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The article is the result of original research and comprehensive content analysis, with reference to important historiographical publications and regulations (mostly the Constitution), which were accepted in the early twentieth century, in particular in 1917–1919. This reserch covers a period in European history that includes the events of the First World War, revolutions, of the coups d`etat, civil wars, which in the history of Ukraine simultaneously became a period of attempts to create a Ukrainian nation-state. And it was during this historical period in Ukraine was first introduced of genderin legislation. The scientific novelty of this study is the historical and legal analysis of gender legislation introduced in Russia and Ukraine in 1917–1919, analysis of the gender situation in Ukraine against the background of international and purely national processes and determining of the features of juridical consolidation of gender equality women and men in this period of history. To develop the topic, the author used the following scientific methods: historical-system method; historical-genetic method; comparative-historical method; content analysis; analysis-discourse. The purpose of the article is a historical and legal analysis of gender legislation introduced in Russia and Ukraine in 1917–1919, identification of national characteristics and factors that influenced the process of legal consolidation of gender equality in Ukraine in this period. The author concludes that inception and formation of the national idea of giving women equal rights with men in political and social life dates back to the mid-nineteenth century, because even then in the Ukrainian lands, women's leadership was defined as a socio-political phenomenon. although legislation which was in force early twentieth century in the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires — enshrined gender inequality and discrimination against women. The process of popularization of liberal ideas in many countries around the world, and in particular in Russia (which at this time included the Dnieper Ukraine) since the mid 19th cent. to the 1920's accompanied by the «first wave of feminism», which indicated the aggravation of the women's issue in this period. Changes in geopolitical and socio-economic conditions that took place in the early twentieth century (World War I, the collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires, the revolutionary events of 1917 in Russia and Ukraine, etc.) contributed to the introduction of the gender legislation in Russia and Ukraine. Participation of Ukrainian and Russian women in the First World War as officers and soldiers — have become a factor in the blurring of gender roles of wartime. After the February Revolution, women's revolutionary-feminist sentiments had reached highest degree of incandescence. The active civil position of women forced the Provisional Government of Russia (its positions were precarious and needed electoral support) to look at women as on the subjects of active and passive suffrage. All of this created the ground for the implementation of gender legislation. As a result, on April 15, 1917, Ukraine, together with Russia, became one of the first European countries in which women were given of the suffrages. The leaders-ideologists of the Central Council of the Ukrainian People's Republic went far beyond the idea of giving women only equal suffrage. They developed the idea of gender equality and officially enshrined the equality of women and men in relation to all legal relations arising in the state in the norms of the Constitution of the UPR of 1918 (which, unfortunately, was not implemented). Therefore, unlike other European countries, in April 1918 Ukraine became almost the only country in the world where at the initial stage of state formation of the Ukrainian People's Republic in the Constitution of the UPR declared equality of women and men for the entire scope of rights. This was an unprecedented event in the history of constitutionalism and the development of gender legislation of that period, because at that time in Europe it had no analogues. This is explained both by the special attitude to women, which was forming for certain time in Ukrainian society, and the social orientation of ideologues and leaders of the Central Council of the UPR in building a new national democratic republic of equal in all rights citizens. The decisive factor in this process was the active civil position of women, which confirmed the desires and needs of women to participate in social and political life and development of the country. This had a strong influence on the process of women's emancipation and had destroing the established gender model of «domobud». However, the defeats of Ukrainian state formation (Hetmanate, otamanshchina, the victory of the Bolshevik power in Dnieper Ukraine) and further changes in the political accents of the Bolshevik government from gender to class struggle, reflected in the Constitution of the USSR in 1919 — interrupted the legal consolidation of women's and men equality. Women of Western Ukraine first received suffrage in October 1918 (Constitution of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic). The occupation of Western Ukrainian lands in 1919–1920 led to the further development of gender legislation in Western Ukrainian lands under the laws of the countries that occupied them (Czechoslovakia, Poland and Romania) before the reunification of Ukrainian lands within the USSR (1939–1945). Thus, from to those introduced in Ukraine in 1917–1919 the norms of gender legislation at that time was realized only the suffrage of women. Beginning of the history of juridical consolidation of equal rights for women and men around the world was due to the intensification of liberal and feminist movements, but in Ukraine also due to of socialist and of Ukrainian national political movement and under the influence of the doctrine «the rule of law», which was further developed in the world and over time became a basic principle of democratic states, and in particular, Ukraine. Keywords: emancipation of women, gender legislation, the rule of law, gender equality, rights of women, legal regulation, discrimination, juridical consolidation. ; Статтю присвячено емансипації жінок та впровадженню гендерного законодавства в Україні в 1917–1919 рр. Автор дослідила гендерну ситуацію, що передувала законодавчому закріпленню рівності жінок і чоловіків в Україні та провела історико-правовий аналіз норм гендерного законодавства, впровадженихна початковому етапі його формування в Росії та в Україні. Розкрито особливості законодавчого закріплення рівності жінок і чоловіків в Україні та фактори, що вплинули на гендерну ситуацію, формування і розвиток гендерного законодавства в Україні на початку ХХ ст. Ключові слова: емансипація жінок, гендерне законодавство, верховенство права, гендерна рівність, права жінок, правове регулювання, дискримінація, юридичне закріплення.

This paper is dedicated to the history of the Women's International Democratic Federation (further WIDF), the influential transnational organization of the period of the Cold War. The scholars who were dealing with the history of this organization have different opinions about its activities and historical role. Indeed, several researches have shown that the federation realized a lot of solidarity work; the federation was important not least with respect to the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles as well for cooperation between women from inside and outside Europe. But on the other hand, historically this organization was seen as dependent from the Soviet Union or as the organization where Communist ideas and Soviet bloc's geopolitical interests have played an important role. The aim of this paper is to explore some of the contradictory aspects of the WIDF's ideology and activities. I use the WIDF's official publications, first of all, the federation's journal Women of the Whole World/ Zhenshchiny mira (published from 1951 in English, French, Russian and, later on German, Spanish and Arabic) vis-à-vis the material from the archive in Moscow, belonging to the WIDF's member organization from the Soviet Union (GARF, Fond of the Committee of the Soviet Women). In this paper I discuss the federation's use of the achievements of the state socialist countries on the way to women's emancipation as well as WIDF's main political concepts and some of their interpretations. Thus, I explore the contradictions with respect to how the concepts as human rights, democracy and women's rights were used in WIDF's documents from different periods as well as discuss conflicts connected to their use. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest historii Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet (ŚDFK), wpływowej międzynarodowej organizacji okresu zimnej wojny. Badacze zajmujący się jej funkcjonowaniem prezentują zróżnicowane opinie na temat działalności i roli historycznej federacji. Z dotychczasowych ustaleń wynika, że ŚDFK oprócz inspirowania Europejek i kobiet z pozostałych kontynentów do walki o ich prawa realizowała wiele projektów solidarystycznych. Niektóre z jej inicjatyw miały wpływ zarówno na proces dekolonizacji, jak i postępy w walce z rasizmem. Jednocześnie organizacja była postrzegana jako zależna od Związku Sowieckiego, jako struktura propagująca idee komunistyczne i geopolityczne interesy bloku wschodniego. Celem tego artykułu jest zbadanie pewnych sprzeczności pomiędzy bazą ideologiczną a praktyczną działalnością ŚDFK. Podstawą do opracowania tematu są z jednej strony publikacje zaczerpnięte z oficjalnego organu prasowego federacji, którym od 1951 r. był periodyk "Kobiety Całego Świata" (ukazywał się w języku angielskim, francuskim, rosyjskim, a później niemieckim, hiszpańskim i arabskim), a z drugiej strony materiały zrzeszonego w ŚDFK Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich (dostępne w zasobie Archiwum Państwowego Federacji Rosyjskiej, w zespole Komitetu Kobiet Sowieckich). W artykule scharakteryzowano główne koncepcje polityczne ŚDFK, jak też skalę wykorzystania do celów propagandowych przez federację osiągnięć państw socjalistycznych. Ukazano też poprzez pryzmat oficjalnych dokumentów federacji z różnych okresów jej działalności zmieniające się interpretacje takich pojęć, jak: demokracja, prawa człowieka, prawa kobiet oraz wynikłe z tego sprzeczności związane z użyciem tych terminów. ; Stockholm University and Mid-Sweden University ; Yulia Gradskova – pracownik Uniwersytetu w Sztokholmie. Jej naukowe zainteresowania ogniskują się wokół rosyjskiej, sowieckiej i posowieckiej historii społecznej i historii płci. Interesuje się także postsocjalizmem, historią dekolonialną i transnarodową. W swojej rozprawie doktorskiej (obronionej w 2007 r.) zajmowała się zmianami dyskursu dotyczącego macierzyństwa i urody w ocenie kobiet mieszkających w Moskwie, Ufie (Baszkirii) i Saratowie. Habilitacja (Uniwersytet Södertörn, 2010–2012) dotyczyła krytycznej rewizji sowieckiej polityki "emancypacji" i "kulturalizacji" kobiet na dawnych cesarskich kresach. Brała udział w kilku wspólnych projektach badawczych na Uniwersytecie Södertörn, w tym jeden z nich poświęcony był transformacji rodziny z okresu socjalizmu państwowego do okresu posocjalistycznego ("Rodzina i silne państwo: emancypacja czy przymus", 2008–2009). Obecnie prowadzi badania na temat Światowej Demokratycznej Federacji Kobiet – dużej międzynarodowej organizacji założonej w 1945 r. w Paryżu. ; yulia.gradskova@historia.su.se ; 172 ; 2(9) ; 185 ; State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), fond 7928, Committee of the Soviet Woman. ; Women of the Whole World, 1960–1981. ; Za ravnopravie, schastie, mir, (Berlin : WIDF, 1953). ; Zhenshchiny mira, 1958–1981. ; Between Protest and Nation-Building, Chen Jian, Martin Klimke, Masha Kirasirova et al. (eds.), (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Bonfiglioli, Chiara. Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945–1957), PhD diss., (Utrecht, 2012), https://dspace.library.uu.nl/bitstream/handle/1874/254104/Bonfiglioli.pdf?sequence. ; Djagalov, Rossen. Salazkina, Masha. "Tashkent' 68, a cinematic contact zone", Slavic Review, Vol. 75, No. 2, 2016. ; Donert, Celia. "Whose Utopia? Gender, Ideology and Human Rights at the 1975 World Congress in East Berlin", in: Jan Eckel, Samuel Moyn (eds.), The Breakthrough: Human Rights in the 1970s, (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014), 68–87. ; Edelman, Fanny. Banderas, Pasiones, Camaradas (Buenos Aires : Ediciones Dirple, 1996), 142. ; Gallo, Maria Theresa. "Today, a Woman is a President of the Republic of Uzbekistan", Women of the Whole World, No. 2, 1959, 9–21. ; Ghodsee, Kristen. Second World, Second Sex, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2018). ; Gradskova, Yulia. Soviet Politics of Emancipation of Ethnic Minority Woman. Natsionalka, (Cham : Springer, 2018). ; de Haan, Francisca. "Continuing Cold War Paradigms in Western Historiography of Transnational Women's Organizations: The Case of the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF)", Women's History Review, Vol. 19, No. 4, 2010, 547–573. ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF): History, Main Agenda and Contributions (1945–1991)", in: Thomas Dublin, Kathryn Kish Sklar (eds.), Women and Social Movements (WASI) Online Archive, 2012, http://alexanderstreet.com/products/women-and-social-movements-international ; de Haan, Francisca. "The Global Left-Feminist 1960s. From Copenhagen to Moscow and New York", in: The Routledge Handbook of the Global Sixties, (London : Routledge, 2018), 230–242. ; Kamp, Marianne. New Woman in Uzbekistan, Islam, Modernity and Unveiling under Communism, (Seattle : University of Washington Press, 2006). ; Kanet, Roger. "Soviet Propaganda and the process of national liberation", in: Roger Kanet (ed.), Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1988), 84–114. ; McGregor, Katherine. "Opposing Colonialism: the Women's International Democratic Federation and Decolonization Struggles in Vietnam and Algeria 1945–1965", Women's History Review, Vol. 25, No. 6, 2016, 925–944. ; Mohanty, Chandra. Feminism without borders: decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity, (Durham : Duke University Press, 2003). ; Moyn, Samuel. The Last Utopia. Human Rights in History, (Cambridge, MA : Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010). ; Tlostanova, Madina. Gender Epistemologies and Eurasian Borderland, (Basingstoke : Palgrave, 2010).

