time until 1783, he accepts this period of history as specific one. Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush pays his attention to connection between historical process on peninsula and world one, both of West and East. The history of Crimean Khanat appears as the last part of Mogol's empire. But, on his opinion, after 1783 the history of Crimea should be studied as the part of the Russia empire history. He following development of historiography of Crimea history was grounded on growing of investigation of the Southern Ukraine history and on the publishing of new historical sources. This created the scientific base for appearance of Pheoktist Khartakhaj's work devoted to the historian fate of the Crimean Tatar. The author studies many different problems such as foundation of Crimean Khanat, the attitude towards Christians in this state, the evolution of Crimean Tatar society from aggressive military to civil one. The author studies internal history and shows the Crimean Tatar as a people which created particular culture, he mentions some rulers who understood the need in internal reforms. Simultaniously the historian according to people historiography sometimes put in contrary the people and the state.

Вивчення історії Криму як комплексного поняття, що має географічний, етнічний та політичний аспекти, у ХІХ ст. в Російській імперії мало свою специфіку. Остання потребує на спеціальне дослідження, особливо з погляду поступової зміни пріоритетів у підходах істориків. Серед головних напрямків цієї зміни слід згадати перехід від розгляду історії Криму як історії політичної та полі-етнічної в діахронії до історії моноетнічної та співіснування останньої з історією політичною. Головними зовнішніми чинниками цього процесу стали як приєднання Криму до Російської імперії й втрата державності, що призводило до певного інтересу до державницької традиції на території півострову, так і різке зменшення кримсько-татарського населення на півострові як наслідок подій Східної війни та масової еміграції. Останнє, в умовах зростання уваги до ідеї народності, актуалізувало сприйняття історії Криму як історії етнічної, й призвело до появи історії змішаного етно-політичного типу, яка формально характеризувалася як історія народна – кримських татар. У статті ці зміни історичних парадигм розглядаються головним чином на прикладах загальних праць Станіслава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврийского» («История о Таврии») та Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станіслав Сестренцевич Богуш простежує історію Криму від давньої історії до 1783 р., вважаючи її в цей період самобутнім процесом. Він звертає увагу на зв'язок історії півострова зі світовою, як західною, так і східною. Історія Кримського ханства розглядається ним як частина історії імперії Моголів. Однак з 1783 р., на його думку, історія Криму вже має розглядатися як частина історії Російської імперії. Дальшому розвитку історіографії історії Криму сприяла увага дослідників до історії Новоросійського краю та публікація історичних джерел. Це стало науковим підґрунтям для появи праці Феоктиста Хартахая, в якій автор поставив за мету простежити долю кримських татар. Він піднімає низку важливих питань, такі, як час заснування Кримського ханства, становище християн в цій державі, еволюція кримсько-татарського суспільства від агресивного військового в цивільному напрямку та інші. Приділяючи увагу внутрішній історії, автор показує кримських татар як народ, що створив своєрідну культуру, згадує окремих правителів, які розуміли необхідність внутрішніх реформ. Водночас іноді історик, у дусі народницької історіографії, використовує протиставлення народу державі. ; Изучение истории Крыма как комплексного понятия, которое объединяет географический, этнический и политический аспекты, в ХІХ в. имело в Российской империи свою специфику. Последняя нуждается в специальном исследовании, особенно с учетом постепенного изменения приоритетов в подходах историков. Среди главных направлений этих изменений следует упомянуть переход от рассмотрения истории Крыма как истории политической и полиэтнической в диахронии к истории моноэтнической и сосуществование последней с историей политической. Главными внешними факторами этого процесса стали как присоединение Крыма к Российской империи и утрата государственности, так и резкое сокращение численности крымско-татарского населения на полуострове вследствие событий Восточной войны (1853-1856) и массовой эмиграции. Последнее, в условиях увеличения внимания к идее народности, актуализировало восприятие истории Крыма как истории этнической, и привело к появлению истории смешанного этно-политического типа, которая формально характеризовалась как история народная – крымских татар. В статье эти изменния исторических парадигм рассамтриваются главным образом на примерах общих работ Станислава Сестренцевича Богуша «История царства Херсонеса Таврического» («История о Таврии») и Феоктиста Хартахая «Исторические судьбы крымских татар». Станислав Сестренцевич Богуш прослеживает историю Крыма с древности до 1783 года, рассматривая ее в этот период как самобытный процесс. Он обращает внимание на связь истории полуострова с всеобщей историей как Запада, так и Востока. История Крымского ханства рассматривается ним как последняя часть истории империи Моголов. Однако с 1783 года, по его мнению, история Крыма должна рассматриваться как часть истории Российской империи. Дальнейшему развитию историографии истории Крыма способствовало внимание исследователей к истории Новороссийского края и публикация исторических источников. Это стало научной основой для появления работы Феоктиста Хартахая, в которой автор поставил цель проследить судьбу крымских татар. Он касается ряда важных вопросов, таких, как время основания Крымского ханства, положения христиан н в этом государстве, эволюция крымско-татарского общества от агрессивного военного в направлении гражданского и другие. Уделяя внимание внутренней истории, автор изображает крымских татар как народ, который создал своеобразную культуру, упоминает отдельных правителей, которые понимали