Suchergebnisse

Qualitative analysis of China's behavior in five situations of international conflict suggests several important similarities in the structure and sequence of Peking's actions. These similarities imply the existence of a relatively stable and coherent strategy of conflict management, and provide a basis for inferring the nature of this strategy. As a result of China's strategic vulnerability, this strategy places a major emphasis on engaging in confrontations with stronger adversaries only under carefully controlled conditions, and on manipulating the "incidental" aspects of these confrontations (e.g., time, place, target, and scale of confrontation) to Peking's advantage. Peking's relative success in applying this strategy is assessed in terms of the "coercive diplomacy" model discussed by Alexander Georgeet al.This assessment identifies areas of strength and weakness in the Chinese approach to conflict management.

Why do states ratify international treaties? While previous research has emphasized domestic political factors, we focus on power politics in situations in which powerful states disagree on the merits of a treaty. We argue that states supporting the status quo should discourage third parties from ratifying the treaty, whereas challenger states should entice them to do so. Based on this theory, we expect third parties' ratification decisions to be influenced by their dependence on the conflicting states. To test the theory, we use data on the conflict between the United States and the European Union over the regulation of trade in genetically modified organisms. The European Union created a new treaty, the Cartagena Protocol, to enhance biosafety regulation and propagate the "precautionary principle" over the "sound science principle" defended by the United States. Our quantitative analysis shows that ratification decisions of third parties were influenced by relations to and dependence on the clashing giants. Adapted from the source document.

The "four-day war" in Karabakh in April 2016 was the result of a surprise attack by the Azerbaijani army. The fighting revealed that the military equilibrium has largely been maintained in spite of the massive military expenditure by Azerbaijan under Ilham Aliyev. The eruption of violence signals the end of the 1994 cease-fire and raises the question of whether it will lead to a new cycle of violence or stimulate diplomatic initiatives.

A review essay on 7 books addressing the conflict in Kashmir. A mass-based nationalist movement occurred in 1989 in the Kashmir Valley, accompanied by political insurgency headed by the secular Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front demanding independence & union of the Indian & Pakistan sides of Kashmir, & the irredentist groups headed by the Islamic Hizbul Mujahideen demanding unification with Pakistan. Both India & Pakistan have espoused irreconcilable positions on the issue. While Pakistan considers Kashmir a disputed territory, India deems it an integral part of India. A range of multilateral & bilateral solutions are explored, & major events & active key players in Kashmir politics & in the secessionist movement are considered. Contemporary political history of the region is organized in chronological order. The lack of solid political institutions, capable of providing outlets to the dissident population, has been largely responsible for the rise of militancy toward the cause of secession of Jammu & Kashmir from the Indian state. The lack of economic development rather than its excess bred political instability. Among scholars studying Kashmir's secession movement the general consensus is that a resolution of the present crisis will eventually have to entail some sort of autonomy for the state of Jammu & Kashmir. E. Sanchez

For most of the 20th century, the discipline of international relations largely ignored migration. Although recent work has made important contributions, a number of gaps remain, as the emerging literature tends to examine national security, international migration, forced migration, and developed countries, without exploring internal conflict, internal migration, voluntary migration, and developing countries. This article examines the enduring gaps in the literature on migration in international relations. It uses the concept of "sons of the soil" conflicts and the illustrative example of Côte d'Ivoire to highlight these overlooked dimensions. This serves to underscore the need for a new research agenda on migration in international relations.

On December 5, 1981, the Central Committee of the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP), the organizational matrix of the Hanoi-imposed and -supported People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) headed by President Heng Samrin, announced at the close of its "second ordinary meeting" held in Phnom Penh, that Pen Sovan, the KPRP's secretary general and chairman (i.e. premier) of the Republic's Council of Ministers, had "been permitted to take a long rest in order to cure himself from illness." Though subsequently PRK diplomats affirmed that Sovan really was "seriously ill," allegedly suffering from heart and nervous system ailments, informed sources agreed that Sovan's resignation had been forced and reflected a power struggle within the KPRP and PRK leadership. Indeed, by March, 1982, diplomatic observers in Bangkok believed Sovan to be in Hanoi, being held under house arrest. Sovan was said to have run afoul of his avowedly pro-Moscow political orientation which increasingly had begun to irk the Vietnamese. The latter maintain a 200,000-man military force in that part of Kampuchean territory that is under the PRK's control, and an estimated 5,000 civilian Vietnamese officials and party cadres "assist" and "advise" in the day-to-day operations of the PRK government.