[eng] This thesis attempts to "gender" men by theorizing masculinities in American culture and literature. It tries to demonstrate that (white heterosexual) men, like women, are also gendered beings; that they have, therefore, undergone specific social, cultural, and historical gendering processes; and that, in contemporary American culture, such gendering processes play a key role in men's lives as well as their literary representations. Focusing on masculinity as a specific political and social construction, rather than a universal and immutable entity, the study aims, ultimately, to prove that what was socially formed might be socially and culturally re-formed as well. These main theses are developed throughout two main parts and five different chapters. Whereas Part I (chapters 1-2) tries to offer a general theoretical introduction to American studies of masculinities, in general, and to the analysis of white heterosexual masculinity, the focus of this study, in particular, Part II (chapters 3-5) applies an interdisciplinary corpus of masculinity studies (formed by sociology, psychology and psychoanalysis, anthropology, philosophy, history, literary theory and literature, etc.) to prove and analyze the influence of masculinity on the construction of emotions and violence in contemporary American culture and literature. These two topics have been selected considering their special relevance, as the thesis illustrates, to contemporary American culture, in general, and masculinity scholarship, in particular. Trying to offer a theoretical introduction to masculinity studies in the United States, Chapter 1 begins exploring the origins and development of these studies. The chapter acknowledges as well the influence of feminism, which can and should be embraced by both women and men, on the study of masculinity, and concludes by pointing to the latest trends of masculinity studies in the United States. Chapter 2 goes on to reconcile feminist politics with the deconstructive analysis of masculinity's internal contradictions. It posits that it is no longer clear that feminist theory should rely on notions of fixed identity in order to go on with politics. Instead, it explores the new political possibilities that might emerge from a radical critique of masculine identity. Rethinking the subject of emotions, chapter 3 shows how the exclusive association of emotions with femininity is a socio-historical construction which might, therefore, be questioned and changed. Focus is thus given to the links between masculinity and emotion in American culture, in order to analyze the political potential of profeminist men's emotions to transform masculinities and gender relations. It is argued that emotion plays a central role in profeminist men's socio-political struggles against gender inequality, as their numerous campaigns against domestic violence or their increasing involvement in childcare, for example, are showing. Chapter 4 demonstrates how cultural and literary representations of masculinity are particularly relevant to the analysis of the social and political construction of masculinities. Offering a general introduction to studies of American literary masculinities, the chapter explores the origins, development, and critical possibilities of this innovative research field. As is argued, revisiting American literature from a men's studies perspective might help question patriarchal notions of masculinities and look for new, alternative, non-oppressive patterns of manhood. Most of these theoretical arguments about literary masculinities are developed and exemplified in chapter 5, which incorporates literature into the discussion of masculinity and violence in American culture. Crossing the divide between "reality" and "fiction," then, chapter 5 analyzes the social and literary construction of male violence. Even though the connection between masculinity and violence seems deeply ingrained in the cultural and literary history of the U.S., chapter 5 concludes that what was culturally constructed might, hopefully, be culturally de-constructed, too, and that American literature could play an important role in this de-construction. ; [spa] Esta tesis intenta hacer el género visible a los hombres, teorizando las masculinidades en la cultura y literatura de los Estados Unidos. Se pretende demostrar que los hombres (blancos y heterosexuales), al igual que las mujeres, están dotados de un género específico; que están, por tanto, sometidos a procesos de adquisición de género social, cultural e históricamente específicos; y que, en la cultura estadounidense actual, dichos procesos de adquisición de género juegan un papel fundamental en las vidas cotidianas de los hombres así como sus representaciones literarias. Centrándose en la masculinidad como una construcción política y social específica, antes que una entidad universal e inmutable, el estudio procura, en última instancia, demostrar que lo que fue formado socialmente puede ser igualmente re-formado social y culturalmente. Estas tesis generales son desarrolladas a lo largo de dos partes principales y cinco capítulos diferentes. Mientras que la primera parte (capítulos 1-2) intenta ofrecer una introducción general a los estudios estadounidenses sobre masculinidades, en general, y al análisis de la masculinidad blanca y heterosexual, el foco de este estudio, en particular, la segunda parte (capítulos 3-5) aplica un corpus interdisciplinario de estudios de las masculinidades (formado por la sociología, psicología y psicoanálisis, antropología, filosofía, historia, teoría literaria y literatura, etc.) al análisis de la influencia de la masculinidad en la construcción de las emociones y la violencia en la cultura y literatura estadounidenses contemporáneas. Estos dos temas han sido seleccionados considerando su especial relevancia, como la tesis ilustra, para la cultura americana contemporánea, en general, y los estudios de la masculinidad, en concreto. Mientras que el capítulo 1 ofrece una visión panorámica de los estudios norteamericanos de las masculinidades, explorando sus orígenes y desarrollo, el capítulo 2 explora las nuevas tendencias de los estudios de la masculinidad, intentando reconciliar la política feminista con el análisis deconstructivista de las contradicciones internas de la masculinidad. El capítulo 3 procede a estudiar los vínculos entre la masculinidad y las emociones en la cultura americana, con el fin de analizar el potencial político de las emociones de los varones pro-feministas para transformar las masculinidades y las relaciones de género. Si el capítulo 4 proporciona una introducción teórica a los estudios de las masculinidades literarias estadounidenses, el capítulo 5 aplica los estudios de la masculinidad al análisis de la violencia masculina en la cultura y literatura de los Estados Unidos. Aunque la conexión entre masculinidad y violencia parece estar profundamente enraizada en la cultura norteamericana, el capítulo 5 concluye que lo que fue construido culturalmente puede ser también de-construido, y que la literatura norteamericana podría jugar un papel fundamental en dicha deconstrucción.

Sexual Objectification in Mo Yan's Big Breasts and Wide Hips Vianey Paramitha English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya helenavianey23@gmail.com Dr. Ali Mustofa, SS., M.Pd. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya ali_mustofa2005@yahoo.co.uk Abstrak Penelitian ini memfokuskan pada penggambaran objektifikasi seksual yang dialami oleh tokoh utama dan apa efek yang timbul sebagai akibat dari objektifikasi seksual. Fitur objektifikasi seksual ditampilkan untuk memberikan pemahaman tentang klasifikasi objektifikasi seksual. Untuk menjawab masalah pertama, penelitian ini menggunakan teori objektifikasi seksual oleh Fredrickson dan Roberts dan didukung oleh beberapa filsuf dan fitur objektifikasi seksual yang dikemukakan oleh Martha Nussbaum dan Rae Langton. Masalah kedua dijawab dengan menggunakan konsep dari Fredrickson dan Roberts dan filsuf lainnya tentang efek objektifikasi seksual. Data ini menyajikan objektifikasi seksual yang dialami oleh Shangguan Lu dan apa efek dari pengalaman objektifikasi seksual tersebut. Analisis ini mengungkapkan objektifikasi seksual yang dialami Shangguan Lu dan faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan objektifikasi seksual. Fitur dari objektifikasi seksual digunakan untuk menggambarkan bentuk objektifikasi seksual yang dialami Shangguan Lu. Selanjutnya, pengalaman objektifikasi seksual membawa efek di dalam hidupnya. Shangguan Lu mengalami kecemasan terhadap penampilan, disfungsi seksual, kemarahan, depresi, keinginan untuk bunuh diri, kepemilikan terhadap anak-anak, dan sikap seksual. Efek tersebut muncul karena pengalaman objektifikasi seksual. Kata Kunci: objektifikasi seksual, objektifikasi diri. Abstract This study focuses on depicting sexual objectification performed by the main character and what the effect arising as result of sexual objectification. Features of sexual objectification occur to give understanding about classification of sexual objectification. To answer the first problem, this study uses the theory of sexual objectification by Fredrickson and Roberts and supported by several philosophers and the features of sexual objectification offered by Martha Nussbaum and Rae Langton. The second problem is answered by using the concept from Fredrickson and Roberts and other philosopher about the effects of sexual objectification. The data presents Shangguan Lu's sexual objectification and what the effect of her sexual objectification experiences. The analysis reveals Shangguna Lu's sexual objectification and factors which causes sexual objectification. The features of sexual objectification are used to describe the shape of sexual objectification in Shangguan Lu. Furthermore, her sexual objectification experiences bring effect in her life. Shangguan Lu experiences appearance anxiety, sexual dysfunction, anger, depression, willing for suicide, property of children, and sexual attitude. Those effects arise because of her sexual objectification experiences. Keywords: sexual objectification, self objectification. INTRODUCTION Mo Yan is known as great Chinese writer. Many of his works are approved in the world. He is regarded as the winner of Noble Prize in Literature in 2012. The one of his novels which brings him gets the prize is Big Breasts and Wide Hips. This epic novel story is first and foremost about women, with the female body serving as the object for man sexual desire. The story is about the protagonist, Mother, is born in 1900 and married at seventeen into the Shangguan family. She has nine children, only one of whom is a boy. The boy becomes the narrator of the novel. A spoiled and ineffectual child, he stands in stark contrast to his eight strong and forceful female siblings (Mo Yan, 1996). The story begins when she was child, she called as Xuan'er, survives meanwhile her parents are die. She brought up by her aunt and uncle. She grows up, bound feet frowned upon, and so the blacksmith dares to propose marriage between Xuan'er and his son, Shangguan Shouxi. Her name becomes Shangguan Lu. This is reluctantly accepted and Shangguan Lu has to go and live with her despotic mother-in-law and her husband. Her mother-in-law starts becoming even more despotic when Shangguan Lu does not produce any children. However, she and her family eventually realize that it is her husband who is infertile, not her (Mo Yan, 1996: 48-54). Shangguan Lu has sex with other men to get a baby boy. First, she is fertilized by her uncle and gets two daughters. Further, she has sex with duck peddler, monk, dog butcher, even worse, rape by four men. Every time the result is a girl. Finally, Pastor Malory, the local priest who claims to be Swedish, though he speaks the local dialect perfectly, falls in love with her. From Pastor Malory, she manages to deliver another girl and then, immediately after, a son, Jintong (Mo Yan, 1996: 58-75). In 1900s, women in China are still exploited and follow the custom tightly. They have to follow the rules. Shangguan Lu lives between dynasty changing, the glory and collapse of dynasty Qing. When she still five years old, she must binding her feet. Binding feet is shape feet smaller. The smaller the size of their feet, they are considered more beautiful. In marriage, women usually betrothed to increase their level, as requirement, they must look beautiful in front of public. Shangguan Lu shapes her feet tiny in order to make people look her as beautiful woman and the scholar will marry her. Unfortunately, when she is seventeen years old, Qing dynasty is collapse. Binding feet becomes prohibited and tiny feet don't become benchmark of beauty. Her aunt accepts Shangguan family's marriage proposal because she is afraid of no man purpose Shangguan Lu who has tiny feet (Mo Yan, 1996: 48-50). Sexual objectification through Shangguan Lu begin when her mother in law, Shangguan Lü suppress her to have a baby boy. When Shangguan Lu doesn't give any child yet, Shangguan Lü starts to blame her and treat her rude. She concludes that her daughter in law is barren. The objectification between Shangguan Lu and her mother-in-law represents Sarah Gervais's words. Women also objectify woman as more of a comparison with themselves (Sarah Gervais's research article, 2012). Her aunt and uncle are disappointed with Shangguan family and check Shangguan Lu up in doctor. The result is nothing wrong with Shangguan Lu, so that actually Shangguan Shaoxi who is barren. They keep that fact secret in order not to make conflict with Shangguan family (Mo Yan, 1996: 58). Her aunt helps her. She makes Shangguan Lu unconscious and makes her husband have sex with Shangguan Lu. From her uncle, Shangguan Lu gets two daughters, but it can't make Shangguan Lü satisfied (Mo Yan, 1996: 58). Having a son moreover he is the first child in family in China is very important, it gives you pride because in China, men control is very strong. Heir of family is in the son's hand. A daughter is considered as a disgrace. So, Shangguan Lu begins to have sex with other men who is she meet with. She makes her body become an instrument as sex machine in order to fulfill her mother in law will. Objectification theory by Fredrickson and Roberts (1997: 173) postulates that many women are sexually objectified and treated as an object to be valued for its use by others. Her action has effects especially in her psychology. She must bear the burden alone. She keeps her husband disgrace, having sex with other men secretly, and takes care of her children alone. Her husband is not helping at all; he is too submissive with his mother and often treated Shangguan Lu rude. Women, in the other hand according to Evangelia Papadaki, who studies Mackinnon and Dworkin (2007: 344), may have the desire to change reality, but they certainly do not have the power