Suchergebnisse

У даній статті проаналізовано сучасний стан співробітництва України з ЄС та проблемні питання української євроінтеграції. У роботі застосовано наступні методи дослідження: опис, аналіз, порівняння, синтез, аналогія. Визначено, що основним напрямком економічної політики України є євроінтеграція, а головним стратегічним партнером – ЄС. Розглянуто причини занадто повільного прогресу у відносинах України з Європейським Союзом. Проведено всебічний аналіз чинного реформування та його результатів. Доведено, що орієнтир держави на євроінтеграцію впливає абсолютно на всі без виключення сфери діяльності України і, як наслідок, всі вони мають бути реформовані у відповідності до європейських норм і стандартів. Проаналізовано негативні наслідки та позитивні зрушення після запровадження нових реформ і законів. Визначено основні кроки у подоланні проблемних питань співпраці України з ЄС. Розглянуто поняття корупції, вплив економічних та судово-правових реформ та поняття енергонезалежності як основних факторів проблематики української євроінтеграції. Наведено ряд практичних рекомендацій з приводу ефективнішої співпраці України з Європейським Союзом. ; The article analyzes the current state of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU and the issues of Ukrainian European integration. The following research methods were used in the work: description, analysis, comparison, synthesis, analogy. It is determined that the main direction of economic policy of Ukraine is Eurointegration, and the main strategic partner is the EU. The reasons for the slow progress in Ukraine's relations with the European Union are considered. A comprehensive analysis of current reform and its results was carried out. It is proved that the landmark of the state on European integration affects absolutely on all without exception of the sphere of activity of Ukraine, and consequently, all of them should be reformed in accordance with European norms and standards. The negative consequences and positive changes after the introduction of new reforms and laws are analyzed. The main steps are taken in overcoming the problematic issues of Ukraine's cooperation with the EU. The concept of corruption, the influence of economic and judicial-legal reforms and the concept of energy independence as the main factors of the problems of Ukrainian European integration are considered. A number of practical recommendations concerning the more effective cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union are presented. ; В данной статье проанализировано современное состояние сотрудничества Украины с ЕС и проблемные вопросы украинской евроинтеграции. В работе применены следующие методы исследования: описание, анализ, сравнение, синтез, аналогия. Определено, что основным направлением экономической политики Украины является евроинтеграция, а главным стратегическим партнером - ЕС. Рассмотрены причины слишком медленного прогресса в отношениях Украины с Европейским Союзом. Проведен всесторонний анализ действующего реформирования и его результатов. Доказано, что ориентир государства на евроинтеграцию влияет абсолютно на все без исключения сферы деятельности Украины и, как следствие, все они должны быть реформированы в соответствии с европейскими нормами и стандартами. Проанализированы негативные последствия и положительные сдвиги после введения новых реформ и законов. Определены основные шаги в преодолении проблемных вопросов сотрудничества Украины с ЕС. Рассмотрены понятия коррупции, влияние экономических и судебно-правовых реформ и понятие энергонезависимости как основных факторов проблематики украинской евроинтеграции. Приведен ряд практических рекомендаций по поводу эффективного сотрудничества Украины с Европейским Союзом.