необходимость внутренних реформ. В то же время историк иногда, в духе народнической историографии, противопоставляет народ государству. ; The studying of Crimea history as complex definition with geography, ethnic and political aspects, has its own specific in Russian empire in XIX c. This specific needs in particular investigation, especially because of gradual changing of priorities in historians' approaches. Among the main trends of the transformation we should name the transition from interpretation of Crimea history as political and poly-ethnic one to the mono-ethnic history and their co-existing with political history. The main external factors of that process became as connection of Crimea with Russian empire and the lost of the state, what inspire some interest to the state tradition on peninsula, as a radical dimension of Crimean Tatars population on peninsula followed the Eastern War 1853-1856 caused their mass emigration to Ottoman empire. This fact in connection with growing of interest towards idea of people (before all as ethnic and also as social phenomena), made influence to accepting the history of Crimea as ethnic history. As the result, the history of melted ethnic-political type appeared, wich was presented formally as history of ethnic or people – of Crimean Tatars. In the article this changing of investigation patterns is studied in the whole on examples of the works of Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush's «The history on reign of Khersones of Tauria»(«The history of Tauria») and of Pheoktist Khartakhaj «The historian fate of the Crimean Tatar». Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush studies the Crimea history from ancient time until 1783, he accepts this period of history as specific one. Stanislav Sestrentsevich Bogush pays his attention to connection between historical process on peninsula and world one, both of West and East. The history of Crimean Khanat appears as the last part of Mogol's empire. But, on his opinion, after 1783 the history of Crimea should be studied as the part of the Russia empire history. He following development of historiography of Crimea history was grounded on growing of investigation of the Southern Ukraine history and on the publishing of new historical sources. This created the scientific base for appearance of Pheoktist Khartakhaj's work devoted to the historian fate of the Crimean Tatar. The author studies many different problems such as foundation of Crimean Khanat, the attitude towards Christians in this state, the evolution of Crimean Tatar society from aggressive military to civil one. The author studies internal history and shows the Crimean Tatar as a people which created particular culture, he mentions some rulers who understood the need in internal reforms. Simultaniously the historian according to people historiography sometimes put in contrary the people and the state.

Our research contributes to the understanding of a requalification and reorganization phenomenon by questioning cultural territorialization as a communicational process, in a context of territorial complexity where spatial referentials are multiplied, split up, recomposed and brought to compete with one another. Borrowing from the notion of territorialization as found in political sciences and geography, our posture is supported by a theoretical and methodological personal construction that enables us to build an oblique view point, the principle of which is the indivisibility of the above mentioned phenomenon's components. Indeed, the originality of this research lies mainly in the combining of different approaches usually considered irreconcilable, given the polyphonic character of the discourses that participate in territorial poïetics - conditions of (re)generation of a territory - : the identification-based approach formed by political actors' discourses, the function of which is the production and the circulation of standards and values in the public space, and the appropriation-based approach which is interested in the narrative given by inhabitants and practitioners of their territorial practices. The scientific argument of our thesis lies in the understanding of how this communicational process functions and its capacity to "enchant" an inter-communal space that becomes meaningful again, through the mediation of a series of discourses.In order to understand this process, we have used, as a case study, the urban community of Ouest Provence, which had the status of a "new town", and thus benefitted for forty years, from major state development policies. This urban area, on the banks of the Etang de Berre, north west of Marseilles, where France's major oil refineries, gaz and petro-chemical factories are located, is marked by this impressive industrial activity and the image of pollution that it gives. The Ouest Provence area is about to be "normalized", by becoming an ordinary group of smaller towns with a new inter-communal status. From an ethno-semiotic approach, we have constituted and analyzed a heterogeneous corpus of circulating discourses (inaugural speech for Ouest Provence's new identity, excerpts from the inter-communal newspaper inaugural issue, toponyms, logotypes, programs and editorials taken from the Scènes et Cinés' cultural season) and instigated discourses (ethnographical conversations with political, administrative and cultural professionals and with the Scènes et Cinés' spectators-subscribers). The intention was to bring to light the attempts by the political actors to modify the representations that local inhabitants and users have of their territory by restructuring in particular their theatre practices in order to re-enchant their territorial imagination. It is through an operator, the device of the cultural institution Scènes et Cinés, that this strategy is set up. The practice of theatre-going is thus described as a practice of mobilization of the inhabitants and the users so as to make them believe in this "imagined community" that the Ouest Provence embodies. The analysis of the practice narratives of the Scènes