required for such changes. In this case, Shangguan Lu can't rebel and denied Shangguan family's treatments. She wants to get respect from Shangguan family, in contrast, she does not get it even sacrifice her self-regard to other men in order to get baby boy (Mo Yan, 1996: 66). Discussing about woman often followed by stereotype that woman is a sexual object. The study about sexual objectification posted by Frederickson and Roberts is related to explore more about woman as sexual object. The theory of sexual objectification by Fredrickson and Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly will also support with other feminists theory likes, Kant in Lectures on Ethics, Dworkin in Pornography: Men Possessing Women, Sandra Bartky in Femininity and Domination: Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression, Herman in Could It Be Worth Thinking About Kant on Sex and Marriage?, etc. Also this thesis contain of features of sexual objectification and the factor to make the reader understand more about sexual objectification. The psychology effects of sexual objectification will explain with theory by Fredrickson and Roberts Psychology of Women Quarterly, Harry Mills's article, Locke from Reason Paper no. 18, etc. Sexual objectification according Fredrickson and Roberts defined as the seeing and/or treating a person as an object. In this entry, the focus is primarily on sexual objectification. Sexual objectification theory suggests both direct and indirect consequences of objectification to women. Sexual objectification theory provides a useful model for understanding how socio cultural factors may give effects for women who experience sexual objectification (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997: 174). Based on those perceptions it can be conclude that sexual objectification theory are the proper approaches to analyze the sexual objectification and its effects in the character Shangguan Lu in Mo Yan's Big Breasts and Wide Hips. RESEARCH METHOD This thesis uses the novel as object of research. The novel reads many times for properly understanding. The next step is finding appropriate theory for the novel and collecting the data through noting the quotation related with the theory. It is include in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent sexual objectification and its effect in Mo Yan's Big Breasts and Wide Hips. Classification data is important to answer the statement of problems. To make it easier, tabling the data occurs to simplify reading the analysis. SEXUALITY According to Richard A. Posner in Sex and Reason, sexuality is term social attitudes that make sex problematic, self-conscious, rather than just "natural" or biological. Sexual power is something special and comes with its own strings attached. In famous stereotype, men have been the experts in sex. They become the teacher of inexperienced female partners. It means men have sexual power through their female partners (Richard A. Posner, 1994: 13). SEXUAL ACT IN MEN AND WOMEN According to Richard A. Posner in Sex and Reason, woman who lives in sexual abstinence usually has depressions which are same with organic sexual tension. They are manifestation not from a physical urge, but of erotic yearning, narcissistic willing to be loved, and masochistic struggling to give. Even in wives of impotent husbands, the typical irritability and aggressive mood express disappointment, injury, vexation, and contempt rather than a state of somatic excitability. Once the pleasure has been enjoyed, the wish for repetition is naturally intensified (1994: 92). In many women, bourgeois morality or their mother malicious frigidity has created the idea that coitus is a sacrifice they must fulfill dirty needs of men. They must dutifully let it happen to them (Richard A. Posner, 1994: 95). SEXUAL OBJECTIFICATION According to Fredrickson and Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly, objectification theory provides a framework for understanding the experience of being female in a socio cultural context that sexually objectifies the female body. Objectification theory postulates that many women are sexually objectified and treated as an object to be valued for its use by others (1997: 173). Sexual objectification occurs when a woman's body or body parts are separated from her as human being and then she is viewed primarily as a physical object for satisfy male sexual desire (Kant, 1963: 165). Sexuality is not an inclination which one human being has for another. It is an inclination for the sex of another. It becomes a principle of degradation of human nature. It gives rise to the preference of one sex to the other, and to the dishonouring of that sex through the satisfaction of desire. A man has desire for woman is not directed towards her because she is human being, but it's because she is woman. The man has no concern because she is human being, only her sex is the object of man sexual desire (Kant, 1963: 164). According to Fredrickson and Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly, many woman experience more extreme forms of sexual objectification. It is sexual victimization such as rape, sexual assault, and sexual harassment. With these forms of victimization, a woman's body is literally treated as not more than instrument or thing by her perpetrator (1997: 186). Sexual objectification that forms sexual victimization and harassment experiences women at much higher rates than men (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997: 189). Bartky says the psychological oppression of women consists of women being stereotyped, culturally dominated, and sexually objectified (1990: 23). According to Bartky, there are those practices that aim to produce a body of a certain size and shape: women must conform to the body ideal of their time (1990: 65–67). The very contours a woman's body takes on as she matures -the fuller breasts and rounded hips- have become distasteful (Bartky, 1990: 101). K. Martin also says within pubertal changes, a girl becomes more fully started enter to the culture of sexual objectification (1996: 31). Evangelia Papadaki, who studies MacKinnon and Dworkin, in Sexual Objectification: From Kant to Contemporary Feminism concludes women, on the other hand, may have the desire to change reality, but they certainly do not have the power required for such changes. This means that women are fifty-fifty to act in order to fight sexual objectification. It can be conclude that women are not fully responsible for their objectified fate. Women represent of powerless and victimized person. (2007: 344). Sarah Gervais, assistant professor of psychology at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln says that people can't just appoint to the men. Women see other women this way too. This happen related to different motives. Men might be doing it because they're interested in potential mates. Meanwhile women may do it as more of a comparison with themselves. In marriage, a woman is nothing more than an object for her husband's use and abuse. Dworkin posts his pessimistic language. Wife beating and marital rape are belief as a man's ownership of his wife licenses whatever he wishes to do to her. Her body belongs to him to use for his own impingement, to beat, her body belongs to him to use for his own release, to beat, to impregnate" (Dworkin, 1989: 34). According to Dawn M. Syzmanski et al in Sexual Objectification of Women: Advances to Theory and Research, drawing from feminist, vocational, and organizational psychology, the cores criteria for sexual objectification environment are ones in which: a) Traditional gender roles exist, b) a high probability of male contact exists (physically speaking, a male dominated environment), c) women typically hold less power than men in environment, d) high degree of attention is drawn to sexual/physical attributes of women's bodies, e) there is approval and acknowledgement of male gaze (2011: 20). Dawn M. Syzmanski, reading Worell and Remer, says that traditional gender role socialization encourages many men to be powerful, controlling, and dominant; see women as sex objects, view sex as a conquest; and believe that women are their property (2011: 21). Martha Nussbaum in Objectification (1995: 257) has identified seven features that are involved in the idea of treating a person as an object: 1) instrumentality: the treatment of a person as a tool for the objectifiers purposes; 2) denial of autonomy: the treatment of a person as lacking in autonomy and self-determination; 3) inertness: the treatment of a person as lacking in agency, and perhaps also in activity; 4) fungibility: the treatment of a person as interchangeable with other objects; 5) violability: the treatment of a person as lacking in boundary-integrity; 6) ownership: the treatment of a person as something that is owned by another (can be bought or sold); 7) denial of subjectivity: the treatment of a person as something whose experiences and feelings (if any) need not be taken into account. Rae Langton in Sexual Solipsism: Philosophical Essays on Pornography and Objectification (2009: 228–229) has added three more features to Nussbaum's list: 8) reduction to body: the treatment of a person as identified with their body, or body parts; 9) reduction to appearance: the treatment of a person primarily in terms of how they look, or how they appear to the senses; 10) silencing: the treatment of a person as if they are silent, lacking the capacity to speak. THE EFFECTS OF SEXUAL OBJECTIFICATION Appearance anxiety, according to medical dictionary, is social anxiety surrounding overall appearance, including body shape, and fear of negative evaluation by others. It likes the environment only looked someone by physical appearance. Commonly, it happens to woman who always worries with physical appearance. Fredrickson and Roberts posts in Psychology of Women Quarterly that self-objectification can increase women's anxiety about physical appearance, fear about when and how woman will be looked or evaluated, and reduce opportunities for gain position in states. It also diminishes awareness of internal bodily sensations and increase women's opportunities for body shame. Woman has emotion that results because of measure standard with other women. This self-objectification can increase women's physical safety in which can lead to depression and sexual dysfunction (1997: 180-181). Fredrickson and Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly also say that sexual dysfunctionorsexual malfunctionrefers to a difficulty experienced by an individual or a couple during any stage of a normalsexual activity, includingdesire, preference, arousal or orgasm. There are many factors which may result in a person experiencing a sexual dysfunction. These may result from emotional or physical causes. Emotional factors include in interpersonal or psychological problems. Emotional factors can be the result of depression, sexual fears or guilt, past sexual trauma, and sexual disorders. Sexual dysfunction is especially common among people who haveanxiety disorders (1997: 190). Anger can occur when people don't feel well, feel rejected, feel threatened, or experience some loss. Pain alone is not enough to cause anger. Anger occurs when pain is combined with some anger-triggering thought. Thought that can trigger anger is personal assessment, assumptions, evaluations, or interpretations of situations that makes people think that someone else is attempting, consciously or not, to hurt them. In this sense, anger is a social emotion. Sometimes people make themselves angry so that they don't have to feel pain. People change their feelings of pain into anger because it feels better to be angry than it does to be in pain (Harry Mills's article Psychology of Anger, 2005). According to Mental Health Foundation, depression can happen suddenly as a result of physical illness, experiences dating back to childhood, unemployment, bereavement, family problems or other life-changing events. Having a female body, according to Fredrickson and Roberts in Psychology of Women Quarterly, gives girls and women plenty worry about and little to control. A woman's body generates feeling of helplessness. It can also result of depression (1997: 188). Dawn M. Szymanski, reading Clark et al, adds that individuals who deal with oppressive events may have feelings of anger and depression. It continues to other negative substances to manage these feelings (2011: 18). Suicide, according to Oxford dictionary, is the action of killing oneself intentionally. Suicide is often committed out of despair, the cause of which is frequently attributed to a mental disorder such as depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, alcoholism, or drug abuse (Keith Hawton's article Suicide, 2009). Common methods include: hanging, pesticide poisoning, and firearms. According to suicide case data from 1978–2008, China has one of the highest female suicide rates in the world and is the only country where it is higher than that of men (World Health Organization, 2011). Xu Rong, head of the Suicide Prevention Project at the Beijing Cultural Development Centre for Rural Women, explains this emotionally taxing situation so many Chinese women encounter: "They have their father-in-law to deal with, their mother-in-law, various uncles, sisters-in-law and so on. She's got to gain everyone's acceptance. When there are conflicts, she's the weakest." There are places in the world today where children are regarded more or less as property, and the results are not pretty. In some places parents do sell children, and especially daughters, into slavery, or otherwise exploit them for the parents' advantage. Mothers own their children (Reason Papers no. 18, 1993: 191). Okin in Justice, Gender, and the Family says that a woman presumably would be entitled to use her children in any way she wishes, to keep it in a cage to amuse her. It looks like as some people keep bird. She feels free to eat it or kill it if she were so inclined (1989: 84). Women have babies, and babies come into the world dependent and incomplete. They require years of parental nurturing, a huge investment of resources. The effect is women offer in return. It is legal contract as the return of parental nurturing (Reason Papers no. 18 Who Owns the Children? Libertarianism, Feminism, and Property, 1993). According to Greg R. Foster, we do not inherit sexual attitude. Rather than inherit, our attitudes evolve from social, economic, and political necessity. Often they evolve out of fear, guilt, or shame (1968: 317). The mothers are reluctant to talk about sexuality to their daughters as they find it embarrassing to discuss these issues even daughters want to discuss about such issues with their mothers but feel hesitant to ask fearing their curiosity may be rebuffed as 'too much interest'. In the absence of a cultural framework of communication