Beginning in 1987, Peru imposed a regime of structural adjustment to transform its economy along neoliberal lines. This analysis suggests that a shift resulted in the odds of international migration and the motivations for leaving among inhabitants of Peru's largest labor market. Before 1987, under the regime of import substitution industrialization, jobs at wages capable of sustaining a basic standard of living were widely available; those few who left the country self-selected for higher human capital and moved abroad to improve their earnings. Under neoliberalism, however, both employment and wages fell to levels that made it difficult for families to sustain themselves. In response, householdsawith the assistance of friends and relatives with foreign experienceadiversified their labor portfolios away from the local job market structural adjustment zones. The number of migrants then rose, the diversity of foreign destinations increased, and migration became less selective with respect to human capital. Tables, Figures, References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]
AbstractThis study investigates the influence of government expenditure and institutions on public debt accumulation and economic growth in Ghana between 1990 and 2019. The paper examines how public debt is utilized for government spending on capital and recurrent expenditure, and the role bureaucratic quality plays in improving economic growth. The employed estimation technique is structural equation modelling because it effectively assesses complex situations and allows the modelling of complex systems by utilizing simultaneous equations, mediator analysis and modification indices to improve the goodness of fit of a model. The study indicates that public debt negatively affects GDP growth, whereas trade openness positively influences GDP growth and public debt accumulation. Bureaucratic quality impacts GDP growth positively and capital expenditure negatively. Recurrent expenditure positively predicts GDP growth and capital expenditure. Capital expenditure's effect on GDP growth is negative but statistically insignificant. The right checks and balances should be implemented to mitigate rent‐seeking and corrupt activities associated with bureaucracy. Tax revenue mobilization should be improved to reduce budget deficits and borrowing, whereas exports should be promoted through improving local industries. Finally, all infrastructural projects must be completed to serve their purpose.
Caring for Strangers (2017) takes the reader on an interesting journey to the everyday lives of Filipino migrant nurse workers placed in Singapore. It does so focusing on the narratives and the frequent encounters that anthropologist Megha Amrith had over her fieldwork time in Singapore. The result is a rich compilation of the social, political, and economic factors that make many men and women in the Philippines undertake nursing education with the purpose of migrating to work abroad. This review of the book focuses on three aspects of the book that the present author found to be of great importance in the contemporary anthropology of economy and labour: the political economy of global capital, the marketization of care work, and the ways in which these migrant workers built their subjectivities. ; Caring for Strangers (2017) ofrece un interesante viaje a las vidas cotidianas de los emigrantes Filipinos que trabajan como enfermeros en Singapur. Este libro lo logra enfocándose en las narrativas y los encuentros frecuentes que su autora, la antropóloga Megha Amrith, mantuvo durante su trabajo de campo en Singapur. El resultado es una rica descripción de los factores sociales, políticos y económicos que llevan a un gran número de hombres y mujeres en Filipinas a cursar estudios de enfermería para poder trabajar después en el extranjero. Esta reseña se centra en tres aspectos recurrentes del libro que la autora considera significativos para la antropología del trabajo y del capitalismo: la política económica del capital globalizado, la mercantilización del trabajo de los cuidados y las formas en las que se construyen las subjetividades de los trabajadores emigrantes.
