Suchergebnisse

Hungary became a democracy and market economy in 1989–1990. As a result of the transition process, new ideas and solutions were adapted to the various problems of public policy. This paper analyzes the policy and political learning processes of Hungarian health policy within an advocacy coalition framework. We focus on a case study of health resource allocation reforms, and use it as a proxy for wider health policy analysis, given the pivotal importance of this field in health policy reforms, particularly at the beginning of the period observed. When defining the right principles and solutions, it appears stakeholders were influenced to a large degree by trial‐and‐error learning processes: this may be at least partially attributable to the technical nature of the policy problems.

Поведен анализ факторов, влияющих на дальнейшее развитие сетей связи в России. Рассмотрен ряд аспектов процесса модернизации сетей связи и внедрения новых технологий, организационно-правовые и технические условия, необходимых для массового перехода к сетям связи новых поколений. Определены задачи дальнейшего развития отрасли связи и предложены пути их решения, основывающиеся на особенностях существующих экономических и политических условий.An analysis of the factors influencing the further development of communication networks in Russia is performed. Several aspects of further modernization of communication networks and new technologies implementation are reviewed. Organizational, legal and technical conditions which are necessary for the widespread transition to next-generation communication networks have been analyzed. The paper defines primary tasks and solutions of improving telecom networks based on specific economic and political conditions.

The state fancied by Taras Shevchenko is the product of individual fate and romantic frame of mind which reigned on European grounds in the transition period of the 18 –19th centuries. Shevchenko's poetic reconstructions of the national ideal are the bright synthesis of a historical case and prophetic proposition. His own image is an important state-making dimension. It is the subject of creative ability of the individual to symbolic self-creation and self-reproduction. The fight for history, control of history is a part of the fight for the national identity as historical collectiveness. That is the way of transformation of the pragmatic will to faith to the will to identity. The historical intellect turns into political intellect, the fancied state being its most efficient form ; ***

This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.

Abstract
Space has often been relegated to time in contemporary Spanish Peninsular studies, where the issues of memory and the past have surfaced as a primary political and aesthetic concern in recent criticism. Writing both against and within this grain, monographs by Ann Davies, Nathan Richardson, Stephen Vilaseca and Lorraine Ryan underline the importance of space and spatiality in conceptualizing contemporary Spain. Through a multifaceted examination of literature, cinema, and visual arts, these scholars trace the development of the nation through the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, from the Civil War to the destape, and from the transition to the economic crisis of 2008. While not the earliest works on Spanish urban cultural studies, these texts do serve as a strong foundation for any future work in the area.

After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey's accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities' rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament's role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

Social media has traditionally been unequivocally seen as facilitating democratic transitions and challenging the power of autocratic regimes. Some most recent research, however, contradicts this established narrative, and as a result, this article first aims to show that social media does not have intrinsic political qualities of its own. Rather, they are contingent upon the offline conditions and the actors who use social media. Then, building on the contingent nature of this media, the author aims to show how social cyberspace enables a new kind of influence operations that can be carried out instantly, globally, and with the help of the victims themselves (referred to as 'sofa warriors'). Finally, the conflict in Ukraine is presented as an example of how social media influence campaigns can be employed in hybrid warfare.

Social media has traditionally been unequivocally seen as facilitating democratic transitions and challenging the power of autocratic regimes. Some most recent research, however, contradicts this established narrative, and as a result, this article first aims to show that social media does not have intrinsic political qualities of its own. Rather, they are contingent upon the offline conditions and the actors who use social media. Then, building on the contingent nature of this media, the author aims to show how social cyberspace enables a new kind of influence operations that can be carried out instantly, globally, and with the help of the victims themselves (referred to as 'sofa warriors'). Finally, the conflict in Ukraine is presented as an example of how social media influence campaigns can be employed in hybrid warfare.