both mothers and daughters are faced with a dilemma – whereas the culture and traditions advice against it, the time demands it. The adolescent girls do not get information from their mothers due to this. The social taboos surrounding sexuality are so great that young adolescent girls usually do not share their sexuality views with their mothers and they are misguided and hence indulge in pre- marital sex (from neerusha.wordpress.com, posted in 2008). SEXUAL OBJECTIFICATION IN SHANGGUAN LU Binding feet in order to make women looked beautiful is one of the example sexual objectification. Because of her gender and position, Xuan'er (childhood name of Shangguan Lu) who is innocent follows the old tradition and start to binding her feet. Her aunt utilizes her innocence to create Xuan'er future, marrying with rich or high social class man. Her aunt uses Xuan'er as an asset which can be exchange with another material. Xuan'er produces a feminine body which learn to see themselves as objects for gaining scholar men (based on Bartky, 1990: 65-67). By looking Xuan'er from her body shape and makes her body adorable as the society accept, her aunt and uncle do sexual objectification indirectly to her. According to K. Martin (1996: 31), with her pubertal changes, Xuan'er becomes more fully initiated into the culture of sexual objectification. Her mother-in-law also the person who makes Shangguan Lu experiences sexual objectification. As the theory women who objectify woman by Sarah Gervais's research article in 2012, women are perceiving women this way, too. It could be related to different motives. Men might be doing it because they're interested in potential mates, while women may do it as more of a comparison with themselves. Shangguan Lü can give a son to her family, so she compares her own pride to her daughter-in-law. Shangguan Lü feels valuable than Shangguan Lu because she can produce a son. Shangguan Shouxi only looks Shangguan Lu as the object of his desire. He has no role as husband who supposed to protect and take care of his wife. He exploits Shangguan Lu to fulfil his sexual desire. It means Shangguan Lu humanity is not respected. Shangguan Shouxi has no concern about Shangguan Lu's feeling. All he cares is whenever he wants to do sex, she must serving him, whether she wants or not. Sexual objectification puts wife as the object of husband. There is no protection to wife. Shangguan Shouxi makes Shangguan Lu not only as object for his sexual desire but also object to beat whenever he wants. Her body belongs to him, so Shangguan Shouxi feels free to do whatever he wants including beat his wife's body. Shangguan Lu is powerless person, Shangguan Shouxi can do anything rude to her freely. As Evangelia Papadaki's conclusion (reading MacKinnon and Dworkin), Shangguan Lu presented as completely powerless and victimized (2007: 344). Shangguan Lu experiences extreme forms of sexual objectification. She Lu is being rape by four men Four men have objectified Shangguan Lu. She becomes sexual victim. Shangguan Lu has less power, so she can't rebel or out from that situation. She never wants to be raped although she utilizes herself for sex (based on Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997: 186). There are factors why she is objectified by the men. Shangguan Lu portrays as the exotic women with big breasts and wide hips. Men bring high degree of attention by their body. Also, Shangguan Lu typically holds less power than the men in environment. Shouxi and other men become the ones who are powerful, controlling, and dominant (2011: 20-21). One of seven features idea of treating a person as an object by Martha Nussbaum (1995, 257) implies in Big Paw Yu attitude toward Xuan'er. It is ownership which is the treatment of a person as something that is owned by another (can be bought or sold). Matchmaking is one of the methods in selling human. Xuan'er's owner is her aunt and uncle.Big Paw Yu likes to exchange Xuan'er beauty with appropriate price for grown up Xuan'er. Big Paw Yu feels dominate Xuan'er as his own treasure because he deserves for raising Xuan'er. The way Pastor Malory describes Shangguan Lu's body also can be the example of Rae Langton (2009: 228-229) about the features of sexual objectification. It is reduction to body which is the treatment of a person as identified with their body, or body parts. Pastor Milory's description about Shangguan Lu waist and breasts means that Shangguan Lu identified through her sexual parts of her body. THE EFFECTS OF SEXUAL OBJECTIFICATION Shangguan Lu gets appearance anxiety as the effect of her sexual objectification. She anxiety about how society, especially men, value and pay attention in her. Shangguan Lu compares her feet with her aunt. In that time, a woman looks beautiful from the size of her feet. Woman with tinier feet values as the most beautiful women. Based on that stereotype, Shangguan Lu feels anxiety about her feet size. She wants to value as beautiful woman. Shangguan Lu does not enjoy at all doing sex with Dabiao. It may happen because Dabiao has no appeal, he describes as ugly man. Shangguan Lu who describes as beautiful woman with big breasts and wide hips is worth for better man than Dabiao. It influences her sexual activity, she does sex with no attractive and desire. Shangguan Lu keeps her anger inside to make her feel better. Even it is not move out, it can decrease her pain. Her anger occurs because she feels threatened to have baby boy, her efforts to become appropriate wife and daughter-in-law are not appreciated by Shangguan family, and the pain for what they do. Mostly, she keeps her anger inside because she doesn't want worse condition. If she disapprove, Shangguan family treatments to her will be getting worse. Cry is one of Shangguan Lu's emotions to decrease her depression. In fact, she cannot handle all of her disappointment, burden, and pain as a result of sexual objectification. Sexual objectification experiences make her weak, not only physically but also mentally. Dawn M. Szymanski, reading Clark et al, adds that individuals who deal with oppressive events may have feelings of anger and depression, which may then lead to coping via use of alcohol or other substances to manage these feelings (2011: 18). Passed out is one of the substances to manage her feeling. Shangguan Lu keeps many problems by herself. It makes her helplessness. Fredrickson and Roberts (1997: 188) also say that sexual objectification may result of depression. Shangguan Lu experiences sexual objectification, even sexual rape which also the shape of sexual objectification. Shangguan Lu has depression inside her. It leads to a will of suicide. According to Xu Rong's explanation, Shangguan Lu represents a Chinese woman with many problems. When Shangguan Lu is in conflict, she is the weakest. The biggest problem is the difficulties in producing son. Her willing for suicide is because of marital conflict. A woman, according Okin, presumably would be entitled to use her children in any way she wishes (1989: 84). Shangguan Lu who becomes a mother, entitled to use her daughter in any way she wishes for, including sell them. The reason of sell her child is because she is not capable for raising nine children and one granddaughter. The only way to survive this condition is sell her children so her daughter will raise appropriate with adoptive mother. Daughters of Shangguan Lu do not inherit Shangguan Lu's sexual attitude. Likes Greg R. Foster, their attitude evolve from social and fear (1968: 317). Her daughters don't know how sexual objectification experiences in their mother. Xiangdi knows her mother and sisters live poorly. They often have no food for eat. She is afraid if her family increasingly displaced. Her fear encourages to self objectify. She sold herself to give money for her mother and sister so they can live well. She sacrifices herself by objectify herself. She feels that she meritorious to her family. Greg R. Foster's theory implies that Xiangdi's fear about her family financial condition leads her to experience sexual objectification (1968: 37). CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION Sexual objectification is treating or seeing person as sexual object to fulfill one's sexual desire. This person also evaluates only by her physical appearance. Based on Sarah Gervais's statement, sexual objectification commonly happens in woman's life. Woman and man have probability to objectify woman, but they will not objectify man. This study describes about sexual objectification experiences and the effects to Shangguan Lu in Mo Yan's Big Breasts and Wide Hips. Her mother-in-law's attitude toward her implies Sarah Gervais's statement about woman who objectify woman as comparison for herself. Shangguan Lu also experiences the extreme form of sexual objectification as Fredrickson and Roberts's theory such as rape and sexual harassment. The factors encourage sexual objectification experiences is Shangguan Lu are based on Dworkin and Syzmanski. Those are because men are human centre of the world and he is powerful, controlling, and dominant. Woman, likes Shangguan Lu, is typically hold less power. Based on Martha Nussbaum and Rae Langton's theory about features of sexual objectification, Shangguan Lu includes in instrumentality, ownership, and reduction to body. The sexual objectification in Shangguan Lu brings effects in her life and personality. They are appearance anxiety, sexual dysfunction, anger, depression, willing for suicide, property of children, and sexual attitude. Appearance anxiety is fear about how her body be evaluated with another. Appearance anxiety happens when Shangguan Lu makes decision to binding her feet. She does it to evaluate as beautiful woman. Sexual dysfunction occurs when she has no desire in sexual activity with Gao Dabiao. Anger appears because Shangguan Lu has pain of sexual objectified combined with disappointment. She mostly keeps her anger inside herself. Shangguan Lu who feels helpless because of sexual objectification often gets depression. Her depression expresses by surrender to condition and cry. The worse of her depression is when she passed out. Also, the extreme way of Shangguan Lu's sexual objectification experiences is takes shortcuts to suicide in order to free from her suffer. The other effects are her attitude towards her daughters. Okin gives thought that woman presumably would be entitled to use her children in any way she wishes, even if Shangguan Lu wishes her daughter to be sold. Shangguan Lu has full will in property her children. The last is her daughter sexual attitude. Daughters of Shangguan Lu do not inherit her sexual attitude. Xiangdi, who is afraid if her family displaced, sells her body to get money for her family. Shangguan Lu who experiences sexual objectification also hides her sexual activity from her daughter. Even though she is sexually objectify, she does not want her daughters get same experiences. This study gives contribution in sexual and gender study. Big Breasts and Wide Hips gives portrait of woman who looks by physical, sexual, and gender. Shangguan Lu's life story gives description how Chinese woman who has no social class treats unfair by the society especially men in that era. This novel brings knowledge about how hard to born as a woman in China at that time. The story in Big Breasts and Wide Hips also has other aspects beside sexual and gender study. In future, this novel worth to discuss in other issues viewpoints. REFERENCES Bartky, Sandra Lee. 1990. Femininity and Domination: Studies in the Phenomenology of Oppression. New York: Routledge. Brake, Elizabeth. 2005. Justice and Virtue in Kant's Account of Marriage in Kantian Review. Dallas: Spence Publishing Company. Dworkin, Andrea. 1989. Pornography: Men Possessing Women, New York: E.P. Dutton. Dworkin, Andrea. 1997. Intercourse. New York: Free Press Paperbacks. Foster, Greg R. 1968. Considerations in a Philosophy of Sex Education. Winchester Community School: A Laboratory of Ideas. Fredrickson, Barbara L. and Tomi-Ann Roberts. 1997. Objectification Theory in Psychology of Women Quarterly. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Herman, Barbara.1993. Could It Be Worth Thinking About Kant on Sex and Marriage? in A Mind of One's Own: Feminist Essays on Reason and Objectivity. Boulder: Westview Press. Kant, Immanuel. 1963. Lectures on Ethics. New York: Harper and Row Publisher. Langton, Rae. 2009. Sexual Solipsism: Philosophical Essays on Pornography and Objectification. Oxford: Oxford University Press. MacKinnon, Catharine. 1987. Feminism Unmodified. London: Harvard University Press. MacKinnon, Catharine. 1989. Towards a Feminist Theory of the State. London: Harvard University Press. MacKinnon, Catherine. 1989. Sexuality, Pornography, and Method: Pleasure under Patriarchy in Ethics volume 2. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Martin, K. 1996. Puberty, Sexuality, and the Self: Boys and Girls at Adolescence. New York: Routledge Nussbaum, Martha. 1995. Objectification in Philosophy and Public Affairs. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Okin, Susan Moller. 1989. Justice, Gender, and the Family. New York: Basic Books. Papadaki, Evangelia. 2007. Sexual Objectification: From Kant to Contemporary Feminism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Posner, Richard A. 1994. Sex and Reason. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Syzmanski, Dawn M. et all. 2011. Sexual Objectification of Women: Advances to Theory and Research. CA: Sage Publications. Vaughn, Karen I. 1993. Who Owns the Children? Libertarianism, Feminism, and Property in Reason Papers no. 18. Los Angeles: Nash Publishing. Yan, Mo. 1996. Big Breasts and Wide Hips. New York: Arcade Publishing. 