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AbstractThis article examines the impact of internal and external pressures on the parliamentary debate concerning the place of the working class within a newly emerging polity. Based on machine-assisted distant reading and close hermeneutics of parliamentary session transcripts, I ask how the first diet of the modern Polish state (1919–1922) responded to labour militancy and war. My analysis demonstrates that social unrest was successfully used by the left to foster inclusion of the popular classes in a political, social, and economic sense, contributing to the democratization of the state. In contrast, the external threat of war had an opposite effect. Although it justified the left advocating greater inclusion of workers and peasants because of their high death toll on the battlefields, it was actually the right that capitalized on national unity and readily used arguments about the Bolshevik threat or traitors among the landless masses to block or even reverse reforms aimed at democratization. The external threat of war, waged against a nominally leftist political force, helped the weak state to reduce the high impact of labour unrest on parliamentary proceedings.

The present transition from a Fordist to a post-Fordist stage of development is characterized by a structural crisis (the crisis of Fordism). Within the industrial sector, this crisis is associated with economic decline (especially in terms of employment) and substantial reorganization and modernization activities. The way in which the spatial patterns of production will be affected is largely unclear. In the case of the German economy, an increasing number of scholars are worried about the threats which might originate from global restructuring processes of industrial activities. In this context, the economic and spatial structure of the German chemical industry will be analyzed in this paper. It will be argued that the recent economic decline of the chemical industry of western Germany is not indicative of a general deindustrialization trend. The chemical industry is, because of its development path, characterized by a strong tendency to concentrate both economically and regionally. Only a few dominant firms, which form the basis for the spatial development of the industry, have retained, and will retain, technological leadership within the industry (particularly Bayer, Hoechst, and BASF). Their allocation of resources between world regions has remained relatively constant over the past twenty years. It seems unlikely that this geographical distribution will be dramatically changed in the near future through cost-induced relocation activities. Location decisions will, rather, be characterized by a distinct market orientation. This does not, however, imply that chemical production will be shifted away from German locations to other chemical core regions. In contrast to the situation in western Germany, the future existence of chemical production in eastern Germany seems questionable. This is not related to the Fordist crisis but is a consequence of remnants from the previous planned economy and problems associated with German unification.

The historian who studies the history of the Comintern has to rely mainly on printed sources. For this purpose the published minutes and reports of the seven Congresses of the Comintern (1919–35) and the thirteen plenary sessions of its Executive Committee (1922–33) are of particular interest.

This article examines the way in which the European Union and some European States have understood the concept of Social Responsibility, and how they have introduced it in their Cooperation Programs for Colombia.In its first part, the article analyses Social Responsibility as an ethical expression and put it in the context of International Cooperation; based in written documents and interviews realized to some leaders of the Cooperation Agencies, the second part of the article studies how this concept is reflected in their programs. The article concludes that these programs have a deep ethical sense than conveniently combines ¿ teleological, deontological and utilitarian elements, generating socially responsible actions; notwithstanding, this quality is not enhanced because the concept of social responsibility tends to be reserved for the actions of private enterprises ; Resumen Este artículo se ocupa de la manera cómo la Unión Europea y algunos de los Estados que la integran han entendido el concepto de Responsabilidad Social y cómo lo han expresado en los programas de Cooperación que ejecutan en Colombia. En una primera parte el artículo analiza la Responsabilidad Social como expresión ética, ubicándola en el contexto de la Cooperación Internacional, y en una segunda parte examina, con base en la documentación disponible y en entrevistas con directivos de las Agencias de Cooperación, la manera cómo este concepto se refleja en sus programas. El artículo concluye que estos muestran un profundo sentido ético que combina adecuadamente elementos teleológicos, deontológicos y utilitaristas y se traduce en acciones socialmente responsables, pero que no son calificadas como tales porque el concepto de responsabilidad social tiende a limitarse al ámbito de la empresa privada.

The article considers new approaches to the creation of a corruption research system. The authors point out that modern economic and legal methods for calculating corruption indices either do not take into account all manifestations of corruption or are highly influenced by political factors. The authors substantiate the need to apply a unified methodology for studying the level of corruption within the framework of the EAEU.Aim. Propose at the EAEU level the use of a comprehensive economic and legal methodology for studying the level of corruption, which, along with traditional methods, involves the active use of an artificial intelligence system — storage, transmission and processing of big data to detect corruption manifestations.Tasks. Determine the legal and economic foundations for studying the level of corruption in the Russian Federation and in the EAEU countries, as well as identify legal problems that impede the creation of uniform standards for studying corruption in the EAEU countries.Methods. In this study, methods of comparative law, methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as methods of deduction and induction were used.Results. In the course of the study, the authors come to the conclusion that there are a number of problematic economic and legal aspects both at the national level and at the international level in the field of corruption research. These problems are expressed in the absence of unified national and international standards that allow an impartial assessment of the level of corruption in the EAEU countries.Conclusion. As a result of the analysis of the identified problems, the authors propose ways to solve them through the creation of unified information economic and legal systems in the field of corruption research within the framework of the EAEU.