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Abstract.  In this paper we examine the determinants of the allocation of Canadian bilateral aid over the period 1984–2000. We draw on models of donor behaviour that allow us to incorporate humanitarian, commercial and political considerations – the 'trinity of mixed motives'– that affect Canadian aid. We find that allocations are moderately altruistic. Recipient country human rights and membership in the Commonwealth and La Francophonie also affect aid flows. Most strikingly, our results suggest that Canadian aid flows became less altruistic over this period and commercial motives became increasingly important. JEL Classification: H50, O10

This article examines the process of rural democratisation in Colombia. The peasants' struggles are interpreted as a challenge to clientelism and as a bias for the extension of political citizenship. Their democratic potential, however, is restricted

The concept of green growth implies that a wide range of developmental objectives, such as job creation, economic prosperity and poverty alleviation, can be easily reconciled with environmental sustainability. This study, however, argues that rather than being win-win, green growth is similar to most types of policy reforms that advocate the acceptance of short-term adjustment costs in the expectation of long-term gains. In particular, green growth policies often encourage developing countries to redesign their national strategies in ways that might be inconsistent with natural comparative advantages and past investments. In turn, there are often sizeable anti-reform coalitions whose interests may conflict with a green growth agenda. We illustrate this argument using case studies of Malawi, Mozambique, and South Africa, which are engaged in development strategies that involve inorganic fertilizers, biofuels production, and coal-based energy, respectively. Each of these countries is pursuing an environmentally suboptimal strategy but nonetheless addressing critical development needs, including food security, fuel, and electricity. We show that adopting a green growth approach would not only be economically costly but also generate substantial domestic resistance, especially amongst the poor.

A standard problem in empirical inquiry is how to adjudicate between contending theories when they work from different fundamental assumptions. In the field of political sociology, several strategies are adopted, from metatheoretical and comparative historical approaches to the recent formal models of scientific growth proposed by Imre Lakatos and Larry Laudan. After considering the limitations of these approaches, I develop an alternative strategy—"second—order empiricism"—based on the idea that successor theories have an onus to explain the apparent success of their rivals, not only their own and their rivals' anomalies. Such a strategy, I argue, underscores some of the most effective analysis and argument in political sociology, yet is obscured by the appeal to other methodologies.

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Time Line -- Introduction: Two Moms -- 1. A Brief History to 1900 -- Find Aquarius -- Write a Free Verse Poem -- Invent a Secret Language -- 2. The Birth of a Movement, 1900-1930s -- Singing the Blues -- 3. In the Shadows, 1940s-1950s -- Make Up a Song Parody -- Form a Club -- Conduct an Inkblot Test -- Learn "The Madison" Line Dance -- 4. Out of the Closets, 1960s -- Make a Button -- Build a Teleidoscope -- 5. Into the Streets, 1970s -- Symbolize This -- Design a Flag -- 6. AIDS and a Conservative Backlash, 1980s -- The High Five -- Go on a Ribbon Hunt -- Remember a Loved One with a Quilt Panel -- 7. Setbacks and Victories, 1990s -- Boycott -- Read a Banned Book -- Try A Day With(out) Art -- Perform a Monologue from The Laramie Project -- 8. Things Get Better, 2000-Present -- "Vote" on a Proposition -- Stop the Bullying -- Afterword: Everyday Heroes -- Acknowledgments -- Resources -- Notes -- Index -- Back Cover.

In modern conditions of the development of public relations and political life, criminal activity in Ukraine is changing and transforming. In such transformational conditions, the commission of political crimes by members of informal youth groups is becoming more widespread. Given the above, the need to analyze political crimes committed by members of informal youth groups, methods, and means of combating such crimes, including foreign positive experience, becomes especially relevant. The work aims to analyze the means and methods of combating political crimes committed by members of such groups. The object of the research is the fight against political crimes committed by members of informal youth groups. The subject of the study is the social relations that arise, change, and end during the fight against political crimes committed by members of these groups. The research methodology is a set of different scientific methods, including observation, analysis, synthesis, extrapolation, generalization, comparison, dialectical method. The empirical basis of the study was the materials of the investigation of crimes committed by members of informal youth groups. As a result of the study, some issues of combating political crimes committed by members of informal youth groups were considered. Three main reasons for the participation of informal youth groups in political confrontations are highlighted, and certain issues of investigation of this type of criminal activity are considered.

Recent years have witnessed an expanding body of peri-urban and urban scholarship. However, recent scholarship has yet to adequately address the central role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. Thearticle focuses on the trans-Hindon region which is part of Ghaziabad city, close to India's capital, Delhi. We draw upon urban political ecology and peri-urban scholarship to explain the role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. We argue in favour of creating stronger synergy between peri-urban and UPE debates as part of conceptualizing water quality decline. The article shows that as a complex socio-political challenge, water quality decline is centrally shaped by the intensifying linkages between urban and peri-urban forms of development and as a result deserves central attention as part of both these debates. ; publishedVersion

Recent years have witnessed an expanding body of peri-urban and urban scholarship. However, recent scholarship has yet to adequately address the central role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. The article focuses on the trans-Hindon region which is part of Ghaziabad city, close to India's capital, Delhi. We draw upon urban political ecology and peri-urban scholarship to explain the role of politics and power shaping water quality decline. We argue in favour of creating stronger synergy between peri-urban and UPE debates as part of conceptualizing water quality decline. The article shows that as a complex socio-political challenge, water quality decline is centrally shaped by the intensifying linkages between urban and peri-urban forms of development and as a result deserves central attention as part of both these debates.