Strategy of Social and Economic Development is a document that defines long-term goals and directions of socio-economic development of the state, and the ways and means of achieving them. The term "strategy" considering the strategic planning process can be applied in the following sense: "as a detailed comprehensive plan aimed at implementing the mission (purpose, objectives) of the state." The UN has worked out recommendations on the elaboration of long-term development strategies by 2015. Long-term goals and priorities of state socio-economic development are fixed in the Strategy of Economic and Social Development of Ukraine "In the way of European Integration" for 2004-2015. The main macroeconomic indicators of economic and social development in Ukraine of the previous period are a guideline for the elaboration of short-term government programs on economic and social development for the next year. In section 1, "Ukraine and the global trends of socio-economic development" the following factors are identified to implement the strategy of European integration development of our country : gaining Ukraine's full membership in the European Union; the annual rate of GDP growth in Ukraine at 6-7% level, and overcoming the gap in GDP volumes per capita between Ukraine and the EU Member States, in the social sphere purposeful ensuring of reliable prerequisites for reducing the gap in the level and quality of living standards with the EU states, consolidation of the middle class; adaptation of legislation in Ukraine and national law system, including the legal culture, judicial and administrative practice to the system of legislation and EU law. In section 2, "Strategic goals and priorities" the following priorities are identified: creating preconditions for Ukraine's full membership in the European Union, ensuring sustainable economic growth, consolidation of innovative development model, social reorientation of economic policy. In section 3 state potentials are identified: Ukraine's economic potential, labour potential and natural resources potential. The first stage of the Strategy (2004-2005) was the period of forming institutional, financial and organizational preconditions in all spheres of public life. The second stage of the Strategy (2006-2009) is the stage of implementing a comprehensive modernization of enterprises, strengthening the principles and mechanisms of structural innovation model of socially oriented economy, regulation of property relations. The strategy presupposes the following changes: population's income growth by 7-8% per year, reducing inflation to 3-4%, GDP growth to 7.1%, increasing the growth rate of investment in fixed capital to 12-13%. The third stage(2010-2015 years) - sustainable growth consolidation: real incomes - up to 6% annually, GDP - up to 6% annually, investment in fixed capital to 11.7% annually, reducing inflation to 3-4% annually. Acceleration of economy development in Ukraine should take place under a strategic program of economic and social development, and on its basis the development and adoption of State economic and social development program annually, along with the Law on State Budget of Ukraine. Government authorities control via the "forecast-report" ystem enables timely adjustments to achieve goals based on macroeconomic indicators. Because of the fact that the performers do not adhere to the time limits determined by law, the State programs of Economic and Social Development are confirmed by the law even in the middle of the period they have been developed for. Unstable political situation in Ukraine and an undefined distribution of functions between the legislative and executive authorities, lead to the fact that at the state level program documents on the short-term economic and social development are not developed, and even if they are, they are not approved by Verkhovna Rada (Supreme Council) of Ukraine. ; В статье рассмотрен порядок разработки и принятия государственных программ экономического и социального развития Украины. ; У статті розглянуті порядок розробки та прийняття державних програм економічного і соціального розвитку України.
The European Capitals of Culture (ECoC) is one of the prominent cultural programs in European Union, which develops not only local and regional programs related to arts and culture, but also public and private investments with sponsorships and local initiatives those set to work for urban-cultural programs. This paper aims to investigate the cultural infrastructure to what extent it is decentralized and accessible for all residents in order to validate the success of ECoC programs in Istanbul which had been designated as one of the ECoC cities during 2010. This investigation is held whether ECoC programs worked as "a commodity" serving for privileged groups or "an accessible source" for all residents and to what extent spatial pattern of these programs provide availability and accessibility across the city. The most remarkable findings indicate that 2010 experience in Istanbul was not able to contribute the social integration of the centre, periphery and varying social groups.
El propósito de este trabajo es contribuir al conocimiento del problema ambiental, económico, social y político generado en el complejo minero-metalúrgico de La Oroya como consecuencia de la prórroga por treinta meses más del Programa de Adecuación y Manejo Ambiental (PAMA) de Doe Run Perú (DRP). En él intervienen muchos actores. Para el contenido del trabajo se ha seleccionado los tres principales: empresa, trabajadores y Estado. Se destaca el rol que desempeña cada uno de ellos de modo referencial. Es claro que el actor que representa al capital (la empresa) se impone sobre los demás, por eso la idea central sobre la cual gira el trabajo es la subordinación del Estado y de los trabajadores al capital internacional representado por DRP.
This thesis in the History of Education studies the pedagogization of Swedish society from 1812–1828. These ambitions were promoted by state officials and educational innovators who were tightly knit through social networks. The research questions are: Why did these individuals organize themselves the way they did in the field of education? Which practices of external communication and interaction within associations existed? Which impact did these practices of external communication and internal interaction have on the educational debate? Civic formation is analyzed through the activity or practices identified in the diffusion of useful knowledge, self-education, schools, and educational policies. Arguments for civic formation, educational imperatives, are reflected in new words and new schools. The imperatives are in part an outcome of social networking studied through affiliations to associations, newspapers and governing boards. Hence, a great number of affiliations have been organized in a new and advanced web-based application. Papers and associations were important to dissolving feudal society, and as key ingredients for the emancipation of the middle class, they gradually gained more influence upon society. The educational reformers' involvement in papers and societies were important for them coining new Swedish words with educational importance: it was an external communicative practice. Involvement in associations is somewhat more internal and has been studied as leading to social interaction. This interaction is studied as social capital through social network analysis. This revealed focal points on the individual level which made a significant contribution to the educational debate. These were social networks sustained by the spirit of Enlightenment and emancipation. What has long been unrecognized in the History of Education is presented as important features in this thesis through the analysis of social networks.