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Includes bibliography (p. 186-205). ; Number of sources in the bibliography: 292 ; Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Cyprus, Faculty of Social Sciences and Education, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2021. ; The University of Cyprus Library holds the printed form of the thesis. ; Η διατριβή παρουσιάζει μια φεμινιστική ανάλυση σκοπιάς (standpoint) για την κατασκευή της πολιτικής συμμετοχής μέσω του blogging γυναικών. Το κύριο ερευνητικό ερώτημα ασχολείται με το ρόλο του φεμινιστικού blogging στην υπέρβαση των τοπικών/εθνικών ορίων/περιορισμών για πληροφόρηση του παγκόσμιου κοινού σχετικά με τις παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων και για κινητοποίηση συλλογικής δράσης. Εντοπίζω και αναλύω τους πολλαπλούς τρόπους με τους οποίους το blogging ως φεμινιστική πρακτική (ανα)κατασκευάζει, (ανα)νοηματοδοτεί και διευρύνει την έννοια της πολιτικής συμμετοχής στην ψηφιακή εποχή. Διερευνώ τις διαφορετικές στρατηγικές του φεμινιστικού blogging στον αγώνα για πρόσβαση στη δημόσια σφαίρα. Η κριτική φεμινιστική μου ανάλυση λόγου επικεντρώνεται σε blogs δέκα γυναικών από την περιοχή της Μέσης Ανατολής και της Βόρειας Αφρικής (ΜΕΝΑ)-Αίγυπτο, Λίβανο, Συρία, Τυνησία και Υεμένη-στο πλαίσιο των Αραβικών εξεγέρσεων του 2011. Τα δεδομένα από 269 blog posts, αποκαλύπτουν πώς το φεμινιστικό blogging παράγει φεμινιστική γνώση, ταυτότητες και πρακτικές που αμφισβητούν και διαταράσσουν τον ηγεμονικό αυταρχικό, νεοφιλελεύθερο, νέο-αποικιακό και πατριαρχικό λόγο. Συνδυάζοντας τη θεωρία της φεμινιστικής σκοπιάς και την κριτική ανάλυση λόγου ως μέρος του θεωρητικού, αναλυτικού και μεθοδολογικού πλαισίου, προβάλω μια βαθιά κριτική φεμινιστική ανάλυση των δομικών και θεσμικών ανισοτήτων που ενυπάρχουν στα αυταρχικά και καταπιεστικά συστήματα. Αυτή η ανάλυση αποκαλύπτει τις κρίσιμες οπτικές των περιθωριοποιημένων ομάδων που φέρνουν στρατηγικά τα μίκρο-μεσο-και-μάκρο επίπεδα (φωνή, χώρος και ισχύς) σε διάλογο. Αυτά τα συνυφασμένα επίπεδα στο νοηματικό μου πλαίσιο αναδεικνύουν την εναλλακτική πολιτική δύναμη του blogging από το περιθώριο στο προσκήνιο και στην παγκόσμια κινητοποίηση. Η πρωτότυπη συνεισφορά αυτής της διατριβής έγκειται στην ανάπτυξη ενός Νέου Σχήματος Ανάλυσης των blogs για την πολιτική συμμετοχή. Το Σχήμα αναδεικνύει τη δυναμική και την στρατηγική διαδικασία στην οποία το φεμινιστικό blogging μπορεί να: οργανώνει την πολιτική δράση στο μίκρο-επίπεδο, υπερβαίνοντας τους δημόσιους χώρους και τα εθνικά σύνορα, συμμετέχει σε διαδικτυακές πλατφόρμες προάσπισης στο μέσο-επίπεδο και επηρεάζει τη δημιουργία διακρατικών φεμινιστικών συμμαχιών στο μάκρο-επίπεδο. Αυτό το Σχήμα βασίστηκε στην έννοια της Wendy Harcourt «glocality» την οποία επεκτείνω στη φεμινιστική μπλογκόσφαιρα, στο πώς, από την εξορία και το περιθώριο στην πρώτη γραμμή των αλληλένδετων γλωσσικών αντιπαραθέσεων, αναδεικνύεται ο αγώνας για κοινωνική αλλαγή. Αυτό το Σχήμα μπορεί να αποτελέσει εργαλείο μελλοντικής ανάλυσης των blogs που εστιάζονται στην πολιτική συμμετοχή. Η διατριβή συμβάλλει επίσης στη βιβλιογραφία για τη Φεμινιστική Θεωρία, τις Γυναικείες Σπουδές, τις Σπουδές των Μέσων Επικοινωνίας, καθώς και στην Πολιτική Κοινωνιολογία διερευνώντας νέους τρόπους αμφισβήτησης των δομών εξουσίας, ειδικά στο πλαίσιο ενός συνεχώς συρρικνωμένου περιβάλλοντος για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και αυταρχικών τάσεων που αναβιώνουν παγκοσμίως. Επιπλέον, η μελέτη συνεισφέρει στους κοινωνικοπολιτικούς και ιστορικούς αγώνες των γυναικών στην περιοχή MENA και αποδεικνύει το πώς οι δυτικοκεντρικές, ανδροκεντρικές αντιλήψεις για τη δημόσια σφαίρα αποκλείουν τις πραγματικότητες περιθωριοποιημένων κοινωνικών ομάδων. Παράγοντες όπως: ο δημόσιος λόγος και η αναγνώρισή του, η διεκδικητική ρητορική, η αφήγηση και οι γνώσεις που παράγονται από συγκεκριμένη κοινωνική θέση, επιτρέπουν την εκδήλωση εναλλακτικών μορφών πολιτικής δράσης που επεκτείνουν την έννοια της πολιτικής δημόσιας σφαίρας. Αυτές οι «glocal» κοινότητες φέρνουν στο προσκήνιο τις στρατηγικές συνδέσεις μεταξύ των φεμινιστριών bloggers και των εργαλείων αντίστασής τους, καθώς και τη μεταμορφωτική, ανατρεπτική και επαναστατική δύναμη που έχουν στην κινητοποίηση διεθνικών φεμινισμών. Η πολιτική σημασία του φεμινιστικού blogging που (ανα)κατασκευάζει την πολιτότητα και την πολιτική πρακτική, επιτρέπει στις γυναίκες να εκφράσουν τις γνώσεις τους και να κινητοποιήσουν συλλογική δράση για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και τη δημοκρατία. ; This thesis presents a feminist standpoint analysis of the construction of political participation through women's blogging. My primary research question deals with the role of feminist blogging in transcending local boundaries to inform global audiences about human rights violations and to mobilise for collective action. I identify and analyse the multiple discursive ways in which blogging as a feminist practice (re)constructs and (re)conceptualises political participation in the digital era. I explore the diverse strategies of feminist blogging in the struggle over the public sphere. My critical discourse analysis focuses on blogs of ten women in the MENA region–Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen–in the context of the 2011 Arab uprisings. Data from 269 blog posts reveal how feminist blogging produces feminist knowledge, identities and practices that challenge and disrupt hegemonic authoritarian, neoliberal, neo-colonial, and patriarchal discourses. By bringing together feminist standpoint theory and critical discourse analysis, as part of an integrated theoretical, analytical and methodological framework, I offer a deep critical feminist analysis of the structural and institutional inequalities inherent in authoritarian and oppressive systems. This integrated analysis reveals the critical perspectives of marginalised groups strategically bringing the micro, meso and macro levels (voice, space and power) into dialogue. These levels in my conceptualisation and contextualisation interweave to show the alternative political power of blogging from margin to center and global mobilisation. The original contribution of this thesis lies in the development of a new Blog Analysis Schema for political participation. The Schema demonstrates a dynamic and strategic process in which feminist blogging can organise from grassroots political action (micro level), transcend public space(s) and national boundaries, engage in online advocacy platforms (meso level), and influence transnational coalition-building (macro level). This Schema builds upon Wendy Harcourt's concept of 'glocality' to apply to the feminist blogosphere that is, from exile and margin to the forefront of interwoven glocal counterpublics, thus driving the struggle for social change. This Schema may thus constitute a model for future analysis of blogs focusing on political participation. This thesis also contributes to the literature on feminist theory, media and women's studies, as well as political sociology by exploring new ways to challenge power structures, especially in the context of an ever-shrinking human rights environment and the current resurgence of authoritarianism across the globe. In addition, this study contributes to the socio-political and historical accounts of women's struggles in the MENA region and furthermore it demonstrates how Westernised, male-centred understandings of the public sphere exclude the realities of marginalised social groups. Factors such as: greeting and public address, affirmative rhetoric, narrative and situated knowledges, enable alternative forms of political action to expand the notion of political public sphere. These glocal communities bring to the forefront the strategic connections between feminist bloggers and their vehicles of resistance, as well as the transformative power they hold for mobilising transnational feminisms. The political importance of feminist blogging reconceptualising citizenship and political practice allows women to express their situated knowledges, and mobilise collective action for human rights and democracy.

The article draws on the interrelations of manifestation, representation, and distribution on the basis of historical examples, cases of "Femen" and "Pussy Riot", and the analysis of actions of the art groups "Voina" and "Zmena". The paper maintains that contemporary persuasion is based on the political economy of images rather than on the semiotics and psychoanalysis of images. The creation, reproduction, and distribution of popular images as well as political ones depends more on the market needs and art/science of marketing than on power and representation. Monopolies and corporations of the media could dictate the content of representations and define consumption in the period of analogous paper media, as G. Debord wrote about it. However, multichannel and self-organising informational networks are based not on the dictat of the propaganda or commercial spectacle, but on the semi-free social distributions and creative consumption. Besides, the contemporary semantic value and the significance of public icons depend equally on the form and process of dissemination as well as on the artistic, original content. This means that the circulation of images and the accumulation of symbolical and, as a consequence, financial capital doesn't necessarily demand a special artistic value or developed aesthetic characteristics. Diminishing of artistry and targeting of protest actions in order to satisfy the desire of consumers are combined with both civic and commercial objectives. The synergy of civic and consumer interests, political activism and consumption in the media characterizes the contemporary political consciousness. Deterioration of art to the elementary street or labour art, adjustment of visuality in order to supply policy requirements and social networking needs blends with the growth of influence of digital technologies, the social and commercial distribution of reportages. The desire to watch the inspirational art as well as the political visions is supported and satisfied by the production and reproduction of special political events.The article considers two cases: the Ukrainian semi-commercial movement "Femen" and non-commercial art activists as well as the punck rock band "Pussy Riot" as two possible tactics in the contemporary protest movement. The aim of the article is to analyse various possibilities for protest art tactics in the contemporary media. The social movement "Femen", its sexism and declarative feminism, its conspicuous activism are an example of manufacturing protest events for political and commercial purposes, for consolidating the interests of corporative capital and civic society. On the contrary, "Pussy Riot" demonstrates manifestations independent of the corporative capital. They are very anarchistic and develop the protest street art. However, the problems of the distribution of art production involved the band into an active participation in the social media and into the creation of independent, communal circles of the circulation of images.Intentions of civic-consumer consciousness directly depend on the content of messages, artistic images and the possible euphoria affects that were disseminated in the digital internet spaces. It is the reason to re-evaluate the interrelations among their manifestation, representation, and distribution in the contemporary social media. The contemporary market oriented to the distribution dictates the demands for the reproduction of representations as also in the new media. If the propaganda is based only on the mass production of messages, its information is ineffective and doesn't correspond on the logic of the contemporary market research and control, on the process of visuality consumption. The stories about the popularization of the art groups "Voina", "Zmena" and especially "Pussy Riot" are examples of a well organized artistic protest in the political field and on the political arena with a different dependence on commercial corporations. Their activities cover the spheres of artistic manifestations, the digital market of the distribution and production of consumers' desires and euphoria. The distribution of protest art goes on in the civic political field, and the growth of the protest movement means the development of demands for protest art production. Creative and informational industries seek to delay mass euphoria and then to keep it in order to exploit the enthusiasm and energy of masses for commercial purposes. The purpose of visible and invisible industries is the accumulation of various forms of capital, but not specific moral or political ideals. Critical thinking and political leadership correspond to different narratives of visual scene and the logic of the mass distribution of the visible. Critical thinking and political leadership need artistic experiments in the streets and in the media as models for political behaviour and demands. Artistic examples help to create the diversity of political manifestations and representations, the multiplicity of the political field. The Ukrainian, Russian, Belorussian modern political protests use different tactics from semi-conformism with the official power up to the antagonistic negation of the government, from the semi-commercial "Femen" and its collaboration with the corporate media up to the completely autonomous and anarchistic "Pussy Riot". I think that all forms of artistic activism are acceptable for the development of free civic society, but they demand a critical perception and development. ; Straipsnyje, remiantis istoriniais pavyzdžiais, protesto grupių Femen ir Pussy Riot atvejais, meno grupių Voina ir Zmena veiklos analize, kalba­ma apie vaizdingų pranešimų manifestacijos, reprezentacijos ir skaitmeninio paskirstymo santykį. Meniškumo mažėjimas ir protesto akcijų rengimas sie­kiant bent iš dalies patenkinti politikos vartotojų geismus ir iš jų kylančius poreikius šiandien derinamas su pilietiniais ir komerciniais siekiniais vienu metu. Meniškumo supaprastėjimas iki elementaraus gatvės, darbininkiško meno, iki populiarių vaizdų pasiūlos, kuri kartu tenkina ir politikos paklau­są socialiniuose tinkluose, dera su didėjančia skaitmeninių technologijų ir pranešimų sklaida. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad ne tiek komunikaciniai veiks­mai, kaip manė J. Habermasas, kiek komercinis ir politinis juslumo ir este­zio paskirstymas – tai aprašė J. Ranciere'as, bei menamai laisvas vartojimas veikia vartotojiškas-pilietines nuostatas. Naujasis komunikacinis, vartotojiš­kas-pilietinis sąmoningumas priklauso nuo skaitmeninėje erdvėje platinamų turinio, kalbos, sukeliamos euforijos, kurią šiuolaikinės kūrybinės ir infor­macinės industrijos išlaiko, reprodukuoja komerciniais tikslais, o ne norėda­mas atitikti specifinius moralinius ar politinius idealus. Tuo galima paaiškinti Femen iš dalies antifeministinį elgesį, nuolatinį apsinuoginimą, komercinį bendradarbiavimą, kuris lemia pilietinį pasirinkimą. Kritinis mąstymas ir lyderystė masinio paskirstymo ir vartojimo atveju yra ne vieno ideologinio naratyvo išpažinimas ir kitų atmetimas, o keleto skirtingų pasakojimų ar vi­zualių siužetų atitikimas. Taip yra sukuriama laisvės, kritiškumo, revoliu­cingumo iliuzija. Kaip priešybė paskirstomajai-spektakliškai manipuliacijai nagrinėjami performatyvaus išcentrinimo ir skaitmeninio kūrybinio situacio­nizmo veiksmai, kuriuos iš dalies atitinka Pussy Riot atvejis. Vis dėlto Voina ir Zmena meno grupių veiklos analizė rodo, kad nekomercinis protestas, be kryptingo informacijos paskirstymo ir sąveikos su masine paklausa elektro­niniuose tinkluose, yra mažai efektyvus. Todėl straipsnio pabaigoje aptaria­ma pasipriešinimo taktika, apie kurią kalbėjo situacionistai (G. Debord'as, R. Vaneigeimas) ar postsituacionistai (J. Boudrillard'as), šiuolaikinio pa­skirstymo kritikai (J. Ranciere'as). Straipsnyje diskutuojama apie kūrybinių situacijų sudarymą ir nekomerciškumą naudojantis skaitmeninėmis erdvėmis ir komercinio paskirstymo analogais.