et Cinés subscribers gives us a glimpse of a territoriality where three aspects which we highlighted (the feeling of being at home, the commitment to the theatre, and the attachment to a sort of togetherness in this practice) are motivated by an emotional relationship to the territory. This theatre-going dimension seems to us fundamental, as it reveals all the complexity of the spectators' relationships with each other and with the spaces linked to their cultural practices, which are particularly shaped by both individual and collective sensations and emotions. So, such a spectator experience is involved, at least temporarily, in the process of territorial enchantment. ; Dans un contexte de complexité territoriale où les référents spatiaux se multiplient, se fragmentent, se recomposent et entrent en concurrence, aborder la question de la territorialisation culturelle comme un processus communicationnel est le moyen par lequel ce travail contribue à la réflexion sur les phénomènes de requalification et de recomposition des territoires. Par emprunt de la notion de territorialisation à la Science politique et à la Géographie, notre posture s'appuie sur une boîte à outils (théorique et méthodologique) capable de construire un regard oblique dont le principe est celui de l'indissociabilité des composants d'un même phénomène. En effet, l'originalité de cette recherche se situe principalement dans l'articulation d'approches habituellement considérées comme irréconciliables étant donné le caractère polyphonique des discours qui participent de cette poïétique territoriale – les modalités de la (re)génération d'un territoire – : l'approche identificationnelle matérialisée par les discours des acteurs politiques, et l'approche appropriationnelle qui s'intéresse aux récits de pratiques territoriales des habitants et des usagers. L'enjeu scientifique de cette thèse réside donc dans la compréhension du fonctionnement de ce processus communicationnel et de sa capacité à enchanter, par la médiation des discours, un espace intercommunal.Pour la compréhension de ce processus, nous avons pris appui sur le cas d'Ouest Provence, ancienne « ville nouvelle » située sur les rives de l'étang de Berre, au nord-ouest de Marseille, marqué par une imposante activité industrielle et polluante. Cette agglomération se trouve aujourd'hui dans une phase de normalisation, après avoir bénéficié, pendant quarante ans, du régime exceptionnel de ce projet de développement urbain initié et soutenue par l'État. À partir d'une approche ethno-sémiotique, nous avons constitué et analysé un corpus hétérogène de discours circulants (discours d'inauguration de l'identité nouvelle d'Ouest Provence, extrait du numéro inaugural du journal intercommunal, toponyme, logotypes, programmes et éditoriaux de saison de la régie culturelle SCOP), et de discours provoqués (entretiens ethnographiques auprès des acteurs politiques, administratifs et culturels, et auprès des spectateurs-abonnés de la régie culturelle SCOP). L'objectif étant de mettre au jour le travail d'obturation d'une partie du champ de vision de l'habitant et de l'usager que mènent les acteurs politiques, par une restructuration de leurs pratiques ou du moins de leurs effets, afin d'enchanter leur imaginaire territorial. Et c'est par l'intermédiaire d'un opérateur, le dispositif de la régie culturelle Scènes et Cinés, que se met en place cette stratégie. Effectivement, la pratique de sortie au théâtre est donc décrite comme une pratique de mobilisation des habitants et des usagers de manière à leur faire-croire en cette « communauté imaginée » qu'incarne Ouest Provence. Mais à côté de ces discours d'élus, l'analyse des récits des pratiques des abonnés de Scènes et Cinés laisse entrevoir une territorialité dont les trois régimes que esquissés (le sentiment du chez-soi, l'engagement, et l'attachement à un être-ensemble) sont motivés par un rapport sensible au territoire. Cette dimension de la pratique de sortie au théâtre nous semble fondamentale en ce qu'elle révèle la nature du rapport individuel et collectif des spectateurs à leurs espaces de pratiques culturelles qui est, avant tout, façonné par la sensation et l'émotion. La territorialité spectatorielle constitue ainsi une expérience qui participe, tout au moins momentanément, du processus d'enchantement territorial.

As part of the technical and political definition of the 11 territories for the management and public investment of the Metropolitan Region of Santiago (MSY), this working document highlights and identifies the functional (concentration of tertiary services and mobility) and productive (primary and secondary activities) purpose of each of these territorial units. The Executive Summary Report of the Territorial Guidance Framework (MOT) for the OTAS Project (Contreras y Ubilla, 2005), the area data (INE, 2001), the population and housing census for 2002 (INE, 2002) was taken as the basis for its development. In some cases, it is addressed: the population in poverty (MIDEPLAN, 2006), population projection for 2010 (INE, 2005) and land use (Metropolitan Regional Government of Santiago, University of Chile and German Cooperation Agency (GTZ), 2003). ; En el marco de la definición técnico-política de los once territorios para la gestión y la inversión pública de la Región Metropolitana de Santiago (RMS), el presente documento de trabajo resalta e identifica la vocación funcional (concentración de los servicios terciarios y movilidad) y productiva (actividades primarias y secundarias) de cada una de estas unidades territoriales. Para su desarrollo, se ha considerado como base el informe resumen ejecutivo del Marco Orientador Territorial (MOT) del Proyecto OTAS (Contreras y Ubilla, 2005), los datos de la superficie (INE, 2001), del censo de población y vivienda de 2002 (INE, 2002). En algunos casos se aborda: la población en condición de pobreza (MIDEPLAN, 2006), la proyección de población al año 2010 (INE, 2005) y los usos de suelo (Gobierno Regional Metropolitano de Santiago, Universidad de Chile y Agencia de Cooperación Alemana [GTZ], 2003).