Исследование посвящено изучению роли доверия в обеспечении конкурентоспособности регионов. Доверие и недоверие рассматриваются в статье как отдельные категории, должное внимание уделяется недоверию и его роли в экономической составляющей жизни регионов и стран. Представлены теоретические положения, раскрывающие механизмы влияния недоверия на экономику и конкурентоспособность экономических систем. Исследована связь показателей доверия и конкурентоспособности стран на основе данных опросов European Social Survey (ESS), а также данных Мирового экономического форума 2000 и 2010 гг. Проведена оценка показателей межличностного доверия и недоверия на уровне регионов РФ и их влияния на экономические показатели регионов. Подтверждена статистическая связь между низким уровнем межличностного доверия и конкурентоспособностью российской экономики в целом, а также связь между низким уровнем доверия и состоянием ее институтов. Не подтверждено наличие связи между показателями межличностного доверия по ре гионам и экономическими показателями. Это может быть объяснено отсутствием взаимосвязи между доверием к элитам, принимающим решения, и их положением, отсутствием механизмов реального влияния населения на принятие экономических решений. ; The study is dedicated to the role of social capital in ensuring the competitiveness of the social and economic systems. The indicator of interpersonal trust is used as the important indicator of social capital. Trust and distrust are considered in the article as separate categories, the distrust and its role in the economic component of life in the regions and countries are considered. The theoretical provisions revealing the mechanisms of distrust influence on the economy and the competitiveness of economies are given. The article statistically e*amines the link of indicators of trust and distrust on the level of countries and Russian regions and the competitiveness of countries and Russian regions. The assessment of parameters of interpersonal trust / distrust at the level of regions of the Russian Federation and the country in general on the basis of the Public Opinion Foundation are provided. The calculations of the correlation between the scores of countries' competitiveness and credibility of the countries on the basis of survey data from the European Social Survey (ESS), as well as the data of the World Economic Forum on the competitiveness of countries in 2008 and 2010 are also provided. Our empirical study confirmed the link between the low level of interpersonal trust and competitiveness of the Russian economy in general, and the state of the country's institutions. At the same time, we fail to confirm the link between the indicators of interpersonal trust across regions and economic indicators. This may serve as a confirmation of the fact that regional communities have virtually no effect on the behavior and economic decisions of persons taking decisions in the regions. This can be e*plained by the lack of relationship between trust to the elites making decisions and their position due to the lack of selectivity of the first persons of regions and mechanisms of the real impact of the population on economic decision-making, as well the lack of mechanisms leading from the trust to the position of the elites. The results of the study can be used for development of policy for appointment / elections of governors, interaction between political elites and the society, in the theoretical studies.
There is now general agreement that inter-firm cooperation through networks, partnerships and supply-chains can, by facilitating knowledge exchange and reducing transaction costs, contribute both to innovation and company competitiveness. Dense patterns of 'association', reinforced by links between firms and other support institutions, have also been linked to cluster and regional growth. Case-studies of areas with high levels of co-operation have been characterised by social and economic uniformity, geographical contiguity, high levels of social capital (i.e. trust) and stable and supportive governance and support institutions. Border regions are often characterised by exactly the opposite conditions: poor infrastructure, low population and business densities, low levels of social capital and governance which is at best divided, and at worst, antagonistic. In this context, cross-border cooperation can play an important role, countering the structural discontinuity of border regions and generating a potentially positive growth dynamic In terms of the Northern Ireland-Ireland border the general socio-economic difficulties of border areas have been exacerbated by violent social and political unrest. Although the security situation has been more stable in recent years, the economic and social legacy of the past persists. In this context, cross-border co-operation has been seen as one way in which past divisions can be healed and an integrated all-island economy developed. The aims of this paper are two-fold. First, to augment the relatively limited empirical literature on the economic determinants of the probability that firms will engage in cross-border cooperation. In particular, we adopt a transactions cost perspective and seek to identify those factors which are either specific to, or disproportionately important, in shaping the probability of cross-border interaction. The second objective is to contribute some positive evidence to the, all too often, opinion-driven debate on North-South cooperation on the island of Ireland. Specifically, we focus on identifying any differences in the determinants of cross-border co-operation in Ireland and Northern Ireland This provides some insight into current levels of co-operative activity as well as highlighting potential areas for policy intervention. The paper adopts a simultaneous probit approach to examining the determinants of cross-border and local cooperation between firms in Ireland and Northern Ireland. The conceptual approach draws on the transactions cost literature, arguing that firms will engage in cooperation where the costs involved are less than those of market interaction. Cross-border cooperation is modelled as an alternative – and possible complement or substitute – for local co-operative activity. The study is based on a large-scale interview survey conducted in 2002. The results identify a number of factors which help to predict the probability that a firm will engage in cross-border cooperation. Perhaps unsurprisingly it proves easier to predict cross-border cooperation by firms in Northern Ireland than in the larger and more buoyant, Ireland. The results also suggest some complementarity between local and cross-border co-operation, and a declining probability of cross-border cooperation the further a firm is located from the border. Somewhat surprisingly, however, no clear size or sectoral bias is found in the probability of engaging in cross-border cooperation.
