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Recent debates in sociology consider how Internet communications might catalyse leaderless, open-ended, affective social movements that broaden support and bypass traditional institutional channels to create change. We extend this work into the field of leisure and lifestyle politics with an empirical study of Internet-mediated protest movement, Stand Against Modern Football. We explain how social media facilitate communications that transcend longstanding rivalries, and engender shared affective frames that unite diverse groups against corporate logics. In examining grassroots organisation, communication and protest actions that span online and urban locations, we discover sustained interconnectedness with traditional social movements, political parties, the media and the corporate targets of protests. Finally, we suggest that Internet-based social movements establish stable forms of organisation and leadership at these networked intersections in order to advance instrumental programmes of change.

Abstract in Portuguese by Aziz Choudry included. ; The role of social movements and social and political activism as educative processes and milieus is often overlooked by scholars of social movements and those working in the field of adult education. Yet social movements are not only significant sites of struggle for social and political change but also important – albeit contested and contradictory- terrains of learning, knowledge production and research. Grounded in insights from the author's longstanding involvement in multi-scalar social movement organizing, education and research, this article draws primarily from his current research on activist research practice in social movements and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) which work closely with them. It traces the dialectical relations between informal and non-formal learning and education in social action, research, education and action. Drawing on interviews conducted in 2012-2013 in the Philippines, South Africa, Canada and the UK, the article focuses on the ways in which research is carried out by movement research activists "in the struggle", located outside of university institutional contexts or partnerships. Emphasizing the social character of all knowledge production, it argues that everyday struggles are not only the means to build movements, alliances, and counter-power but are generative of, and in turn informed by the learning/knowledge aspects of this activity. ; peer-reviewed

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Original Title Page -- PREFACE -- Table of Contents -- CHAPTER I: PROTOTYPES OF CHARTISM -- CHAPTER II: THE WHIG RULE -- CHAPTER III: THE NEW POOR LAW -- CHAPTER IV: THE UNIVERSAL DISTRESS -- CHAPTER V: LABOR LEGISLATION AND TRADE UNIONISM -- CHAPTER VI: THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER -- CHAPTER VII: THE LEADERS -- CHAPTER VIII: THE GOSPEL OF REVOLT -- CHAPTER IX: THE PEOPLE -- CHAPTER X: THE PETITION, THE CONVENTION AND THE GOVERNMENT -- CHAPTER XI: THE WRESTLING FORCCES -- CHAPTER XII: THE NEWPORT RIOT -- APPENDIX A: Petition agreed to at the "Crown and Anchor" meeting, February 28, 1837 -- APPENDIX B: The People's charter -- APPENDIX C: The National Petition -- APPENDIX D: Dialogue on war, between a moral force whig and a Chartist, by Bronterre -- INDEX.

In this article, the author explores the inherent tension in the mixed political culture (i.e., parochial, subject, and participant) of postcolonial Macao under the reign of its first chief executive, Edmund Ho Hau Wah. The continuity of a parochial or subject political culture is reflected in the alliance between the government, pro-Beijing and probusiness elites, and traditional social organizations. Participant culture can be seen in the emergence of social movements and labor protests that challenge the government's capacity to govern effectively. The paradoxical and unaccountable system of the Macao administration and patrimonial rule, coupled with the failure of traditional social organizations in representing workers' interests, has resulted in a growing labor movement. Demand overload, government's tardiness in tackling social problems (social inequality, discrimination, and the relative deprivation of workers), and administrative corruption have pushed workers' grievances and tolerance to the limit, which has culminated in challenges to the legitimacy and governing capacity of the government, as shown in the "infamous" 2007 labor protest. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

International audience ; An unexpected political mobilisation leads to the occupation of a large number of public squares in French cities from the end of March to July 2016. In those Nuits Debout, a collective starts up BiblioDebout, a participative library working on a gift basis. Trough participative observations and text analysis of the collective's mailing lists, this paper studies how BiblioDebout expresses a specific relationship between knowledge and power, and, therefore, emancipation. BiblioDebout is utopian, egalitarian, emotional and experimental, and so on could be an inspiration for public libraries willing to renew with their political vocation.

