Suchergebnisse

SOCIAL SCIENTISTS DO NOT HAVE A GOOD THEORY OF POLITICAL DECISION MAKING. THE AUTHOR, IN THIS ESSAY-REVIEW OF FOUR WORKS STUDYING STATESMANSHIP, FOREIGN RELATIONS, DIPLOMACY, AND AGGRESSION AND HISTORY, INVESTIGATES THE PROBLEM OF UNDERSTANDING DECISION MAKING. HE DISCUSSES IN DETAIL THE QUESTION: ARE BELIEFS, VALUES, AND CALCULATIONS AUTONOMOUS? HE SAYS CONCLUSIONS ARE EXPLAINED MOST BY BELIEFS.

Charting the progression from the preoccupation with the boundaries of the modern state, through to the current debates on rights, identity and justice; the three sections of the book enable the ideas of significant political thinkers to unfold through a telling of the key political events that gave a social context for their thought: Section I: The Inter-War Debate: Weber, Gramsci and Schmitt Section II: Post-War Debates: Arendt, Oakeshott, De Beauvoir and Adorno Section III: Contemporary Debates: Rawls, Nozick, Kymlicka and Foucault Written in an accessible and concise format, features include: 'rewind' and 'fast-forward' indicators to easily guide students around the text discussion points, revision notes and further reading in each chapter informative text boxes to highlight key concepts, people and events. By exploring an often ignored relationship in political thought, the influence of thought upon historical change and the influence of historical change upon theory, this text delivers new and exciting angles from which to approach politics today. Contemporary Political Theorists in Context is essential reading for all students of social and political theory.

Die Autorin hebt mit der kritischen Feststellung an: "With few exceptions, thinking (usually equated with philosophy) and politics (derogatorily associated with power and opinion) have been judged antiethetical.". Ihre Frage lautet: "These assumptions both impoverish thinking and consign politics to the thoughtless exercise of power. Reading Friedrich Nietzsche and Hannah Arendt together, I challenge these views and offer another perspective on political theorizing." Das Ergebnis läuft auf ein notwendiges dialektisches Ergänzungsverhältnis hinaus. "The will-to-power embodied in our words and deeds may so harm others as to threaten to obliterate the differentiating view they have - one among the plurality that the constitution of political commonality requires. The existence of political spaces that foster the distinct views engendered by my location in the world - and thus the maintenance of that location - calls for the perspective of 'others'. Without their views, the uniqueness of my own views will not appear. Unable to discern the particularities of my own body and location, I will be unable to constitute political spaces with others where my perspectives - and the location from which they emerge - can be revealed and sustained, if transfigured." (AuD-Narr)

Despite attempts over the last decade to bring an end to what has become an 'arms race' between political parties, party funding in the UK continues to defy resolution. Drawing on the experience of the committee charged by the last Labour administration to put party funding and electoral spending on a more sustainable footing, this article examines the issues and the main sticking points. It outlines the basis on which the negotiations were undertaken, and the main hurdles they sought to overcome. It highlights the disagreement between the parties on the definition of the central issue, the problems associated with the main funding sources for each of the parties, and the viability of state funding. It discusses why success proved elusive, but also why a solution is necessary, since in the absence of robust rules, parties and therefore the UK political system more broadly, are 'a hostage to the next scandal'.