У даній статті проаналізовано сучасний стан співробітництва України з ЄС та проблемні питання української євроінтеграції. У роботі застосовано наступні методи дослідження: опис, аналіз, порівняння, синтез, аналогія. Визначено, що основним напрямком економічної політики України є євроінтеграція, а головним стратегічним партнером – ЄС. Розглянуто причини занадто повільного прогресу у відносинах України з Європейським Союзом. Проведено всебічний аналіз чинного реформування та його результатів. Доведено, що орієнтир держави на євроінтеграцію впливає абсолютно на всі без виключення сфери діяльності України і, як наслідок, всі вони мають бути реформовані у відповідності до європейських норм і стандартів. Проаналізовано негативні наслідки та позитивні зрушення після запровадження нових реформ і законів. Визначено основні кроки у подоланні проблемних питань співпраці України з ЄС. Розглянуто поняття корупції, вплив економічних та судово-правових реформ та поняття енергонезалежності як основних факторів проблематики української євроінтеграції. Наведено ряд практичних рекомендацій з приводу ефективнішої співпраці України з Європейським Союзом. ; The article analyzes the current state of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU and the issues of Ukrainian European integration. The following research methods were used in the work: description, analysis, comparison, synthesis, analogy. It is determined that the main direction of economic policy of Ukraine is Eurointegration, and the main strategic partner is the EU. The reasons for the slow progress in Ukraine's relations with the European Union are considered. A comprehensive analysis of current reform and its results was carried out. It is proved that the landmark of the state on European integration affects absolutely on all without exception of the sphere of activity of Ukraine, and consequently, all of them should be reformed in accordance with European norms and standards. The negative consequences and positive changes after the introduction of new reforms and laws are analyzed. The main steps are taken in overcoming the problematic issues of Ukraine's cooperation with the EU. The concept of corruption, the influence of economic and judicial-legal reforms and the concept of energy independence as the main factors of the problems of Ukrainian European integration are considered. A number of practical recommendations concerning the more effective cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union are presented. ; В данной статье проанализировано современное состояние сотрудничества Украины с ЕС и проблемные вопросы украинской евроинтеграции. В работе применены следующие методы исследования: описание, анализ, сравнение, синтез, аналогия. Определено, что основным направлением экономической политики Украины является евроинтеграция, а главным стратегическим партнером - ЕС. Рассмотрены причины слишком медленного прогресса в отношениях Украины с Европейским Союзом. Проведен всесторонний анализ действующего реформирования и его результатов. Доказано, что ориентир государства на евроинтеграцию влияет абсолютно на все без исключения сферы деятельности Украины и, как следствие, все они должны быть реформированы в соответствии с европейскими нормами и стандартами. Проанализированы негативные последствия и положительные сдвиги после введения новых реформ и законов. Определены основные шаги в преодолении проблемных вопросов сотрудничества Украины с ЕС. Рассмотрены понятия коррупции, влияние экономических и судебно-правовых реформ и понятие энергонезависимости как основных факторов проблематики украинской евроинтеграции. Приведен ряд практических рекомендаций по поводу эффективного сотрудничества Украины с Европейским Союзом.

The purpose of our research is to acknowledge that the link between the Security Council and international criminal jurisdictions is to be understood essentially under two entirely new perspectives in international law: the direct or indirect involvement of the Security Council in the creation of jurisdictional bodies and its intrusion in the operating procedures of the latter. Legally, the Security Council fully exercises this double role in accordance with Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations, which devolves to it the main responsibility in the matter of maintaining peace and international security. Indeed, the Security Council, whether it is in the creation of ICCs, in its variable role in the setting up of mixed courts, in its power of submission and suspension of cases before the ICP which is imparted to it by the Statute of Rome, in its ultimate part in ensuring the obligation mutual cooperation amongst states, or in its discretionary power in the characterization of the crime of aggression, has become, thanks to the abiding foundation of Chapter VII, the genuine catalyst of international criminal justice. However, the downside to this importance of the Security Council is neither to be overlooked nor without interest. The sudden, and at first highly debated emergence of the Security Council in the area of international criminal justice has rekindled an old debate in international law: that of the political and the juridical order. The terms of this conflict show quite clearly through the approach of our analysis. We cannot evade this debate, considering how intricately the issues and concerns of international criminal justice and those of relating to peacekeeping are consubstantially interwoven. We may notice, albeit at some distance and some restraint, that the very terms of this link nurture all sorts of conjectures over the independence and impartiality of the international criminal courts. ; L'objet de notre réflexion est de voir que l'articulation entre le Conseil de sécurité et les ...

In Indonesia's westernmost province of Aceh, the democratisation process that began in Indonesia in 1998 encouraged the overt expression of regionalist sentiment and resentment of the military. The surprising extent of both made Aceh, home to a long-standing independence movement, the next potential candidate after East Timor to break away from Indonesia, and led to harsh repressive measures by the military. The tsunami of December 2004 brought incalculable destruction and loss to Aceh. At the same time, it brought international sympathy and aid on an unprecedented scale, along with new pressures for peace. In August 2005 Indonesia and Aceh signed a peace agreement designed to put an end to the conflict. This book offers a guide to the complexities of modern Aceh as it moves toward peace and reconstruction. The balanced coverage by leading authorities, historians and political scientists as well as journalists, probes the underlying causes of the conflict that has pitted Aceh against Jakarta. It shows why the Acehnese entered the Indonesian republic in 1945 with an unparalleled determination to resist outside domination, and how these attitudes have shaped Aceh's relations with Indonesia. (Singapore University Press)