This volume examines and contributes to debates surrounding social capital, social movements and the role of civil society in emerging forms of governance.

Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), Social Enterprises and other actors play an important role in political decisions in governments at the international levels. Especially, such organizations' and activists' network in civil society is quite important to effect to the global politics. To solve the complex social problems in global era, diverse actors should corporate each other. Moreover, network of protesters is also contributes to diffuse tactics, information and other resources of social movements. Based on the findings from the study of International Trade Fairs (ITFs), the author analyzes the network of activists in anti-globalism movement. This research focuses the transition of 54 activists' whole network in the "protest event" against 2008 G8 summit in Japan. Their network is examined at the three periods: Before protest event phase, during protest event phase and after event phase. A mixed method is used in this study: the author shows the hypothesis from social network analysis and evaluates that with interview data analysis. This analysis gives the two results. Firstly, the more protesters participate to the various events during the protest event, the more they build the network. After that, active protesters keep their network as well. From interview data, we can understand that the active protesters can build their network and diffuse the information because they communicate with other participants and understand that diverse issues are related. This paper comes to same conclusion with previous researches: protest events activate the network among the political activists. However, some participants succeed to build their network, others do not. "Networked" activists are participated in the various events for short period of time and encourage the diffusion of information and tactics of social movements.

A new era in the democracy movement in Hong Kong began on July 1, 2003, when half a million people protested on the streets, and has included the 2012 anti-National Education campaign, the 2014 Occupy Central Movement and the rapid rise of localist groups. The new democracy movement in Hong Kong is characterized by a diversity of interest groups calling for political reform, policy change and the territory's autonomy vis-à-vis the central government in Beijing. These groups include lawyers, teachers, students, nativists, workers, Catholics, human rights activists, environmental activists and intellectuals. This book marks a new attempt at understanding the activities of the various interest groups in their quest for democratic participation, governmental responsiveness and openness. They are utilizing new and unconventional modes of political participation, such as the Occupy Central Movement, cross-class mobilization, the use of technology and cyberspace, and human rights activities with cross-boundary implications for China's political development. The book will be useful to students, researchers, officials, diplomats and journalists interested in the political change of Hong Kong and the implications for mainland China.

The epistemological problem is faced at first in this paper which involves the definition of "Social Movements", the prospects of authors who have deeped on the thematic: the arise, the historical evolution and interpretations of many studies have addressed in the West as in developing countries.Also, a theoretical and interpretative overview of the essence of it on different times and latitudes is presented in addition to the constituent elements of Social Movements.A special attention for the developing in Latin America of the collective action is used, since the days of the Spanish colony until today and the relationship of Social Movements with the political future. Finally, it concludes with Nicaraguan reality about this phenomenon, also with its everyday and future action. ; Este trabajo, en un primer momento, aborda, la problemática epistemológica, que conlleva la definición de" Movimientos Sociales"; las perspectivas de autores que han ahondado en la temática: su surgimiento, evolución histórica e interpretaciones que de diversos estudios han abordado, tanto en occidente como en los países subdesarrollados.Así mismo presenta una panorámica teórica, interpretativa de la escencia de la misma en diferentes épocas y latitudes y los elementos constitutivos de los Movimientos Sociales.Especial atención presto al desarrollo en América Latina de la acción colectiva desde los tiempos de la Colonia Española hasta nuestros días y la relación de los Movimientos Sociales con el devenir político.Finalmente, concluye con la realidad nicaragüense, sobre este fenómeno y su acción cotidiana, su hoy y su futuro.

The main goal of the article is to identify the role of social and political movements and non-political forms of participating within a democratic system. Albania as a young democracy had been under organizational fragmentation. Albania has a stable political party system, but its society faces a chaotic development towards the democratization process. In this paper the main aim is to explain the role of social cleavages and social movements in a young democracy like Albania. The relationship between social movements and the political party system will be viewed from two perspectives: a) the relative openness or closure of the institutionalized political system; and b) how non-conventional forms of participation, such as a protest, can be part of policy-making. The paper is structured into two main parts, the first one deals with the theoretical approaches towards social movements and social cleavages and the second one relates to the Albanian perspective and its socio-political background.