Dass man mit Tieren gut denken könne, behauptete Claude Lévi-Strauss 1962 in Le totémisme aujourd'hui (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, S. 128) und entlarvte damit in seinem bahnbrechenden strukturalistischen Text den Totemismus als eine Fiktion, die, indem sie einer universellen klassifikatorischen Logik gehorcht, die Konstruktion des Verhältnisses von Kultur und Natur erst ermöglichte. In ihrer inhaltlich und wissenschaftspolitisch neue Maßstäbe setzenden Publikation greifen die beiden Herausgeberinnen und der Herausgeber – Anikó Imre, Timothy Havens und Katalin Lustyik – Lévi-Strauss' Pioniergeist und das Zitat auf, um es sich folgendermaßen anzueignen: "It would seem that old television is, to appropriate Lévi Strauss's now famous quote, good to remember with" (S. 5). Die Analyse televisueller Programme und Ästhetiken aus dem osteuropäischen Raum, die Erinnerungsmodi der sozialistischen Vergangenheit befeuern und teilweise selbst generieren, steht daher auch im Zentrum von Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism. Auffällig an den untersuchten Fernsehprogrammen ist das Aufgreifen sozialistischer TV-Formate ('old television'), die in der Auseinandersetzung mit der Vergangenheit sowie hinsichtlich der Neubildung postsozialistischer Identitäten eine wesentliche Rolle übernehmen. Sozialistische Fernsehfilme und Serien, Animationsfilme für Kinder und Jugendliche, sogar Werbeeinspielungen, so Imre, Havens und Lustyik in der Einleitung, "have re-appeared on local programming since 1989 as an irreplacable source of national and regional memory and identity and have also inspired serious historical and critical scholarship" (S. 3). Anikó Imre (University of Southern California, School of Cinematic Arts) hat in den letzten zehn Jahren in den Bereichen der feministischen Film- und Fernsehwissenschaft sowie der Osteuropa Studien herausragende Publikationen vorgelegt. In Transnational Feminism in Film and Media (2005), East European Cinemas (2007), Identity Games. Globalization and the Transformation of Media Cultures in the New Europe (2009) hat sie eindringlich gezeigt, welche Herausforderungen die postsozialistische Ära für eine transnationale (und feministische) Film- und Medienwissenschaft bereithält. Nun reicht sie gemeinsam mit Timothy Havens (University of Iowa, Communication Studies) und Katalin Lustyik (Ithaca College, Faculty Television-Radio) eine weitere Publikation zu diesem Themenkomplex nach und reagiert damit auf die "Western centric perspective" (S. 2) der europäischen Fernsehwissenschaft, die auch in der aktuell vorliegenden Publikationen mit 'europäischem' Fernsehen vor allem 'westeuropäisches' Fernsehen meint. Osteuropäische Fernsehwissenschaft erfolgt aber nicht nur an den Rändern der internationalen Fernsehwissenschaft, sondern sie nimmt auch innerhalb der osteuropäischen Medienwissenschaft, deren Fragestellungen sich vorwiegend den Printmedien, dem Journalismus und dem demokratischen Gemeindeleben widmen, einen marginalen Platz ein (vgl. S. 1). Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism schreibt sich in einen westeuropäischen Theorie- und Forschungskontext der Fernsehwissenschaft ein, den es gleichzeitig kritisch reflektiert (vgl. S. 1) und schlägt Analysen von Fernsehsendungen vor, die sich stark an fernsehwissenschaftlichen Konzepten und Theorien der Cultural Studies, der Memory Studies und des Audience Research orientieren. Erklärtes Ziel der Anthologie ist es, "to bring popular culture into Eastern European studies, to highlight the relevance of Eastern European realities in the study of globalization, and to de-Westernize television and media studies" (S. 9). Für die Unterrepräsentation osteuropäischer Thematiken in der internationalen Fernsehwissenschaft führen Imre, Havens und Lustyik gleich mehrere Gründe an. Als Folge eines fortbestehenden ideologischen und disziplinären Erbes des Kalten Krieges wurde osteuropäisches Fernsehen als populärkulturelles (und staatlich kontrolliertes) Medium lange nicht ernst genommen. Weder westeuropäische Forscherinnen und Forscher noch osteuropäische Filmemacher oder Autoren (hier vor allem Männer) interessierten sich für das Fernsehen. Letztere, weil sie ihren politischen Auftrag in der Herstellung politisch subversiver kinematographischer und literarischer Arbeit sahen, die sich in der europäischen Hochkultur verortet. Aber auch das intime Verhältnis des Mediums zu nationalen Sprachen und Kulturen stellt ein Hindernis dar, das Non-Natives den Zugang zu den Programmen erschwert (vgl. S. 3). Für den Zusammenhang von osteuropäischer Geschichte und Identität ist das Fernsehen aber ebenso zentral wie umgekehrt die Untersuchungen osteuropäischer Fernsehkulturen fernsehwissenschaftliche Forschung insgesamt vorantreiben könnten. Die auf dem Gebiet des postsozialistischen Fernsehens erfolgenden Transformationen seit dem Fall des Kommunismus bieten nämlich in besonderem Maße die Möglichkeit, die Funktionsweisen televisueller Technologien zu untersuchen. Die Entwicklung von staatlich kontrollierten Rundfunksystemen, die nationale, regionale und stark gefilterte westliche Programme ausstrahlten, hin zu 'transnationalen Multiplattformen', die vor allem amerikanische und westeuropäische Unterhaltungsprogramme senden, "provide[s] opportunities to examine the complex interactions among economic and funding systems, regulatory policies, globalization, imperialism, popular culture and cultural identity" (S. 2). Ausgehend von der Prämisse, dass die Episteme der Fernsehwissenschaft – 'Identität', 'Repräsentation', 'kulturelle Macht', 'populäre Form', die Bedeutung der Institutionen – für das Verständnis osteuropäischer Kultur hochrelevant sind, versammeln die Herausgeberinnen und der Herausgeber vierzehn Beiträge von Forscherinnen und Forschern aus Budapest, Groningen, Halle, Ljubljana, Prag, Salzburg und von acht Universitäten in Großbritannien und den USA, die darlegen, wie "national identity, nostalgia, globalization, local production and minority popular culture are articulated in Eastern European television culture in ways that differ significantly from Western European or Anglophone television cultures" (S. 3). Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism ist in drei thematische Teile unterteilt. Im ersten Teil "Popular Television in Socialist Times" finden sich fünf Beiträge über das Fernsehen in der Ära des Sozialismus mit Fallbeispielen aus Rumänien, Polen und der DDR; im zweiten Teil, "Commercial Globalization and Eastern European TV", geht es in vier Beiträgen um den Einfluss von Globalisierung und Liberalisierung der Märkte auf die Repräsentationen nationaler Identitäten mit Fallbeispielen aus Polen, Rumänien, Tschechien, Ungarn und der Slowakei; im dritten Teil, "Television and National Identity on Europe's Edges", steht der Nexus von Fernsehen und nationaler Identität im Zentrum der analytischen Bemühungen von fünf Beiträgen mit Fallbeispielen aus Rumänien, Slowenien, Tschechien, Ungarn. Obwohl die Autorinnen und Autoren des Bandes die Unterschiede der soziopolitischen Veränderungen in den Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks berücksichtigen, sind der transnationale Zugang und die Bezeichnung der Region als 'Osteuropa' programmatisch zu verstehen. Der Aspekt der "intricate regional and transnational connections and interwoven television cultures" (S. 5f.) wurde bisher in der Osteuropaforschung vernachlässigt. Traditionell folgten Forscherinnen und Forscher geographischen sowie disziplinären Unterteilungen und fokussierten vor allem auf die Eigenheiten der osteuropäischen Kinematographien. Damit spielten sie aber auch einer sowjetischen Politik in die Hände, die kontinuierlich damit beschäftigt war, die Differenzen zwischen den Satellitenstaaten überdimensional darzustellen. Als ein Medium, das Erinnerungsdiskurse im osteuropäischen Raum maßgeblich (mit-)gestaltet, generiert das Fernsehen Räume, in denen sozialistische Vergangenheit und der traumatische oder nostalgische Umgang damit vermittelt und diskutiert, verhandelt und verarbeitet werden. Im Zentrum des Sammelbandes steht so das Dispositiv Fernsehen als ein Instrument der Erinnerung, das zur Aufarbeitung der sozialistischen Vergangenheit und zum Verständnis der Funktionsweisen des 'kulturellen Gedächtnisses' maßgeblich beiträgt. "Spanning decades and nations, the scholarship […] on television and cultural memory in Eastern Europe not only adds to the ongoing theorization of post-communist nostalgia and trauma, but also makes a powerful case for the centrality of popular television in the production, continuation and study of cultural memory" (S. 5). Es ist wohl zutreffend zu behaupten, dass das Fernsehen mit seinen Angeboten der Vergangenheitsbewältigung in einigen Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks ein Versäumnis postsozialistischer Politik nachholt. Dies trifft beispielsweise auf den Fall Tschechiens zu, wo die öffentliche Diskussion aufgrund einer nach 1989 von öffentlicher Seite sehr stark vorangetriebenen 'Entkommunisierung' (Françoise Mayer), die mit einer völligen Tabuisierung der kommunistischen Vergangenheit einherging, noch am Anfang steht. Ähnlich tabuisiert ist seit dem Fall des Kommunismus die Frage, wie sich ethnische Minderheiten und speziell die Roma-Bevölkerungen in Osteuropa, in das nationale Imaginäre integrieren (lassen). Das Fernsehen spielt hier eine Schlüsselrolle, wie die Beiträge von Annabel Tremlett und Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat aufzeigen. Aus der Lektüre des hochinformativen Bandes ergibt sich ein Paradox, das ich hier als kritisches Moment zwar kurz anführen, aber gleichzeitig mit dem Hinweis versehen möchte, dass es die Diskussion über die televisuellen Kulturen der Region befruchten und weiter vorantreiben könnte. In einigen Beiträgen der Anthologie wird einerseits die Differenz zwischen aktuellem west- und osteuropäischen Fernsehen dekonstruiert, deren Konstruktion zuallererst einer westlichen Perspektive auf den Forschungsgegenstand zugeschrieben wird. Andererseits ist aber auch die Rede von der Dominanz westeuropäischer (hier auch US-amerikanischer) Fernsehformate und von der 'Entfremdung' von der "idealized, local past" (S. 7), die wenngleich als idealisiert bezeichnet, dennoch positiv konnotiert ist. Der Einfluss westeuropäischer Programme und TV-Formate auf osteuropäische TV-Produktionen wird also zum einen als transnationales Phänomen einer sich gegenseitig befruchtenden, gleichberechtigten globalen Fernsehlandschaft hervorgehoben. Zum anderen werden in der Rede von innereuropäischem Medienimperialismus (zurecht) Aspekte von Hegemonie und von Macht adressiert, die die Differenz von west- und osteuropäischem Fernsehen aktualisieren. In ihrem Artikel "Intra-European Media Imperialism: Hungarian Program Imports and the Television Without Frontiers Directive" zeigen Timothy Havens, Evelyn Bottando und Matthew S. Thatcher beispielsweise, dass Importe aus dem Westen in das ungarische Fernsehen vom wirtschaftspolitischen Versuch herrühren, Osteuropa zu rekolonialisieren. Adina Schneeweis bespricht in ihrem Beitrag "To Be Romanian in Post-Communist Romania: Entertainment Television and Patriotism in Popular Discourse" die rumänische Serie Garantat 100 %, die aus der Sicht der Autorin zwischen der Aneignung von westlichen Idealen und dem Rückzug in eine idealisierte, lokale Vergangenheit oszilliert. Möglicherweise liegt eine Annäherung an die Problematik des Widerspruchs in der konzeptuellen Fassung des Fernsehens als Schauplatz von Mikropolitiken[1], der die Zuschauerinnen und Zuschauer als am Dispositiv Fernsehen Partizipierende begreift. Der Text von Irena Carpentier Reifová, Katerina Gillarova und Radim Hladik mit dem Titel "The Way We Applauded. How Popular Culture Stimulates Collective Memory of the Socialist Past in Czechoslovakia – The Case of the Television Serial Vypravej and its Viewers" scheint mir diesbezüglich richtungsweisend. In ihrem auf empirischen Daten aus Zuschauerbefragungen beruhenden Beitrag beanstanden die Autorinnen und der Autor, dass die im Rahmen der Memory Studies erfolgte Forschung bisher noch keine schlüssige Analyse der "principles of commemoration, remembering and forgetting" anzubieten hätte, "that help post-socialist Europe make sense of the state-socialist experience" (S. 200). Die Frage, die sie anhand der Zuschauerbefragungen beantworten möchten, ist jene, wie das Fernsehprogramm in die Herstellung postsozialistischer Identität interveniert. Anstatt allerdings einseitige Diagnosen zu stellen, die in miteinander konkurrierenden Erinnerungsgenres wie Nostalgie, Trauma oder Amnesie festgeschrieben sind, leiten Carpentier Reiferová, Gillarova und Hladik aus ihrer qualitativen Analyse ab, dass sich diese Konzepte vielmehr gegenseitig bedingen und "diskursiv koexistieren" (S. 200). Abgesehen von ihrer unanfechtbaren wissenschaftspolitischen Bedeutung innerhalb einer neu perspektivierten europäischen Fernsehwissenschaft sei die Anthologie Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism auch als höchst spannendes und breit gefächertes Nachschlagewerk für aktuelle Fernsehproduktionen aus dem osteuropäischen Raum empfohlen. --- [1] Andrea Seier: Mikropolitiken der Medien. Mediale Praktiken der Selbstführung. (Habilitationsschrift, eingereicht an der Universität Wien im März 2013, erscheint 2014 im LIT Verlag).