En este artículo se analiza la singularidad del movimiento popular conocido como Hirak argelino, en el que se explican sus diferencias con las primaveras árabes y también con episodios previos de cambio político vividos en Argelia (1988-1992), ya que este movimiento extrae sus raíces de la guerra de independencia y es fundamentalmente pacífico. Igualmente se discute el impasse actual tras haberse agotado el cauce constitucional y las posibles vías hacia una transición que se están discutiendo, así como algunas de las reacciones internacionales que hasta ahora se han producido. ; This article argues that the Algerian Hirak protest movement is a singular and exceptional case, which differs from both the "Arab Spring" and the "Algerian Spring" (1988-1992). It draws its special characteristics and strength from the Independence War (1954-1962) while it is mainly being conducted through peaceful means. We also examine the current situation of political impasse once the Constitutional procedure has been exhausted and the possible paths to democratic transition that are now being discussed, taking a look at how the most notorious international actors have so far reacted to the Algerian Hirak.

Festac '77, also known as the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture was a major international festival held in Lagos, Nigeria, from 15 January 1977 to 12 February 1977. This paper focuses on Doxiadis Associates' masterplan for Festac Town, a federal housing estate located along the Lagos-Badagry Expressway in Lagos State, Nigeria, paying special attention to the infrastructure along the Lagos-Badagry Highway. This project, which exemplifies the late modernist concerns for urban development in the Global South and should be understood within the context of modernisation that followed Nigeria's independence, concerned the design of a town aiming at hosting the visitors of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture in Lagos in 1977. It was assigned in 1974 by the Federal Republic of Nigeria to Doxiadis Associates and was conceptualised as "a model residential community with all the necessary functions and facilities to serve a permanent population" after the end of the aforementioned festival. This masterplan was based on the theory of ekistics developed by Greek city planner Constantinos A. Doxiadis, and included the construction of significant infrastructure installations. The scope of the paper is twofold: to investigate the connections between Doxiadis's understanding of the role of infrastructure in this project and his conception of 'Ecumenopolis', and to relate Doxiadis's vision for 'Ecumenopolis' to the idea of Eurafrica, referring to the political project that emerged in the 1920s based on the idea that Europe's future survival was bound up with Europe's successful merger with Africa. Doxiadis's concept of 'Ecumenopolis' departed from the hypothesis that the urbanisation, the growth of population, and the development of means of transport and human networks would lead to a fusion of the urban areas and megalopolises forming a single continuous planetwide city. Doxiadis's "Towards Ecumenopolis" (1961), a confidential report that focused on how to devise a "di!erent approach" to the City of the Future, treated infrastructure as a skeleton of a body covering the entire globe and resulting from the balance between settlements, production and nature. In his second report on 'Ecumenopolis', Doxiadis claimed that Africa was the largest and most suitable area to welcome inbound capitals and investments. The Africa Transport Plan was intended to provide the basic layout of his 'Ecumenopolis'. The paper examines a set of maps displaying settlements, routes, airways and human corridors that Doxiadis Associates produced to explore the potentials of the concept of 'Ecumenopolis', relating the latter to Eurafrica. One can read in the issue of May 1977 of Ebony: "For 29 days, black people from everywhere – from Africa, Europe, African-America, South America, Canada, and the islands of the seas – testified to the haunting presence of blackness in the world". As Denis Ekpo remarks, in "Culture and Modernity Since FESTAC 77", in 1977, thanks to FESTAC, "Lagos had become the Mecca of African collective cultural and artistic self-retrieval and self-accreditation". The objective of the paper is to examine closely the cultural-historic complexity of the Second World Black and African Festival of Arts and Culture, the so-called FESTAC '77, during which thousands of artists, writers, musicians, activists and scholars from Africa and the Black diaspora assembled in Lagos and to relate it to Doxiadis's ideas.

Globalization and successive waves of economic crisis are eroding nation state sovereignty and shaking the social pact upon which modern states base their legitimacy. At the same time, nationalism is naturalized in today's society, being a powerful symbolic tool whereby people can be emotionally mobilized whenever the nation is perceived to be at risk. Nationalism may cast away its banal appearance and take up xenophobic tones, advocating for ethnos (cultural imagined community) to be the basis legitimizing polis (state) at the expense of cives (citizens' rights and duties). But, can the realm of affectivity be dissociated from the rational realm of rights and duties? Can civic and political participation be decoupled from cultural and territorial dimensions of citizenship? This chapter discusses this in light of the crisis of nation states, and reflects on the notions of social pact, imagined community, banal nationalism and demos in relation to the Catalan crisis.