Background: Cooperation is of utmost importance to society as a whole, but is often challenged by individual self-interests. While game theory has studied this problem extensively, there is little work on interactions within and across groups with different preferences or beliefs. Yet, people from different social or cultural backgrounds often meet and interact. This can yield conflict, since behavior that is considered cooperative by one population might be perceived as non-cooperative from the viewpoint of another.Methodology and Principal Findings: To understand the dynamics and outcome of the competitive interactions within and between groups, we study game-dynamical replicator equations for multiple populations with incompatible interests and different power (be this due to different population sizes, material resources, social capital, or other factors). These equations allow us to address various important questions: For example, can cooperation in the prisoner's dilemma be promoted, when two interacting groups have different preferences? Under what conditions can costly punishment, or other mechanisms, foster the evolution of norms? When does cooperation fail, leading to antagonistic behavior, conflict, or even revolutions? And what incentives are needed to reach peaceful agreements between groups with conflicting interests?Conclusions and Significance: Our detailed quantitative analysis reveals a large variety of interesting results, which are relevant for society, law and economics, and have implications for the evolution of language and culture as well.
Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Part One -- Revisiting Capital Accumulation and the European Witch Hunt -- One: Midsommervisen "vi Elsker Vort Land" -- Two: Why Speak of the Witch Hunts Again? -- Three: Witch Hunts, Enclosures, and the Demise of Communal Property Relations -- Four: Witch-hunting and the Fear of the Power of Women -- Five: On the Meaning of 'gossip' -- Part Two -- New Forms of Capital Accumulation and Witch-hunting in Our Time -- Six: Globalization, Capital Accumulation, and Violence Against Women: an International and Historical Perspective -- Seven: Witch-hunting, Globalization, and Feminist Solidarity in Africa Today -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index.
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
La cultura política comprende las ideas, valores y hábitos de individuos y grupos referidos al proceso político, sus actores e instituciones. El renovado interés por su estudio coincide con la historia reciente de expansión de la democracia: desde mediados de la década de los setenta, alrededor de ochenta países adoptaron esa forma de gobierno en un lapso de veinticinco años. En estas sociedades, como la argentina y la mayoría de las latinoamericanas, una cultura política democrática parece ser esencial para la persistencia y la calidad del sistema, tanto como pueden serlo las cuestiones económicas e institucionales. El potencial transformador de esas nuevas experiencias democráticas no oculta los problemas que, como vemos en América Latina, afrontan muchas de ellas para responder a las expectativas creadas con su instauración. El establecimiento de una democracia electoral no abre el paso automáticamente a instituciones efectivas, que den respuesta a las demandas y preferencias de la gente y actúen eficazmente para solucionar los problemas del país. Es en la estabilidad, profundidad y efectividad de la democracia, más allá del periódico ejercicio electoral, donde la cultura política cumple un rol prominente. El libro se divide en dos partes. La primera aborda las cuestiones teóricas generales. El Capítulo 1 repasa el fenómeno de expansión global de la democracia que tuvo lugar desde mediados de los años setenta, así como los aportes y limitaciones de los modelos utilizados en su análisis, para finalizar con un balance de más de un cuarto de siglo de democracia en la Argentina. El Capítulo 2 se ocupa de los enfoques teóricos para el estudio de la cultura política. Examina el origen y evolución del concepto y las principales hipótesis y teorías sobre las que se apoya la investigación. La segunda parte trata, sobre una base empírica, algunos de los temas más importantes de la cultura política argentina. El Capítulo 3 pone brevemente en perspectiva histórica la experiencia iniciada en 1983. A partir del Capítulo 4, que enfoca la cuestión del apoyo a la democracia y la evaluación de su desempeño por parte de los argentinos, se recurre a datos proporcionados por conocidas encuestas transnacionales para cubrir el periodo que se extiende desde la recuperación de la democracia hasta la actualidad. Los análisis se fundan en procesamientos propios de las bases de datos oficiales de la Encuesta Mundial de Valores y, de manera complementaria, en los sucesivos informes de Latinobarómetro. Junto a los estudios descriptivos y a las técnicas tradicionales de análisis multivariado, se construyen modelos de regresión para indagar