In: Das Standesamt: STAZ ; Zeitschrift für Standesamtswesen, Familienrecht, Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht, Personenstandsrecht, internationales Privatrecht des In- und Auslands ; mit sämtl. amtl. Bekanntmachungen für die Standesamtführung, Band 56, Heft 2, S. 60
Italy's war crimes during the 1935–1936 invasion of Ethiopia have been broadly documented by different historians of Italian colonialism. However, its systematic bombardment of medical facilities operated by different Red Cross Societies is much less known. Relying on archival materials, we show how the fascist regime presented these attacks as legitimate reprisal; it was, the Italians claimed, the Ethiopian forces who had violated international law, particularly the principle of distinction, when they used medical facilities to hide. Reconstructing the debates about the Red Cross medical units, we show how Ethiopia's sovereign status rendered international law applicable, since the war was carried out between two internationally recognized countries rather than between a sovereign state and its colonial subjects. Simultaneously however, Ethiopia's status as a sovereign state was extremely precarious. The African country was successfully framed by both Italy and the Red Cross as uncivilized through the creation of an artificial link between the ostensible inability to follow the principle of distinction (i.e. hiding behind medical units) and the population's race. The move from sovereignty to race is, we claim, illuminating because it reveals how the inclusion of Ethiopia into the family of nations not only did not undermine the colonial imprint of international law, but also helped cement it. It is therefore crucial to think about the process of colonial inclusion into the liberal order of humanity against the grain, and to reveal how integration through sovereignty can be transmogrified into racist exclusion.
There is a great need to be familiar with creating business networks and partnerships in China by U. S. businesses. The research objectives were to identify the strategies on how to build business networks and partnerships in China and evaluate the importance of those strategies in the development of an effective Chinese market by U. S. agricultural companies. By identifying the strategies and their importance, educators can better assist in the development of educational training programs. A three-round Delphi study was conducted in this study. Thirty-seven (37) panel members completed the first round survey with 34 of them completing the second and third round surveys. The panel members were U. S. agriculture business experts who understood the research topics, had international agriculture business experience in China, and were willing to share such experiences. Panel members were purposefully selected to represent the agricultural industry, government, and higher education sectors. The panel generated a total of 12 strategies on how to build business networks and partnerships in China. Of the 12 strategies, one reached a high consensus level, 10 reached a moderate consensus level, and one reached a low consensus level. Also, of the 12 strategies, one was considered essential, eight were considered very important, and three were considered moderately important. In conclusion, the strategies developed in this study regarding how to build business networks and partnerships cross-culture were all rated by the panel as important at various levels and should be included in international business and leadership educational training programs targeted at U. S. companies wishing to conduct business in China. As a result, international leadership competencies of U. S. business people could be enhanced.
Why has constructivism emerged as an important force in the field of international relations and politics in the end of the 20th century? Why constructivism and not any other theoretical approach? The constructivist perspective of international relations appeared as a counterbalance to rationalism that was entrenched in US Political Science throughout the last decades. Analyzing the contemporary state of world affairs through the prism of social constructivism provides us with a unique understanding of how intersubjective perceptions lead to unique epistemic interpretations of reality, which form the ideological framework within which social constructs are being generated. Constructivism succeeds not only in identifying the motives behind the behavior of international actors, but also in unfolding the mechanism through which those motives are being envisaged and accepted through the process of social construction – here lies the greatest value of the constructivist approach in IR theory. Culture formation, nation building, imagined communities, security complexes – the constructivist approach remains an invaluable tool in the arsenal of political analysts, seeking to understand how culture, history, social order, religion, and language project their infl uence on the international arena and ultimately: why international players behave the way they do? ; Почему конструктивизм возник в качестве влиятельной силы силы в области международных отношений и политики в конце XX века? Почему именно конструктивизм, а не любой другой теоретический подход? Конструктивистская перспектива международных отношений появилась в качестве противовеса к рационализму, который закрепился в политической науке США на протяжении последних десятилетий. Анализ современного склада мировых дел через призму социального конструктивизма дает нам уникальное понимание того, как интерсубъективные восприятия приводят к уникальным эпистемическими интерпретациям реальности, которые формируют идеологические рамки, в пределах которых генерируются социальные конструкты. Конструктивизм является ценным не только в определении мотивов поведения международных игроков, но и разворачивании механизма, посредством которого эти мотивы были созданы и приняты через процесс социального строительства – здесь лежит наибольшее значение конструктивистского подхода в теории МО. Формирование культуры, формирование национального самосознания, воображаемые сообщества, комплексы безопасности – конструктивистский подход остается бесценным инструментом в арсенале политических аналитиков, которые стремятся понять, как культура, история, общественный строй, религия, и язык, проецируют их влияние на международной арене, и в итоге: почему международные игроки ведут себя именно так, как они себя ведут?
The twenty-first century is a century of promoting and protecting vulnerable people and fighting discrimination. The international community is more interested in the problematic condition of women and children as a factor in revealing the overall state of social advancement of society. However, Africa remains the continent where the number of vulnerable people is the largest on the planet. The Organization of African Unity in its time and the African Union have already demonstrated their commitment to tackling issues concerning women and children through well-defined human rights protection mechanisms. Indeed, a whole legal arsenal has been put in place in order to protect the rights of women and children. Foremost, among them there are the two pacts of 1966 stemming directly from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, one on civil and political rights, the other on social, economic and cultural rights; the Convention on the Rights of the Child; the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Charter on the Rights of the Child; the Women's Rights Protocol, the 1989 Declaration of the Rights of the Child.The implementation of these legal instruments is still fragmentary. As in all international agreements, the biggest challenge is to move from the ratification state to the integration of these agreements in national legislation and their implementation so that all can enjoy their rights. International human rights law, in its current form, prohibits discrimination and violence against women and children. It represents the legal framework in which States' obligations to promote and protect the human rights of women and children are determined and evaluated. The cornerstone of this legal edifice is the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The global economic crisis, ongoing conflicts have resulted in systematic violence against women and children. In Senegal, this violence resulted in a dislocation of the family ...
Cet article étudie la réception croisée de la sociologie durkheimienne et de la sociologie britannique entre 1898 et 1924 en s'appuyant sur L'Année sociologique. Dans un premier temps, nous observons que les Britanniques offrent une vision en totale contradiction avec la sociologie durkheimienne, ce qui explique sa réception très critique dans l'Hexagone. Dans un second temps nous analysons la réception britannique de la sociologie durkheimienne et montrons qu'elle est en fait largement soumise à des considérations intérieures et stratégiques. Grâce à une étude bibliométrique, nous montrons que la sociologie britannique est bien relayée dans L'Année mais qu'elle a finalement perdu la bataille pour la définition internationale de la sociologie au début du xxe siècle. Cet article renouvelle l'approche du durkheimisme par l'analyse des recensions de L'Année sociologique (avec une sélection particulière de 4 volumes représentatifs entre 1898 et 1924) couplée à une analyse bibliométrique et à des archives inédites sur la réception de la sociologie britannique.