The democratization literature often singles out the process of institution-building as a core and durable issue for young democracies. This article assesses Argentina's first democratic decade in light of this essential requirement and does this by suggesting the worth of assuming that democratic consolidation is an unpredictable outcome of contingent contributions at selected points in time through which political actors struggle to shape institutions, which in turn constrain future political behavior and incentives. This progressive crystallization of formal rules (what is acceptable) and political ambitions (what is attainable) will be illustrated through an analysis of the relationship between the executive and the judiciary in two particularly sensitive areas for the Argentine polity in this period and fundamentally intersecting one another: the independence of the judiciary and transitional justice.

Abstract In the field of political struggle, the leaders of the national movement were jointly preparing for an independent Indonesia. One of the efforts to prepare for Indonesian independence was through the BPUPKI session which took place from May to July 1945. BPUPKI was the preparation committee for Indonesian independence in the form of Japan which was originally used as a propaganda tool but instead used as a means of struggle for national movement figures. National movement figures who sit in BPUPKI come from various religious and ideological backgrounds. One of the national movement figures who became a member of BPUPKI was Ki Bagus Hadikusumo. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo is the leader of the Islamic organization, Muhammadiyah, which contributed to fighting for and fighting for Indonesian independence through BPUPKI. This study intends to find out about how Ki Bagus Hadikusumo's contribution to the trial of BPUPKI in May-July 1945. The method used in writing this article is a literature study. The results of the study revealed that Ki Bagus Hadikusumo made a big contribution to the BPUPKI session. There are two things put forward by Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, first is the concept of an independent Indonesia, which is a state that is run on the sovereignty of the people, and secondly, fighting for Islam as the legal foundation for an independent Indonesian state. Keywords : BPUPKI, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Islam Abstrak Di medan perjuangan politik para tokoh pergerakan nasional bersama-sama mempersiapkan Indonesia merdeka. Salah satu upaya dalam rangka mempersiapkan kemerdekaan Indonesia ialah melalui sidang BPUPKI yang berlangsung dari Mei hingga Juli 1945. BPUPKI merupakan panitia persiapan kemerdekaan Indonesia bentukkan Jepang yang semula digunakan menjadi alat propaganda, namun justru dijadikan sebagai alat perjuangan bagi para tokoh pergerakan nasional. Para tokoh pergerakan nasional yang duduk di dalam BPUPKI berasal dari berbagai latar belakang agama dan ideologi. Salah satu diantara tokoh pergerakan nasional yang menjadi anggota dari BPUPKI adalah Ki Bagus Hadikusumo. Ki Bagus Hadikusumo adalah pemimpin organisasi Islam, Muhammadiyah yang turut berkontribusi dalam memperjuangkan dan memperisapkan kemerdekaan Indonesia melalui BPUPKI. Penelitian ini bermaksud mencari tahu mengenai bagaimana kontribusi Ki Bagus Hadikusumo dalam persidangan BPUPKI Mei-Juli 1945. Metode yang digunakan dalam penulisan artikel ini yaitu studi pustaka. Hasil kajian mengemukakan, bahwa Ki Bagus Hadikusumo memberikan kontribusi yang besar dalam sidang BPUPKI. Terdapat dua hal yang dikemukakan oleh Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, pertama ialah konsep negara Indonesia merdeka adalah negara yang dijalankan atas kedaulatan rakyat, dan kedua memperjuangkan Islam sebagai pondasi hukum bagi negara Indonesia merdeka. Kata kunci : BPUPKI, Ki Bagus Hadikusumo, Islam

