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To refer to the Japanese postwar collapses multiple postwars into a single entity. This dissertation works to further distinguish Japanese cinema's postwars by advocating for attention to "high growth cinema." High growth's political economy, especially at its peak in the Shōwa Genroku, reorganized Japanese social life, nowhere more so than within the labor paradigm. I argue that the patterns of reproduction—where reproduction is understood both as a social technology and a cinematic technique—that proliferate in high growth cinema implicate the sexual division of labor not as secondary or supplemental, but as fundamental to the reorganization of life in Japan at this moment. It is these reproductions that articulate a shift in conceptualizations of "life" itself, which move from a biological notion of survival toward a social investment in the "good life." Each of the dissertation's four chapters develops high growth's reproductive techniques. Following a discussion of the postwar and the fixation on its ends, Mikio Naruse's When a Woman Ascends the Stairs (1960) models the reproductive labor articulated in the rehearsals of the film's returns to the scene of ascension. The second chapter looks at pink film director Hamano Sachi, in whom pornography and autobiography's desire for visibility collaborate to reproduce her problem of being woman in the Japanese film industry. A third chapter on Tōei's ninkyō films attends to their technique of seriality, and the serial star figure in Takakura Ken in particular, as a mechanism to stage a defense of male labor. The final chapter turns to the collaborations of art film director Yoshida Kijū and his actress-wife Okada Mariko to draw together the threads across the dissertation that link direction to male authority, implicating the reproduction of Yoshida's dialectics and his associations with "transformation" in the affirmation of a male labor force, even in the active reproduction of its disavowal.

This paper considers literary texts by women writers that trouble mainstream definitions of family and love to figure shared knowledges. Through intercultural performances, they stage conversations between Euro-American, African-American, and African-Caribbean cultures to re-present kinship (Judith Butler) as a concept which by being as elastic as intimacy (Ara Wilson) and affects (Leela Gandhi), enables figurations (Donna Haraway) and hence actions that point towards a shared planetarity (Gayatri C. Spivak). I argue that these cultural products nourish creolizing agency (Edouard Glissant and Kamau Brathwaite) which prevents us from falling into a regime of terror, where crisis is equated to public and domestic paralysis under a state of emergency. This is so because they effectively show how to join poetics with politics and ethics, and thus to build collectivities of belonging (Audre Lorde and Adrienne Rich). I seek to demonstrate that the creolizing capability of such discourse, as articulated for example by Toni Morrison, Kim Ragusa, Joan Anim-Addo, and Jamaica Kincaid, deconstructs otherness without assimilating it, because it embraces translation as the mode (Walter Benjamin) of the always already necessary impossibility. In tune with Rajagopalan Radhakrishnan's emphasis on translation as a mode which allows us to imagine conjunctures and intersections that have no originals and cannot speak in a single language, this paper insists on the primary importance of critique to confront questions of power; It offers figurations of the global that, by incorporating intimacy, affects, and by troubling kinship, map material and discoursive reality in a manner that is widely inclusive, through affiliation (Edward Said) rather than filiation. By thematizing love as political practice, the literary texts here examined contribute to the phenomenological grounding of the discourse on affects inaugurated by Eve K. Sedgwick and further elaborated by Rosi Braidotti. Kincaid's See Now Then provides the wording of my argument: because these figurations never forget the then of colonialism, they bring forward a now of globalization that is populated by subjectivities—Radical Others—capable of subverting and transgressing the establishment, without erasing their own vulnerability.

This article studies the imaginaries of political change available during the Spanish transition to democracy (1973–1982) and their new political usages by the Spanish 15M Occupy movement in the context of the 2008–2014 economic crisis. I argue that protesters are now rediscovering the old symbols used against Franco's dictatorship and adapting them to the new political circumstances, through graffiti, slogans, artistic performances and other ephemeral materials.