В статье рассматриваются процессы трансформации, которые происходят с демократией при переходе западного общества к состоянию постмодерна. Выделяется новая особенность демократии, такая как власть меньшинств, которая приводит к изменению социального поля и трансформирует политические институты. Исследуется влияние процесса демассификации общества на существующую систему выборов. Описываются концепции «новой демократии» постмодерна. ; The article considers the processes of transformation, which happen with the democracy in transition of the western society to the state of postmodernity. The author considers such a new feature of democracy as the authority of minorities, which transforms political institutions and leads to the change of social field. The paper studies the impact of the process of society demassification on the existing system of elections. The conceptions of "new democracy" of postmodernity are described.

Social media has traditionally been unequivocally seen as facilitating democratic transitions and challenging the power of autocratic regimes. Some most recent research, however, contradicts this established narrative, and as a result, this article first aims to show that social media does not have intrinsic political qualities of its own. Rather, they are contingent upon the offline conditions and the actors who use social media. Then, building on the contingent nature of this media, the author aims to show how social cyberspace enables a new kind of influence operations that can be carried out instantly, globally, and with the help of the victims themselves (referred to as 'sofa warriors'). Finally, the conflict in Ukraine is presented as an example of how social media influence campaigns can be employed in hybrid warfare.

The main goal of this paper is to provide a descriptive analytical overview of the existing evolution of the Slovenian parliamentary arena since its transition to democracy and independence. The paper is divided into two main parts: (1) an overview of a normative insight into the parliamentary and party system, and (2) an analytical assessment of the structure of the parliamentary arena as it is reflected in electoral and parties' choices and policy preferences. A look at the contemporary democratic parliamentary arena in Slovenia shows that it, in itself, has been quite stable, while, on the contrary, its main integral parts – political parties – have gradually become less stable and less predictable, especially in the second decade of democracy, which can potentially influence the future stability of parliamentary arena, too.

This article examines sacrifice in a post-Mandela South Africa. Twenty years since the fall of apartheid, South Africa remains one of the world's most unequal societies. From street protests to labor strikes to xenophobic pogroms, dissatisfaction with current socio-economic conditions is being expressed through urban unrest, particularly in townships and shack settlements. This article analyzes an emerging idiom of "sacrifice" among youth activists in response to deaths and injuries sustained during recent street protests. I argue that this idiom draws from understandings of liberation and liberalization , from popular imaginaries of the anti-apartheid struggle, and from processes associated with South Africa's democratic transition. Broadly, I suggest that sacrifice under liberalism reveals the blurring boundaries between "the gift" and "the market" in political life.

Different countries have introduced different schemes and policies to counter global warming. The rationale behind the proposed policies and the potential barriers to successful implementation of the policies adopted by the countries were analyzed and estimated based on different models. It is argued that these models enhance the transparency and provide a better understanding to the policy makers. However, these models are underpinned with several structural and baseline assumptions. These assumptions, modeling features and future prediction of emission reductions and other implication such as cost and benefits of a transition to a low-carbon economy and its economy wide impacts were discussed. On the other hand, there are potential barriers in the form political, financial, and cultural and many others that pose a threat to the mitigation options.

This article examines adaptation to democracy among immigrants who leave authoritarian regimes to settle in Australia. Two questions are addressed. First, do immigrants from authoritarian regimes successfully adapt to democracy, in terms of both supporting democracy and participating in the electoral process? And second, does the pre-migration socialization in authoritarian regimes influence immigrants' democratic transition? Using the 2004 Australian Election Study and the Australian section of the 2005 World Values Survey, the findings indicate that if immigrants from authoritarian regimes lag behind the rest of the population in terms of support for democracy, they tend to participate at least as much as the rest of the population in electoral activities. Overall, the study highlights both the persistence of and the change in immigrants' pre-migration political orientations.

The notion of 'conflict' in contemporary art in BiH is multi-faceted. The artistic processing of the catastrophic legacy of the 1992-95 war of ethnic aggression is still ongoing; internationally, the works of artists such as Sejla Kameri{acute}c, and Neboj{caron}sa Seri{acute}c-{caron}Soba, are perhaps the best known pieces of contemporary art made in BiH. But, as we shall see in this essay, notions of post conflict and transition in the contemporary art world require a breadth of vision at once more detailed, and subtler, to process fully. 'Conflict' is about so much more than the events of 1992-95; presently, it stands as much for a conflict between the artistic community, and a political class utterly indifferent and ignorant to its potential value.