Bireuen kota Juang memiliki peran besar selama pertempuran Medan Area tahun 1947 dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Peran Bireuen pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan tidak hanya sebatas wilayah Aceh saj a tapi juga berpengaruh hingga nasional, antara lain, yaitu: (a) Bireuen sebagai markas besar Devisi X Komandemen Sumatera, Langkat dan Tanah Karo (b) Setelah prolamasikan kemerdekaan Indonesia langkah selanjutnya yaitu pelucutan senjata Jepang dengan cara perundingan dan perebutan (c) Bireuen sebagai sumber persenjataan (d) Bireuen sebagai studio penyiaran Radio Rimba Raya milik Devisi X Sumatera (e) Bireuen sebagai basis militer dalam menggempur tentara Belanda di Medan Area. Pasukan perang, alat perang, kendaraan perang serta rapat kemiliteran pun diadakan di Bireuen. Kelompok masyarakat seperti Ulama, Saudagar, orang Tionghoa dan rakyat biasa yang saling bahu membahu dalam menyalurkan bantuan menuju Medan Area. ; Juang city Bireuen had a big role during the Medan Area battle in 1947 in defending Indonesia's independence. The role of Bireuen during the independence revolution was not only limited to the Aceh region but also influenced the national level, among others, namely: (a) Bireuen as the headquarters of Division X of the Sumatra, Langkat and Tanah Karo Commandments (b) After the proclamation of Indonesian independence the next step was disarmament. Japanese weapons by way of negotiations and seizures (c) Bireuen as a source of weapons (d) Bireuen as the radio broadcasting studio of Radio Rimba Raya belonging to Division X Sumatra (e) Bireuen as a military base in attacking the Dutch army in the Medan Area. War troops, war equipment, war vehicles and military meetings were held in Bireuen. Community groups such as Ulama, Merchants, Chinese and ordinary people who work hand in hand in distributing aid to the Medan Area. Bireuen kota Juang memiliki peran besar selama pertempuran Medan Area tahun 1947 dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Peran Bireuen pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan tidak hanya sebatas wilayah Aceh saj a tapi juga berpengaruh hingga nasional, antara lain, yaitu: (a) Bireuen sebagai markas besar Devisi X Komandemen Sumatera, Langkat dan Tanah Karo (b) Setelah prolamasikan kemerdekaan Indonesia langkah selanjutnya yaitu pelucutan senjata Jepang dengan cara perundingan dan perebutan (c) Bireuen sebagai sumber persenjataan (d) Bireuen sebagai studio penyiaran Radio Rimba Raya milik Devisi X Sumatera (e) Bireuen sebagai basis militer dalam menggempur tentara Belanda di Medan Area. Pasukan perang, alat perang, kendaraan perang serta rapat kemiliteran pun diadakan di Bireuen. Kelompok masyarakat seperti Ulama, Saudagar, orang Tionghoa dan rakyat biasa yang saling bahu membahu dalam menyalurkan bantuan menuju Medan Area.

According to the nature of the Westphalian system, the independent state is the central actor in international relations. However, the discipline has not developed theoretical approaches regarding the independence process, which is considered more a concern of the international law and the political interests of state actors. Then, in this article, the issue of independence is analyzed as a basic step for political entities to access statehood, becoming a basisfor understanding the role of the independent state in the Westphalian order. It is necessary to observe the variations in the conception of independence, especially regarding self-determination and recognition principle, acknowledging the existence of deep changes in the international system. This principle has had greater relevance since the 1990s due to the disintegration processes of some countries, particularly the case of Kosovo. Taiwan is also a relevant experience. Another key point is the weakening process of the state, with the appearance of variants that question the status and existence of the state actor. At the end of this paper, a brief reference is made to the Latin and Central Americanexperience, which shows particularities since the 19th century. ; El actor central en las relaciones internacionales es el Estado soberano independiente, según la naturaleza del sistema westfaliano; sin embargo, en la disciplina no se han desarrollado enfoques teóricos sobre el proceso de independencia. Se considera más un asunto del derecho internacional y de los intereses políticos de los actores estatales. Por ello, se analiza en este trabajo, la cuestión de la independencia como un paso básico para que las entidades políticas accedan a la categoría de Estado, lo que sirve de fundamento para entender el papel del Estado independiente en el orden westfaliano. Al reconocer que hay cambios profundos en el sistema internacional, es necesario observar las variaciones en la concepción de independencia, sobre todo en relación con el principio de autodeterminación y el reconocimiento.Esto tiene mayor relevancia a partir de la década de 1990, por los procesos de desintegración de algunos países, en particular, el caso de Kosovo; otra experiencia relevante es Taiwán. A lo anterior, se suma el debilitamiento del Estado, con la aparición de variantes que cuestionan la estatidad y la existencia del actor estatal. Al final,se hace una breve referencia a la experiencia latinoamericana y centroamericana, que muestran particularidades desde el siglo XIX.