Çalışmada temel olarak Jacques Ranciere'in siyasal kavramına bakışı analiz edilmiştir. Düşünür, siyasetin polis arayışı karşısında siyasal olanı uyuşmazlık ve çatışma üzerinden kurmakta ve (liberal/temsili) demokratik pratikleri aşarak yeni bir demokrasi anlayışı geliştirmektedir. Düşüncesinin en önemli ayaklarından biri, bir düzeni ifade eden polis (police) olarak siyasetten (politics) uyuşmazlık ve eşitlik önkoşullu siyasal olana (political) geçişte demokratik mücadelenin önemini ortaya koymaktır. Demokrasi ile siyaset arasındaki bağı bilinen kavramların ötesinde yeniden tanımlayan Ranciere, siyasal-siyaset ve siyasa arasındaki ilişkiyi sorgulamamızı sağlar. Bu çalışma siyasa sürecine indirgenmiş siyasete karşı Ranciere'deki siyasal kavramının bir çıkış noktası olabileceğine dayanmaktadır. Ranciere'in demokrasiyi siyasal ilişkilerin temeline yerleştirerek açtığı yeni güzergah, yerleşik demokrasinin krizlerine üretilmiş felsefi cevaplardır. Ranciere açısından demokrasi, bir düzenin değil düzensizliğin ve siyasal öznelliğin eyleminin ismidir. ; In the study, the political concept of Jacques Ranciere is analyzed through his own works and secondary recourses. The study underlines the priority of political concept in Ranciere's thought to make a new framework for recent issues on democratic debates. Ranciere thought is based on the differences between politics and political. He constitutes the political on disagreement and contradiction against the polis of politics. The political view of Ranciere is parallel with his democratic approach. He creates a new democratic thought beyond of the (liberal/representative) democratic practices. The most important part of his thought is to indicate the importance of democratic actions with focusing on political as the space of the disagreement and equality rather than politics that means the order. The political and democracy overlaps according to him, and they are both against the order or the established politics. Ranciere who redefines the relation between democracy and politics outside of the well-known concepts helps to rethink on the concepts of political-politics and policy. This study argues that the concept of political in Ranciere thought breaks the order of politics as policymaking. Ranciere who make a new path in political thought as putting on the democratic politics to the base of the politics gives philosophical answers to the crisis of the democracy. Democracy for Ranciere is not a form of state but it is the name of disagreement and the act of political subjectivity. So his arguments help to rethink the democracy and politics in contemporary debates especially in the efforts of social movements. He constitutes his own thought beyond the old ideologies like the demands of the movements. In doing this Ranciere makes a renewal on conceptual level and also make a new path to understand new political changing on practical.

When individual actors are involved in a policy process, do they assess and revise their policy preferences according to their interests or are they open to other forms of arguments over time? This study examines the effect of policy actors' interests on policy learning. It is based on a survey conducted in 2012 among 376 Belgian actors (from 38 organizations) involved in the European liberalization policy process of two network industries: the rail and electricity sectors. Borrowing from organizational research and behavioral economics, several hypotheses are drawn from a model of the individual shared by various policy approaches, such as the advocacy coalition framework. A ''simple gain scores'' approach to the measurement of policy learning is introduced. Regression analyses show that policy actors align their policy preferences with the impacts of policies on their own material well-being (personal interests) and the material prosperity of their organization (organizational interests). This tendency is independent of the importance that policy actors give to their interests in their everyday lives. This suggests that policy actors experience a sort of ''interest shift'' when they assess their policy preferences over time. This shift, however, exerts a limited influence on policy learning. The theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Burkhalter et al.'s (2002) self-reinforcing model of democratic deliberation is well established, but lacks an account of legitimacy, which is a key element of most democratic-deliberative theories. We extend Burkhalter et al.'s model by proposing a new model called "symbolic-cognitive proceduralism," which explains how democratic-deliberative processes generate legitimacy, and how such legitimacy contributes to the social reproduction of deliberation. Our proposed model accounts for perceived and normative legitimacy, at interpersonal and macro-social levels of analysis, over short and long time-spans, and accords with substantial empirical evidence.