Throughout the history of contemporary feminism, women's presence in the public sphere has been a perennial issue, demanding all sorts of strategies to promote women's inclusion in the economic and political arenas. Starting in the 1980s, feminist scholars in International Relations have questioned the absence of women in the international arena, alongside the pervasive gender hierarchies of the international system. Not only was it that women had been systematically excluded from politics, but the scholarship in IR had largely ignored feminist claims about the gendering of international politics. Largely animated by feminist movements and the nascent feminist debates in IR, the World Conferences on Women (1975, 1980, 1985, and 1995) stressed the paramount need for taking women's demands seriously. Such demands encompassed social, economic, and political domains, echoing decades of feminist struggles in the first, second and third worlds. The United Nations played a crucial role in fostering an agenda of gender equality and women's rights as human rights, which have been a quintessential part of the Millennium Development Goals and, more recently, the Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, gender-oriented policies have been promoted in myriad UN agencies and international organisations, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Despite all these efforts purporting to raise awareness about gender equality and women's rights, as well as about the need for more inclusive policies for women in the international arena, women's presence in international fora as leaders has been remarkably low. As for the United Nations, until now no woman has been elected to the organisation's highest post, that of secretary general, and only recently the International Monetary Fund and World Bank have had female managing directors. These sobering results show a different picture of international organisations that promote gender equality as their political and social commitment, whilst failing to comply with the very same discourse when it comes to women's leadership in their formal structures. In this context, the present article aims to assess quantitatively and qualitatively women's presence in leadership roles at the United Nations and international economic organisations (namely, the IMF, WB and World Trade Organisation). It departs from the following research question: What is the current state of affairs of women's participation in the highest posts of the United Nations and the international organizations of the global economic system? Methodologically, we resort to descriptive statistical data of women's presence at various agencies of the United Nations and the aforementioned economic institutions from 1990-2018. Of greatest concern will be those occupying the posts of presidency and vice-presidency. Counting women is a traditional approach in feminist studies in IR, and it is a paramount step in making women count. The second goal of our paper, thus, derives directly from the data: by mapping the few women occupying positions of leadership in international organisations, we can assess the gender structures operating to the disadvantage of women. In order to do so, we resort to feminist theories as developed in political science and IR, for they provide the conceptual tools to provide data with meaning. We focus primarily on how gendered institutions confine women to specific gendered roles that emanate from the private sphere of domesticity. This means that women suffer from various exclusionary dynamics: firstly, they are excluded from leadership roles for the fact of being women; secondly, the few who manage to break through the glass ceiling of a masculine international arena are assigned positions that mimic the elements of the private sphere. Frequently, female leaders are responsible for social issues, childhood, food security, education, and culture, all of which are labeled as soft issues, or belonging to the domain of low politics. Feminist IR scholars have extensively denounced these gendered structures as part of how men preserve their privileges under the framework of hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, we draw on the work of several IR feminists who are concerned with the theoretical questioning and empirical unravelling of such gender hierarchies to interpret our data beyond the mere counting of women. We contend that women in leadership roles in the United Nations and international economic organisations more frequently occupy portfolios that are seen as soft issues or low politics. Likewise, these roles are often associated with the care for others, which reinforces gender roles and hierarchies. Women are more likely to occupy the presidencies and vice-presidencies of agencies such as UNICEF, UNESCO, WFP, and OHCHR, all of which deal with issues associated with childhood, education, culture, food security and human rights. We conclude that an apparent glass ceiling – the invisible barrier that prevents women from reaching higher and more prestigious posts in their professional careers – still remains in international institutions, limiting the participation of women in decision-making fora. The few female leaders who manage to reach the highest posts in the international arena are more likely to be exceptions of a pervasive phenomenon of gender inequality and lack of representativeness. The discourses embraced by the United Nations and international economic organisations fail to meet the minimal criteria for gender parity within these organizations' structures, and even where women have been assigned leadership roles, gender stereotypes still prevail. Further evidence revealed in our research refers to the regional representativeness of the few female leaders in these international organisations: about 55% of them come from Western Europe and North America. Latin American and African women are strongly underrepresented in the United Nations system, as well as in the Bretton Woods institutions, which is itself problematic because the particular perspectives of women from the Global South are also excluded from debates in these international fora. Therefore, international organisations also face the challenge of fostering the diversity of feminist perspectives by developing strategies to include Global South women in their formal structure, ideally as leaders. In this sense, our paper draws attention to the importance of pluralism not only in terms of gender parity, but also of a feminist worldview. In order to make women count in the international arena, the United Nations and international economic organisations have to fully commit themselves to concrete policies for women's inclusion, not only as heads of the institutions, but also in lower hierarchies where policies are designed. Only by acknowledging that women's perspectives matter, can we achieve the goals of gender equality. ; Aunque el debate sobre la presencia femenina en los espacios políticos haya empezado antes de los años setenta del siglo veinte, el contexto de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer profundizó las demandas de las mujeres en distintos dominios, entre ellos la participación en las esferas políticas y de decisión. Las Naciones Unidas han fomentado discursos sobre el empoderamiento de las mujeres y su participación activa en roles políticos, reconociendo que la paridad de género en la política es un objetivo esencial para alcanzar la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la propia organización no cumple su discurso: hasta el presente momento, no hay registros de mujeres que hayan ocupado el cargo de secretaria general y pocas ocupan otros cargos en la organización. Un escenario semejante se observa en las demás organizaciones internacionales, nombradamente las que se ocupan de temas económicos, considerados de alto prestigio en la arena internacional. En este artículo, nuestro objetivo consiste en investigar la presencia femenina en los órganos de Naciones Unidas y organizaciones económicas internacionales. Tal investigación se centra en dos enfoques: por un lado, contabilizamos la presencia feminina en distintos organismos a lo largo de tres décadas, siguiendo un abordaje tradicional de los estudios de género: counting women to make women count; por otro lado, utilizamos los datos recolectados para evaluar cómo las estructuras de género en los organismos internacionales operan en detrimento de las mujeres. Para esto, iniciamos con la siguiente cuestión: ¿Cuál es el actual estado de participación de las mujeres en los más altos cargos de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas y de los organismos del sistema económico global? Para responder a esta pregunta, estructuramos en artículo en cuatro secciones. Primeramente, presentamos el contexto de la presencia feminina en las organizaciones internacionales y de las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer. Enseguida discutimos los ejes teóricos que informan nuestras interpretaciones. Adoptamos una perspectiva teórica feminista que dialoga con los principales ejes conceptuales manifestados en las disciplinas de Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Política. En la tercera sección, discutimos nuestro diseño metodológico de investigación. En la cuarta sección, presentamos datos estadísticos del sistema de Naciones Unidas y de instituciones económicas internacionales entre 1990-2018 acerca de la participación de las mujeres en los cargos de presidencia y vicepresidencia de órganos y organismos especializados, argumentando que la presencia de mujeres en dichos espacios sigue baja. Las teorías feministas nos permiten evaluar la presencia más allá de los datos cuantitativos, ofreciendo una lectura acerca de los roles esperados de las (pocas) mujeres que ocupan espacios de liderazgo en las organizaciones internacionales. Verificamos que las mujeres suelen ocupar cargos asociados a temas de la baja política y el cuidado, como los asuntos sociales, de infancia y alimentos, lo que refuerza roles y jerarquías de género. Además, los datos demuestran que las pocas mujeres que ocupan estos cargos provienen principalmente de América del Norte y Europa Occidental, lo que per se limita las perspectivas feministas que acceden a las agendas internacionales.