AbstractSince the implementation of judicial reform, the position of judges has changed to become State Officials. However, in practice, Judges are still civil servants, for example about the recruitment of Candidates for Judges in the Supreme Court for the 2017 Fiscal Year who still use the Civil Servant Candidate recruitment system (CPNS) that can be seen in the Supreme Court Regulation (PERMA) Number 2 of 2017 concerning Procurement of Judges. The identification of the problem in this paper is How the Problems of Filling Judges' Mechanism as State Officials Affect the Judicial System. The method used in this research is normative juridical. The specification is descriptive-analytical. This method uses secondary data material sourced from literature and related laws and regulations. Also, data analysis uses qualitative analysis. As for the research results, filling the position of a judge using the CPNS system is not a selection like other state officials; of course, it hurts the judicial system's independence because it currently is a state official. By using CPNS-style selection, judges will find it difficult to independently examine and decide a case, especially if it is related to cases that deal with the government; because of the dualism of a judge's position, judges must obey the government, which can interfere with the personal independence of judges and the independence of the Supreme Court as institutional.AbstrakSejak diterapkannya reformasi peradilan, kedudukan hakim telah berganti menjadi Pejabat Negara, Namun praktiknya, Hakim masih berkedudukan sebagai Pegawai Negeri, contohnya berkaitan dengan rekrutmen Calon Hakim di Lingkungan Mahkamah Agung Tahun Anggaran 2017 yang masih menggunakan sistem rekrutmen Calon Pegawai Negeri Sipil (CPNS) yang dapat dilihat pada Peraturan Mahkamah Agung (PERMA) Nomor 2 Tahun 2017 tentang Pengadaan Hakim. Adapun identifikasi masalah dalam makalah ini adalah Bagaimana Problematika Mekanisme Pengisian Jabatan Hakim Sebagai Pejabat Negara Berpengaruh Terhadap Sistem Peradilan. Metode yang digunakan penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif. Spesifikasi bersifat deskriptif analitis. Metode ini menggunakan bahan data sekunder yang bersumber dari bahan kepustakaan dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang terkait. Selain itu analisis data menggunakan cara analisis kualitatif. Adapun hasil penelitian yaitu Proses pengisian jabatan hakim meggunakan sistem CPNS bukan seleksi layaknya pejabat negara lain tentu mencederai independensi sistem peradilan karena saat ini merupakan pejabat negara. Dengan menggunakan seleksi ala CPNS, hakim akan sulit untuk independen memeriksa dan memutus suatu perkara, apalagi jika terkait perkara yang berurusan dengan pemerintah, karena dualisme kedudukan hakim ini, hakim harus taat kepada pemerintah, itulah yang dapat mengganggu independensi personal hakim maupun independensi Mahkamah Agung secara kelembagaan.

The research important era of the date the British presence in the Arab region since the competition was colonial at its peak between the Western countries and therefore sought to hold many conventions with each other to be each share in the Arab region and this has happened at the expense of the desire of the people of the Arab liberation and independence and refused presence foreign in the region, no matter how many reasons, and during the period of study, we found the following: 1) the colonial powers, particularly Britain in a race with their counterparts to have a foothold in the Arab region, the colonial approach followed to achieve its goals in the region through treaties to divide the Arab countries among themselves at the expense of the will of the Arab people. 2) Britain wants to convince the Egyptian people adhering to the well-being and independence and therefore proceeded to conclude treaties with Egypt politicians was the biggest player Britain in terms of political decision-making and the military away from the Egyptian government's desire. 3) It seems that the supportive attitude shown by the United States to Britain in the UN Security Council in 1947 prevented a solution to the differences between Egypt and Britain, which relate to the relationship between the parties or Egypt's relations with Sudan. 4) not Britain is serious about its relationship with Egypt in the joint rule of Sudan and that the staff was British are dominant on the reins to rule Sudan. 5) Britain stood firmly generally will Egyptian efforts to amend the treaties signed by the two sides after the Egyptian government felt the dominance of Britain to rule in Egypt and Sudan, despite signing a bilateral government agreement with Egypt. 6) keen Britain thwart any orientation Egypt to achieve the unity of the Nile Valley and therefore proceeded with the Government of copper to scrap the 1936 Treaty and Conventions ruling duo was in the 8 October 1951, and so strained relations between Egypt and Britain, prompting Britain dropping off its military forces in the Suez Canal area in time which incited Britain sons of Sudan rejected the idea of unity with Egypt and promised them to set up self-rule away from the Egyptian intervention, and so it goes towards Sudan's desire for independence from Egypt while maintaining the best relations between the two countries, while Egypt remained seek unity.

