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This article draws upon recently-gathered anthropological and other data from Cambodia to explore how some Cambodians move beyond the constraints of social differentiation and order to access higher realms of meaning. This enables communion, security and liberation from social patterns of misrecognition. Gender is one of the primary principles of social differentiation and in recent years the relationship between gender, security and development has attracted the interest particularly of feminist scholars. Attention is often focused upon the misogynistic aspects of gender differentiation. Proponents of this kind of discourse tend not to concern themselves with how women and men may actually transcend rather than challenge gender order or with how they may commune with one another in ways that generate security. Focusing instead on the notions that are meaningful to the members of a given society may reveal some of the shortcomings of current security, development and feminist discourse. The material presented here is analysed by adapting some of the ideas that Roy Rappaport developed in his study of the 'cognized models' and liturgical rituals of the Maring of New Guinea. Rappaport's model helps to reveal how, by navigating multiple and overlapping levels of meaning, Cambodians may negotiate and even invert social order in ways that can be transformative, emancipatory and healing.

1. Education policy in the North Caucasus from the Russian Empire to the post-Soviet period -- 2. The human dimension of education quality : children at risk in the North Caucasus -- 3. Religious education and upbringing in the post-Soviet North Caucasus -- 4. Upbringing within the family : patriarchy and hesitant modernization -- 5. The role of customs and tradition in upbringing -- 6. Ethnic and gender identities in the North Caucasus -- 7. Future prospects : youth aspirations and government actions.

Religion, ethnicity and politics in the Caribbean
The relations between ethnie and religious variables in political behavior have often been analyzed in the light of " primordialist ", " instrumentalist " or " ideological " paradigms, generally in opposition to each other. These paradigms turn out to be less antagonistic than complementary when all the dimensions of the phenomena studied are taken into account. From that perspective, the Caribbean countries provide a sample of national situations favorable to comparative analysis. Two aspects are privileged : the ethno-religious mediation of political mobilization ; state regulation of the ethno-religious domain. In both cases analysis reveals the importance of the combination and distribution of cleavages in the processes of either politicization or political neutralization of ethno-religious membership. It also shows that conflicts of interests between ethno-religious communities do not mechanically produce Unes of political division which suppose the emergence of elites able to mobilize a " base " through thé manipulation of symbolic codes derived from group identifies. Lastly, it shows that the sociologics and their discursive expressions appear to be less centrifugal movements than ethno-religious sets of demands for equality with a conflict between two concepts (universalist and communitarian) of national integration and its identity-based corollaries.

"Once known as 'Pariahs, ' Dalits are primarily descendants of unfree agrarian laborers. They belong to India's lowest castes, face overwhelming poverty and discrimination, and continue to be a source of public anxiety. Drawing on a wealth of previously untapped sources, this book follows the conception and evolution of the 'Pariah problem' in public consciousness in the 1890s. It shows how high-caste landlords, state officials, and well-intentioned missionaries conceived of Dalit oppression and prevented substantive solutions to the 'Pariah Problem' with consequences that continue to be felt today. The book begins with a description of the everyday lives of Dalit laborers in the 1890s and highlights the systematic efforts made by the state and Indian elites to protect Indian slavery from public scrutiny. Protestant missionaries were the first non-Dalits to draw attention to their plight. However, their vision of the Pariahs' suffering as a result of Hindu religious prejudice obscured the fact that the entire agrarian political-economic system depended on Pariah labor. The Indian public as well as colonial officials came to share a view compatible with missionary explanations, which meant all subsequent welfare efforts directed at Dalits focused on religious and social transformation rather than on structural reform. Methodologically, theoretically, and empirically, this book breaks new ground to demonstrate how events in the early decades of state-sponsored welfare directed at Dalits laid the groundwork for the present day, where the postcolonial state and well-meaning social and religious reformers continue to downplay Dalits' landlessness, violent suppression, and political subordination"--Provided by publisher

1. Reconstructing the discursive context of secularism -- 2. The social republic -- 3. Rationalizing integration -- 4. Islam and society: entwinement and separation -- 5. Teaching freedom -- 6. "The history of some is not the history of others" -- 7. Islam and fiction beyond freedom of speech -- 8. Islamophobia and the critique of integration -- Conclusion.

Was hat Religion mit meinem Beruf zu tun? Dieser Frage gehen SchülerInnen der beruflichen Schulen mit diesem Material nach. Es bietet unterschiedliche Bausteine, die thematisch an die Inhalte des Wirtschaftsunterrichts anknüpfen (z.B. Ehrlichkeit im Handel, Zur Frage der gerechten Entlohnung, Wie sehr darf ich im Beruf ich selbst sein?). Dies ermöglicht einen praxisnahen Bezug zur Religion und Ethik. Didaktisch-methodische Hinweise zur Umsetzung im Unterricht sind jedem der drei flexibel einsetzbaren Bausteine vorangestellt.

'Legal cultures' in European countries have been under the twin pressures of moves towards 'European and international standards' on the one hand, and the 'war on terror' on the other—the first exerting pressure in a liberal direction, the second exerting pressure in an authoritarian direction. Data from focus groups and interviews with the general public and Muslim minorities provide insight into how the public in general, and Muslims in particular, have responded to the pressure of terrorism and the 'war on terror' in a spectrum of five countries ranging across Europe. Muslims have very different attitudes towards paying the price of the so-called 'war on terror', but our study suggests that attitudes towards that price are directly influenced more by 'risk assessment' than by religion.

"This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. This book examines the trajectory and development of the Japanese religious movement Agonshu and its charismatic founder Kiriyama Seiyu. Based on field research spanning 30 years, it examines Agonshu from when it first captured attention in the 1980s with its spectacular rituals and use of media technologies, through its period of stagnation to its response to the death of its founder in 2016. The authors discuss the significance of charismatic leadership, the 'democratisation' of practice and the demands made by movements such as Agonshu on members, while examining how the movement became increasingly focused on revisionist nationalism and issues of Japanese identity. In examining the dilemma that religions commonly face on the deaths of charismatic founders, Erica Baffelli and Ian Reader look at Agonshu's response to Kiriyama's death, looking at how and why it has transformed a human founder into a figure of worship. By examining Agonshu in the wider context, the authors critically examine the concept of 'new religions'. They draw attention to the importance of understanding the trajectories of 'new' religions and how they can become 'old' even within their first generation.