Con las amigas Laura Minguzzi, Marina Santini y Luciana Tavernini, al final de los años ochenta fundamos en la Librería delle donne di Milano una Comunidad, la Comunidad de práctica y reflexión pedagógica y de investigación histórica, en la cual pensábamos yconstruíamos políticamente en un primer tiempo la pedagogía y en un segundo tiempo la historia. En 2001, en Milán, organizamos también un congreso nacional: Cambia el mundo, cambia la historia. La diferencia sexual en la investigación y en la enseñanza. La historiadora María-Milagros Rivera Garretas, en el XII "Simposiode la Asociación Internacional de Filósofas" mostró la importancia de dar un nuevo inicio a la historia sacando a la luz los nudos no resueltos de la propia historia; porque indagándolos, soltando lo no dicho, es posible encontrar las palabras que explican, coherentemente contigo, la experiencia femenina. En otoño de 2006, tranquilizada ya sobre el sentido y el significado de mi libro sobre la abuela, propuse que cambiáramos el nombre de nuestra Comunidad y la llamásemos Comunidad de Historia Viviente. Ladenominación tenía su origen en las palabras de mi La voce del silenzio: "Hay una historia viviente anidada en cada una y cada uno de nosotras.". El cambio de nombre significaba esencialmente la introducción de un modo nuevo de "hacer historia": tomando prestado el proceso que me había llevado a extraer de mí la historia de la abuela sustraída, cada una buscaría dentro de sí un nudo no resuelto, el enredo oscuro no investigado que hay en el interior de cada cual: habríamos empezado a escribir lo que se siente. O sea,historia verdadera, según la enseñanza de María Zambrano. Escarmentada de mi sufrimiento, mi intención era también la de hacer que ellas recorrieran en intercambio relacional ese camino que para mí había sido solitario y melancólico. Las amigas aceptaron y empezó así una práctica no experimentada antes: la práctica de la historia viviente. ; With friends Laura Minguzzi, MarinaSantini and Luciana Tavernini, at the end of the eightieswe founded a Community at the Milan Women'sBookstore, the Community of pedagogical practice andreflection, in which we thought and built politically,first teaching and learning, and then history. In 2001, inMilan, we also organised a national conference: The WorldChanges, History Changes. Sexual Difference in Research andTeaching. The historian María-Milagros Rivera Garretas,in the XII "Symposiom of the International Associationof Women Philosophers" showed the importance ofgiving a new beginning to history, bringing into the lightthe unresolved knots of one's own history; because inresearching into them, releasing that which was previouslyunsaid, it is possible to find the words that explain, incoherence with yourself, female experience. In the autumnof 2006, by then at peace with the sense and meaning ofmy book on my grandmother, I proposed that we changethe name of our Community and that we call it theCommunity of Living History. Its denomination has itsroots in the words of my La voce del silenzio: "There is a living history nesting in each one of us.". The changeof name meant in essence the intrduction of a new wayof "doing history": borrowing from the process that hadled me to extract from myself the history of my abductedgrandmother; each one would look inside herself for anunresolved knot, the dark unresearched tangle that thereis inside everyone: we would have begun to write whatone feels. That is, true history, according to the teachingsof María Zambrano. Wary of my suffering, my intentionwas also that of making them walk that path, which forme had been solitary and sad, in a relational exchange. Myfriends accepted and thus began a practice previously notexperienced: the practice of living history.

Статья посвящена выявлению представлений о будущем государственном строе постсоветской России консервативного мыслителя русского зарубежья И.Л. Солоневича (1891-1953), создателя концепции самобытной российской «народной монархии». Солоневич был убежден в неминуемом крушении советской власти и в том, что в посткоммунистической России будет восстановлено самодержавие, соединенное с широким самоуправлением. Народное представительство, по его замыслу, будет олицетворяться Земским собором, собранным по территориально-корпоративному признаку. Структура представительных органов власти конструировалась Солоневичем как двухпалатная система, где верхняя палата строится по территориальному признаку представительство земских и городских самоуправлений, а нижняя на принципах представительства двух партий. В основу написания данной статьи положены конкретно-исторический и сравнительно-исторический методы социального познания. Представления о будущем государственном строе постсоветской России И.Л. Солоневича могут быть использованы представителями юридических и гуманитарных наук в рамках специализированных курсов по истории государства и права России, истории политических и правовых учений, истории общественно-политической мысли России. Учитывая, что в современной России существует монархическое движение и несравненно более широкое значение имеет «монархизм чувств», то есть симпатия к культуре, праву, философии и истории Российской Империи, не связанные с конкретными партийными организации, данная тема остается актуальной. ; The article is devoted to revealing the ideas of the future state system of post-Soviet Russia conservative thinker of the Russian Diaspora (1891-1953) I.L. Solonevich, the founder of the original concept of «a national monarchy». Solonevich was convinced that in postcommunist Russia the Autocracy and broad self-government will be restored. The national representation, on his plan, will be represented by the Territorial Cathedral collected on territorial corporate sign. The structure of representative power authorities was designed by Solonevich as a system of two government houses. Concrete historical and comparative-historical methods of social knowledge are the basis for writing of this article. Considering that in modern Russia there is a monarchic movement, and the «monarchism of feelings», that is sympathy for culture and history of the Russian Empire which is not connected with party organizations, has incomparably wider value, this subject is still relevant.