According to the nature of the Westphalian system, the independent state is the central actor in international relations; however, the discipline has not developed theoretical approaches regarding the independence process which is considered more a concern of the international law and the political interests of state actors. Then, in this article, the issue of independence is analyzed as a basic step for political entities to access the statehood becoming this a basis for understanding the role of the independent State in the Westphalian order. Acknowledging the existence of deep changes in the international system, it is necessary to observe the variations in the conception of independence, especially regarding self-determination and recognition principle. This principle has greater relevance since the 1990s due to the disintegration processes of some countries, being Kosovo one of the main cases. Taiwan is also a relevant experience. Another key point is the weakening process of the state, with the appearance of variants that question the status and existence of the state actor. At the end of this paper, a brief reference is made to the Latin and Central American experience, which show particularities since the 19th century. ; El actor central en las relaciones internacionales es el Estado soberano independiente, según la naturaleza del sistema westfaliano; sin embargo, en la disciplina no se han desarrollado enfoques teóricos sobre el proceso de independencia. Se considera más un asunto del derecho internacional y de los intereses políticos de los actores estatales. Por ello, se analiza en este trabajo, la cuestión de la independencia como un paso básico para que las entidades políticas accedan a la categoría de Estado, lo que sirve de fundamento para entender el papel del Estado independiente en el orden westfaliano. Al reconocer que hay cambios profundos en el sistema internacional, es necesario observar las variaciones en la concepción de independencia, sobre todo en relación con el principio de autodeterminación y el reconocimiento. Esto tiene mayor relevancia a partir de la década de 1990, por los procesos de desintegración de algunos países, en particular, el caso de Kosovo; otra experiencia relevante es Taiwán. A lo anterior, se suma el debilitamiento del Estado, con la aparición de variantes que cuestionan la estatidad y la existencia del actor estatal. Al final, se hace una breve referencia a la experiencia latinoamericana y centroamericana, que muestran particularidades desde el siglo XIX.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; This study tries to reconstruct the way in which a new political subject was understood, in relation to belonging and loyalty to the "American homeland" in the context of the development of the War of Independence. In addition to the importance of the strategies and discursive practices used by the royalists to persuade and convince the population through the judicial apparatus, to exhort the americans to stay away from the independence project. On the other hand, the biography of the priest Clemente Antonio Izazaga emphasizes the closeness and communication that there was between the actors on both sides of the conflict. This indicates that the processes did not take place in isolation; because in each of them he was aware of what was happening in his counterpart, of the advances and setbacks of the war, and of the convincing strategies of each of the contending factions - realistic and pro-independence - as the letters demonstrate. that Izazaga kept in his possession and that were presented as evidence against him, where information and strategies were shared to hide and fight the enemy: colonial power. ; El presente trabajo pretende reconstruir la forma en que se entendió un nuevo sujeto político, en relación a la pertenencia y lealtad a la "patria americana" en el contexto del desarrollo de la guerra civil tradicionalmente conocida por la historiografía mexicana como "Guerra de Independencia". Además de la importancia de las estrategias y prácticas discursivas utilizadas por los realistas para persuadir y convencer a la población a través de los aparatos judiciales, para exhortar a los novohispanos a que se alejaran del proyecto independentista. Por otra parte, en la biografía del bachiller Clemente Antonio Izazaga se hace hincapié en la cercanía y comunicación que había entre los actores en ambos bandos del conflicto. Lo cual indica que los procesos no se dieron de forma aislada; pues en cada uno de ellos se estaba enterado de lo que acontecía en su contraparte, de los avances y retrocesos de la guerra, y de las estrategias de convencimiento de cada una de las facciones contendientes —realista e independentista—, así lo demuestran las cartas que mantuvo en su poder Izazaga y que fueron presentadas como pruebas en su contra, donde se compartía información y estrategias para ocultarse y combatir al enemigo: el poder colonial.