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Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 40-07, page: . Thesis (M.A.)--University of Windsor (Canada), 1984.

The income gradient in political participation is a widely accepted stylized fact. This article asks how income effects on political involvement unfold over time. Using nine panel datasets from six countries, it analyzes whether income changes have short-term effects on political involvement, whether effects vary across the life-cycle, and whether parental income has an independent influence. Irrespective of indicator, specification, and method (hybrid models, inclusion of lags and leads, error-correction models), we find neither significant short-term effects of income changes nor life-cycle variation in these effects. However, parental income does seem to affect political socialization. Descriptive evidence and latent-growth-curve modeling based on household panels show that participatory inequality by parental income is already large before voting age. Poorer voters do not catch up with their richer peers in their twenties. This implies an urgent need for research on (political) inequality in youth and childhood.

This article investigates the effects of social trust, both direct and mediated – via internal and external efficacy – on different forms of political participation in post-communist Lithuania. The relationship between social trust and participation features prominently in the social capital and civic culture literature, but little empirical evidence exists that supports it, especially in post-communist democracies. We use the Lithuanian National Elections Study 2012 to test our hypotheses and replicate our analysis with the European Social Survey waves of 2014 and 2016. Our results show that social trust increases turnout, because it is related to a sense of external efficacy, which in turn enhances the likelihood that people vote. There is, however, no association between social trust and being involved in other institutionalised politics, namely, working for a political party. Interestingly, we find a positive indirect effect for non-institutionalised political participation: social trust increases external efficacy, which in turn enhances protest behaviour. Overall, however, social trust does not lead to more protesting, because the former is at the same time positively related to political trust, which seems to decrease, rather than increase non-institutionalised participation. In sum, our findings demonstrate that explanations for political participation based on the core element of social capital – social trust – work out differently for different forms of political participation.

Social norms are thought to motivate behaviors like political participation, but context should influence both the content and activation of these norms. I show that both race and neighborhood context moderate the social value of political participation in the United States. Using original survey data and a survey experiment, I find that Whites, Blacks, and Latinos not only conceptualize participation differently, but also asymmetrically reward those who are politically active, with minority Americans often providing more social incentives for participation than Whites. I combine this survey data with geographic demography from the American Community Survey and find that neighborhood characteristics outpace individual-level indicators in predicting the social value of political participation. The findings suggest that scholars of political behavior should consider race, place, and social norms when seeking to understand participation in an increasingly diverse America.

Music and politics have long been connected. One of the most recent examples was Live 8 in July 2005, when a series of concerts was used to put pressure on G8 leaders to change their policy on third world debt. While the connection is often observed, it is rarely analysed in any detail. This article is an attempt to provide some of that detail. It begins by asking whether participating in music can also mean participating in politics. It goes on to explore the conditions that are necessary for this conjunction of politics and music. It does this by comparing two UK examples of music-based political movements, Jubilee 2000 (which culminated in Live 8) and Rock Against Racism. It ends by arguing that the link between politics and music has to be understood along three dimensions: the organisation of the link, its legitimation and its cultural performance.

Modern democratic polity is essentially grounded on participation of citizens in public decision making process. The focus of this study was the impact of social environment on political participation. The method of study was survey sample data analysis. The results of analysis reflect relationship between number of people whom respondent discuss about political and societal matters and political participation. Data analysis confirms an assumption that social environment has an impact on political behaviour, i.e. in some cases social environment could encourage low status group political participation or discourage high status group political participation.

AbstractObjectiveCitizens use nonelectoral means of political participation along with electoral ones. However, we expect that engaging in nonelectoral political participation (NEPP) is quite dependent on the legitimacy of the state and its institutions, as well as the regime type. This article explores the relationship between NEPP and political trust (PT), which can indicate the legitimacy of such institutions.MethodWe utilize the seventh wave of World Values Survey to test such relationships in countries classified as democratic and nondemocratic following the Freedom in the World Index. We hypothesize that in democratic countries there is an inverted U‐shaped curvilinear relationship between PT and NEPP. We also hypothesize that there would be a negative relationship between PT and NEPP in nondemocratic countries.ResultThe analysis of the data confirms the first hypothesis, which is our main contribution. We also found that the negative relationship in the second hypothesis exists and is linear.ConclusionsThe findings indicate that respondents in each set of countries interpret trust and participation differently. In democracies, citizens engage in NEPP when they have a medium level of trust in political institutions, and in other regimes, citizens take that risk only when their mistrust of the institutions of the regime falls below a certain level.

Political interest is a potentially important moderator of the relationship between digital media use and traditional forms of political participation. We theorize that the interaction between interest and digital media can be either positive or negative, depending on whether the action is voting, an elite-directed act, or a self-directed act. To test our expectation, we use British Election Studies data from 2001, 2005, and 2010. We find that digital media use is positively and consistently associated with political talk for those lower in political interest. For voting, we find a similar relationship that appears to be strengthening over time. For the elite-directed acts of donating money and working for a party, we find a highly variable moderating effect of political interest that can be positive, negative, or nonexistent.

Seeking answers as to why youngsters differ from their parents when it comes to turning out to vote, this title challenges conventional wisdom that the youth is plagued by a severe case of political apathy. It concludes that, while older citizens participate by voting, youngsters engage by being active in their communities

This article examines how politicians' conflict framing strategies in online campaign advertisements affect citizens' political participation in a multi-party context. We rely on a unique combination of innovative research methods to do so, including a four-wave panel survey, a content analysis of Facebook browser-tracking data and a mobile experience sampling survey with data donations. All data were collected during the 2021 Dutch general elections. We find that conflict framing can discourage citizens from engaging in low-effort forms of political participation, such as discussing politics, signing a petition and visiting political websites. The results show that conflict frames can demobilize citizens because they lower enthusiasm and are perceived as less informative. Our study provides insights into the potential unintended consequences of using conflict framing as a campaign strategy in a multi-party setting.

Introduction / Deen K. Chatterjee -- Democracy and globalization -- Development ethics, democracy, and globalization / David A. Crocker -- Negotiating the global and the local : situating transnational democracy and human rights / Carol C. Gould -- Autonomy, diversity, and universal human rights -- Relativism, self-determination, and human rights / James Nickel and David Reidy -- Constitutions and capabilities / Martha C. Nussbaum -- Nationalism and global democracy -- The varieties of nationalism / Andrew Oldenquist -- Global democracy : international, not cosmopolitan / Kok-Chor Tan -- Global public and the new world order -- Rawls' law of peoples and the new world order / William McBride -- The global public and its problems / Frank Cunningham