Efforts to address income inequality generally focus on wealth redistribution through taxation and government benefits. But these efforts do not attack the core problem -- the unfair distribution of wealth at the firm level. This essay, a contribution to the "Inequality, Opportunity, and the Law of the Workplace" symposium, argues that workers need power within their firms to stake their claims to larger slices of the corporate pie. Even though the current law of the workplace does provide regulatory support for workers, it fails to change internal firm governance. Policymakers who want to take on income inequality as a structural matter should turn to corporate law and provide workers with a way of playing a role in the ongoing governance of the business.

The study inquires into how a specific piece of standardised information, namely the standard for bystander cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR), is configured in the practices of lifesaving and bystander CPR-training. Standardisation is commonly thought of as leading to uniformity and order, while practices are dynamic. They evolve and change through repeated enactments. The aim of this thesis is to explore what happens in the meeting of these two apparently conflicting phenomena, practices and standards. The study's analytical framework is primarily based on theories of practice, previous studies of standards and a foucauldian governmentality perspective. In order to attain the aim the CPR standard is followed ethnographically and a few specific incidents of its enactment are examined in detail. The material the study is based on has been compiled by observing bystander CPR classes, interviews with participants in CPR training and documents from some of the central actors involved in this practice which develop, update and distribute guidelines. The study demonstrates how the standard in the pursuits of making CPR an intervention to be carried out by the lay public is linked to and associated with technologies, hopes and aspirations. As these diverse elements are connected to each other, additional configurations of lifesaving and resuscitation than that delineated by the standard appear. The ways in which information features and informing happens in these pursuits are diverse and shown to have implications for the shaping of a particular kind of subjects, lay rescuers. This study consequently raises questions about how standardised information is configured in practices and how diverse ways in which informing happens in practice are associated with different forms of governance.

Abstract Ratings scales are ubiquitous in empirical research, especially in the social sciences, where they are used for measuring abstract concepts such as opinion or attitude. Survey questions typically employ rating scales, for example when persons are asked to self-report their perceptions of films or their job satisfaction. Yet, using a rating scale is subjective. Some persons may use only the middle of the rating scale, whilst others choose to use only the extremes. Consequently, persons with the same opinion may very well answer the same survey question using different ratings. This leads to the response style problem: How can we take into account that different ratings can potentially have different meanings to different persons when analyzing such data? This dissertation makes methodological and empirical contributions towards modelling rating scale data while accounting for such differences in response styles. The general approach is to identify individuals in the data which exhibit similar response styles, and to extract substantive information only within such groups. These elements naturally lead to the synthesis of cluster analysis and dimensionality reduction methods. In order to identify these response styles, responses to multiple survey questions are used to assess within-subject rating scale usage. Both non-parametric and parametric approaches are formulated and studied, and accompanying open-source software implementations are made available. The added value of using the developed algorithms is illustrated by applying these to empirical data. Applications range from sensometrics and brand studies, to psychology and political science.

J.K. Gibson-Graham explores two responses to the violence of development - the politics of empire and the politics of place. Drawing on the well-known book Empire by Hardt and Negri, the experience of the SID project on Women and the Politics of Place, and a slum dwellers' initiative in India, she attempts to open up alternatives to the dominance of capital and affirm a new political space.

Senior Project submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College.

J.K. Gibson-Graham explores two responses to the violence of development - the politics of empire and the politics of place. Drawing on the well-known book Empire by Hardt and Negri, the experience of the SID project on Women and the Politics of Place, and a slum dwellers' initiative in India, she attempts to open up alternatives to the dominance of capital and affirm a new political space.