Defence date: 28 January 2019 ; Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Ichino, EUI, Supervisor; Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, EUI; Prof. Selim Güleşçi, Università Bocconi; Prof. Stefano Gagliarducci, Università di Roma Tor Vergata. ; This thesis is a collection of independent empirical essays on gender and political economy. The first chapter investigates the effect of a pro-Islamist local government on female employment, using a unique dataset of civil servants in Turkish municipalities. Exploiting quasirandom variation in contested local elections and the time variation in the repeal of the headscarf ban, I establish two results. First, an Islamist mayor employs a lower share of females when religious women are denied jobs. Second, an Islamist mayor does not recruit females differently than a secular mayor, when institutions allow religious females to work. The proposed mechanism is the Islamist mayors' preference for religious female employees, rather than intrinsic gender bias. The second chapter, co-authored with Marco Francesconi and Astrid Kunze, investigates labor demand effects of the extension of parental leave duration in Norway. We focus on whether and how firms adjust the gender composition of their workforce when the opportunity costs of certain types of workers rise. Using rich employer-employee data, we uncover that firms substitute potential mothers and fathers with older workers. Our results demonstrate potentially undesirable consequences of parental leave for women, even when some leave is provided for men. In the third chapter, co-authored with Fatih Serkant Adıg¨uzel and Aslı Cansunar, we consider the extent to which the geography of healthcare provision is effective in buying electoral votes. We construct a unique database of free primary healthcare clinics in Istanbul, Turkey. We estimate that a ten-minute decrease in walking time to the nearest clinic increases support for the incumbent party by 6 percentage points in local elections. While low-educated voters only care about visibility, highly-educated voters only value quality of healthcare. We argue that the spatial distribution of public service provision captures the information available to voters, which in turn, influences political outcomes. ; --1 Headscarves and Female Employment --2 Parental Leave from the Firm's Perspective (Chapter 2: co-authored Marco Francesconi and Astrid Kunze) --3 Out of Sight, Out of Mind? Proximity to Health Care and Electoral Outcomes (Chapter 3: co-authored Serkant Adıgüzel and Aslı Cansunar) --A Appendix

Contemporary political philosophers disagree about whether theories of justice should be utopian or realistic. Contributors to this volume largely deny that the choice between realism and idealism is binary. Their contributions represent a continuum between realism and idealism that best represents the contemporary state of the debate.

Contemporary political philosophers disagree about whether theories of justice should be utopian or realistic. Contributors to this volume largely deny that the choice between realism and idealism is binary. Their contributions represent a continuum between realism and idealism that best represents the contemporary state of the debate

AbstractIn the literature on refugees, scholars generally focus on obligations that states have toward refugees, but do not address obligations refugees themselves bear to their new countries. While this situation has been remedied to some extent in recent literature, scholars have not provided an adequate explanation why these obligations hold. We explore the moral basis of refugees' obligations, with special attention to the need to extend traditional principles of political obligation to address it. We consider two categories of refugees. Obligations of "settled refugees," who attempt to integrate into new societies, are largely encompassed by traditional Westphalian norms of state–citizen relationships and grounded in consent and fair play. Refugees in camps exist farther outside of the traditional Westphalian categories. Most notable for them are divided political obligations—stemming from the divided nature of camp governance—grounded mainly by principles of fair play and natural duties of justice.

ObjectiveThis study investigates the security implications of growing orphan populations, particularly in Sub‐Saharan Africa. Little has been written about the security implications of this especially vulnerable group of children. Are growing orphan populations associated with increases in political instability as has been suggested?MethodUsing data from several sources, we employ regression analysis to test whether Sub‐Saharan African countries with larger proportions of orphans and those with increasing orphan populations experience higher rates of political instability.ResultsWe find that the increase in the orphan population is related to an increasing incidence of civil conflict, but do not find a similar relationship for the proportion of orphans. In addition, we find that the causes of orphanhood matter.ConclusionsWe conclude that increases in orphan populations (rather than simple proportions) are destabilizing. We suggest possible avenues for mediating the security risks posed by growing orphan populations.

AbstractMr. Dobel is right—as a society we act as if the war in Vietnam was just a nasty little mistake. This not only excuses those who, for a variety of good and evil reasons, unwarrantedly perpetuated that war; but, more important, it dishonors those who conscientiously served there and those who conscientiously refused to serve there. If there is any forgiving to be done, people in those two groups must lead the way; they alone know what such forgiveness might mean.Mr. Dobel is also right in stating that Vietnam continues to lie uneasily on our national conscience. Our inability to explain why we were in Vietnam and why we stayed there indicates the moral limits of our political self-understanding. We simply lack the moral means to recognize and understand what we did there. But then it would be a mistake to single out Vietnam—have we recognized or understood any better what we did to the Indians or that we were a slave nation?