Positionality statement
As we begin to discuss this issue, its origins, and its importance in contemporary society, I wanted to acknowledge my positionality and the role that it may play in the formation of this issue. Jonathan O. Cain is an African-American male working in the LIS field. Before moving into administration, I taught data and digital literacy and worked on developing programs that focused on improving access to these critical skills at zero cost to learners.
It is important to acknowledge my positionality and the lens through which I see the data science field. Trevor Watkins is an African American male working in the LIS field at an academic institution in an academic library. I teach critical data literacy workshops and engage in diversity and BIPOC-related digital projects with faculty, students, and the broader academic community across the country. I am also a researcher and practitioner in artificial intelligence (AI) and data science.
The global pandemic, its impacts, and why it matters
We first met in August 2020 to discuss the possibilities of this special issue about five months into the pandemic. We spent a good chunk of that meeting getting to know each other and, most importantly, discussed the toll the pandemic placed on our communities and us. It is probably safe to say that many of you, at some point, were uncertain of the future. Like most people worldwide, we lost family and friends or knew of people who succumbed to Covid-19 and other illnesses that weren't treated because the focus shifted to Covid-19. We get it. At one point, Covid-19 killed over three thousand people per day (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 2022). According to data from the CDC, 90% of the 385,676 people who died between March and December 2020 had Covid-19 listed as the underlying cause of death on their death certificate. The murders of Ahmaud Arbery in February, Breonna Taylor in March, and George Floyd in May 2020 sparked civic unrest across the United States (US) and protests across the globe in solidarity against racial injustice. When we announced this special issue and initiated a call for papers, we didn't get much of a response initially. We expected and acknowledged that it would probably take some time before we received inquiries or proposals about the issue, the intent to submit, or any submissions.
Like many of you, we are still picking up the pieces from 2020 and dealing with the aftermath of Covid-19. The pandemic may be over now, depending on whom you ask, but the emotional scars are still there and may remain so for quite some time. Patience was the one quality we all had throughout this process, which is why we can present this publication today.
Data and liberatory technology
Liberatory technology. This is a concept that invited contemplation as we sat down to record our reflections on this special issue. In drawing together scholars, educators, and practitioners to address the issue of data and its relationship to race, ethnicity, and representation, we, as coeditors, were making a statement about the importance of data, the material impact that this seemingly abstract and ethereal object can and does have on individual and community lives. And thinking about that impact brought liberatory technology to the front of our minds. The definition of liberator technology offered by the IDA B. Wells Just Data Lab intrigues us and invites us to grapple with that topic. They defined liberatory as something that "supports the increased freedom and wellbeing of marginalized people, especially black people outside of capitalism and settler colonial power structures" and technology as "a tool used to accomplish a task." And as we contemplate this set of definitions, we are left to question whether data can be a liberatory technology or not. (LIBERATORY TECHNOLOGY AND DIGITAL MARRONAGE, n.d.)
In Liberation Technology: Black Protest in the Age of Franklin, Richard S. Newman draws parallels with the asserting ownership and mastery of new communication technologies and black liberation activities. Reflecting on the transformative nature of print technology, he writes, "If the Marquis de Condorcet was right in 1793 that print had unshackled Europe from medieval modes of thought and action, then it is also true that print was perhaps the first technology to liberate blacks from the servile images that had long haunted their existence in Western culture." And draws a 19th-century example of how it expressly connects to black lives post-emancipation noting "W. E. B. Du Bois certainly thought that black history and print history worked in tandem. Wherever one found newspapers in the post-Civil War South, he observed, one found some form of black freedom" (Richard S. Newman, 2009, p. 175). He even notes how scholars note that black activists embraced other communication technologies like photography "to reshape the image of African Americans in nineteenth-century culture." (Richard S. Newman, 2009, p. 175)
We have no shortage of examples of how data and data-driven technologies fail to support the "increased freedom and wellbeing of marginalized people outside of capitalism and settler colonial power structures." In 2016, ProPublica published Machine Bias, a report that looks at Risk assessment technologies used in arraignment and sentencing. They report that "The formula was particularly likely to falsely flag black defendants as future, wrongly labeling them this way at almost twice the rate as white defendants" and "white defendants were mislabeled as low risk more often than black defendants" (Julia Angwin, 2016). A 2021 article, Fairness in Criminal Justice Risk Assessments: The State of the Art, in their analysis, noted, "The false negative rate is much higher for whites so that violent white offenders are more likely than violent black offenders to be incorrectly classified as nonviolent. The false positive rate is much higher for blacks so that nonviolent black offenders are more likely than nonviolent white offenders to be incorrectly classified as violent. Both error rates mistakenly inflate the relative representation of blacks predicted to be violent. Such differences can support claims of racial injustice. In this application, the trade-off between two different kinds of fairness has real bite." (Berk et al., 2021, p. 33)
These are just a few examples of how these technological developments, on their own merits, fail to meet the definition offered by the authors of the "Liberatory Technology and Digital Marronage" Zine from the Ida B. Wells Just Data Labs. Reflecting on the technological path illustrated by Newman, the work of ownership and mastery of the tool provides the potential for it to be liberatory. Through this lens, the work of the Just Data Lab is exemplary for this meditation; it draws a direct line from technology, education, mastery, and liberatory technology.
Data in higher education
Data literacy education is an area that has been a focus of our careers in librarianship. It's a space where we saw the libraries' ability to make a meaningful impact. Data has had a tremendous impact on college campuses, from how research is conducted to the pressures colleges feel from stakeholder groups: students, governments, funders, donors, and employers to prepare students with the data and technology skills to gain employment in the knowledge economy.
As colleges and universities have turned (with varying degrees of success) to meet the needs of these communities, a myriad of explorations on the importance of the representation of these marginalized communities in these systems—to combat and dismantle the harmful practices that we see embedded in the systems that drive society and the potentially debilitating consequences they produce. That is partly why the works in this special issue are so important at this moment in time. These scholars and scholar-practitioners are engaging with these issues that drive the opaque structures surrounding us. And hopefully, their work can give us another perspective on how to engage with these structures and transform them to support liberatory practices.
The entries in this issue
We have some fantastic articles for you to read in this issue. We open with an article by Kevin Manuel, Rosa Orlandini, and Alexandra Cooper, who discuss how the collection process of racial, ethnic, and indigenous data has evolved in the Canadian Census since 1871, the erasure of minorities and indigenous citizens from those censuses, and the work to restore and accurately identify and categorize racialized groups.
In the next article, Leigh Phan, Stephanie Labou, Erin Foster, and Ibraheem Ali present a model for data ethics instruction for non-experts by designing and implementing two data ethics workshops. They make important points about the failure of academia to incorporate the ethical use of data in course curriculums and digital literacy training and demonstrate how academic libraries have become an essential resource for the academic community. Their workshop structure can be modeled for any academic library that endeavors to provide a similar service to its community.
In the third article, Natasha Johnson, Megan Sapp Nelson, and Katherine Yngve, interrogate the collective and local purposes of institutional data collection and its impact on student belongingness and propose a framework based on data feminism that centers the student as a person rather than a commodity.
Finally, our closing article from Thema Monroe-White focuses on marginalized and underrepresented people in the data science field. The author proposes that racially relevant and responsive teaching is necessary to recruit more people from these groups and diversify the field. She discusses how the Ladson-Billings model of cultural relevant pedagogy has been applied and is beneficial to STEM curriculums, and how a liberatory data science curriculum could promote a student's voice and sense of belonging.
Conclusion
We want to thank all those involved in producing this special issue. We want to thank the authors first. Their patience, dedication, and perseverance throughout this process were much appreciated. The reviewers provided timely, very detailed, and thorough feedback. We would be remised if we didn't acknowledge their hard work and labor. We would like to thank the IQ Editorial Team, Michele Hayslett and Karsten Boye Rasmussen, for working with us over the last two years, and Ofira Schwartz-Soicher, for helping us get to the finish line.
Trevor Watkins
Jonathan O. Cain
References
Berk, R., Heidari, H., Jabbari, S., Kearns, M., & Roth, A. (2021). Fairness in Criminal Justice Risk Assessments: The State of the Art. Sociological Methods & Research, 50(1), 3–44. https://doi.org/10.1177/0049124118782533
Flipsnack. (n.d.). Liberatory Technology Zine. Flipsnack. Retrieved December 17, 2022, from https://www.flipsnack.com/EBC8CD77C6F/liberatory-technology-zine.html
LIBERATORY TECHNOLOGY AND DIGITAL MARRONAGE. (n.d.). IDA B. WELLS JUST DATA LAB. Retrieved December 17, 2022, from https://www.thejustdatalab.com/tools-1/liberatory-technology-and-digital-marronage
Mattu, J. A., Jeff Larson,Lauren Kirchner,Surya. (n.d.). Machine Bias. ProPublica. Retrieved December 17, 2022, from https://www.propublica.org/article/machine-bias-risk-assessments-in-criminal-sentencing
Richard S. Newman. (2009). Liberation Technology: Black Printed Protest in the Age of Franklin. Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 8(1), 173–198. https://doi.org/10.1353/eam.0.0033

In this issue of Update from Washington DC.: Orphans in Muslim Mindanao; Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh; Women Entrepreneurs in Mongolia; Coalitions for Change in the Philippines; Mobile Banking in Vietnam; Women in India's Gig Economy and Let's Read.

World over, the technology-driven gig economy has been expanding rapidly over the past decade, in which digital platforms connect 'workers' with 'requesters' to facilitate ondemand work. While the gig economy has also become a buzzword in India, particularly in the last couple of years, and is attracting millennials by offering alternative employment opportunities. However, literature is scanty when it comes to measuring its impacts on the gendered experiences of gig work or on gig workers. This report aims to provide a comprehensive analytical overview of women's engagement in platform work, and presents findings from an in-depth study of women's work in one of India's leading platform companies. It aims to understand the emerging forms of labour practices and the impact of platform engagement on workers' experiences, challenges, and impact on women's empowerment and agency. We adopted a threefold approach and our findings are based on interviews with workers, platform managers, and other key informants. Moreover, based on comprehensive literature review, the study presents an in-depth and specialised analysis of the gig economy to explain some of the unique features of the labour practices and consequences of such practices on the overall labour relations. We find that the gig economy offers women choice of work and flexible work modalities to manage paid and unpaid work, but is largely an urban phenomenon. Women gig workers appreciate the income-generating potential of the gig economy, and are the major beneficiaries of the gig ecosystem. However, we find that these women also encounter numerous challenges with regards to access to social protection, safety, upward mobility, and lack of effective bargaining power. Also, the pervasiveness of automated ratings and review mechanisms is a chief issue in the gig economy. We make specific recommendations and argue that policy makers and platforms have a key role in ensuring access to decent work and social protection for these workers.

The multidonor Gender and Development Cooperation Fund (GDCF) was established in May 2003 as a facility to promote gender equality and women's empowerment in the Asia Pacific region. This facility will help facilitate effective implementation of the Asian Development Bank's Policy on Gender and Development and accelerate gender equality and women's empowerment in the Asia Pacific region. As a leverage fund, GDCF is intended to make ADB's operations work better for gender equality and women's empowerment in Asia and the Pacific. Activities supported by GDCF are all aimed at influencing much bigger loan and Asian Development Fund (ADF) projects, national laws and sector policies, and capacity of ADB's clients in implementing such projects and policies.

This publication presents stories that showcase how improved connectivity has transformed lives—especially of women and girls—in rural communities of India. It presents the contributions of the Asian Development Bank's Rural Connectivity Investment Program (RCIP) in five states: Assam, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and West Bengal. Enhanced connectivity has improved people's quality of life in the five RCIP states and contributed to a range of socioeconomic benefits for the rural communities served. It has also helped advance development goals central to sustainable and inclusive growth.

The lotus Letter is a monthly news letter from the Lotus Circle. The Lotus Circle is a vibrant community of committed individuals and organizations working together to empower women and girls across Asia by supporting The Asia Foundation's Women's Empowerment Program.

The lotus Letter is a monthly news letter from the Lotus Circle. The Lotus Circle is a vibrant community of committed individuals and organizations working together to empower women and girls across Asia by supporting The Asia Foundation's Women's Empowerment Program.