los nexos causales sobre algunos de los principales fenómenos abordados. El Capítulo 5 describe e interpreta la crisis de confianza en las instituciones políticas, mientras que el Capítulo 6 hace lo propio con la evolución del interés por la política desde la restauración democrática. La participación en organizaciones voluntarias y la confianza interpersonal se hallan entre los principales componentes del capital social de los argentinos sobre los que profundiza el Capítulo 7. Éste explora los factores causales relacionados con la inserción en asociaciones civiles, la confianza generalizada y el activismo político no convencional. El Capítulo 8 constituye una aproximación al estudio de las diferencias regionales de cultura política en el país. Presenta los resultados generales de la Encuesta Comunicación y Cultura Política en el Gran La Plata, dirigida por el autor a mediados de 2008, y los compara con las características del contexto nacional y de algunas grandes subdivisiones de la sociedad argentina que surgen de las encuestas internacionales. El Epílogo ofrece una visión sumaria de los hallazgos y conclusiones obtenidos. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social
"Broadening the Contours in the Study of Black Politics, volume 17 of the National Political Science Review (NPSR), is divided thematically into two books, available separately or as a set. The first concentrates on the institutional aspects of Black politics. The second book addresses various dimensions of social capital that constitute the fundamental building blocks of Black politics. Each contains peer reviewed articles, a symposium section, and book reviews, as well as other featured sections. Together, these books build on the previous NPSR volume, Black Women in Politics. The symposium in Volume 17:1 examines the struggle of Black women, both in the political science discipline and in getting their work published. In the symposium section of Volume 17:2, members of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists carry on a revealing conversation about the dilemmas of professional life for Black women in political science. The set also contains a section, 'Trends, ' which offers data to use as starting points for discussions in teaching, on professional panels, or in the mass media, regarding the new versions of the Voting Rights Act after the Shelby County v. Holder decision of 2013. Both volumes 17.1 and 17.2 contain rigorously vetted articles on significant themes in the study of Black politics. This set represents the most recent offering in the distinguished National Political Science Review series"--Provided by publisher
Prisoner reentry is one of the main criminal justice challenges confronting the United States, especially as the costs of recidivism and incarceration take increasing tolls on city and state budgets, and the effects of criminal activity are felt by families and local communities. Our goal in this article is to develop an alternative approach to prisoner reentry. Our contention is that many reentry efforts focus mainly on the visible effects of recidivism (e.g., parole violations, criminal behavior, and treatment compliance) but do not get at the underlying causes that lead to recidivism in the first place. While traditional methods of surveillance and control focus on the observable problems of recidivism, we argue that the underlying cause is a communication breakdown of being cut off from networks and meaningful relationships that provide the necessary social capital needed for successful reintegration. Therefore, we propose reframing prisoner reentry from a communication perspective, and developing subsequent communication solutions. We suggest that mentoring is one such communication solution, and we present a case study of a successful reentry mentoring program. Our case study uses a mixed research methodology, including quantitative data from a third-party assessment and qualitative data from in-depth interviews. Our key conclusions are that mentoring provides important communication links to enable coordinated service delivery for ex-prisoners, and that mentoring is a valuable conversational resource to help socially construct a favorable postrelease environment for successful reentry. Our target audience are those interested in prisoner reentry and reforming the overall criminal justice system.
In this article, the author estimates the causal effect of attending a selective college on a student's academic performance. The results differ from previous studies because the author estimates a local effect, identified only for students who enroll in a selective college but would not have been able to do so without the guaranteed admissions granted to them by Texas's Top Ten Percent Law. Differing from many previous studies, the author finds significant negative effects of attending a selective college on the following measures: first- and sixth-semester grade point average, probability of completing the sixth semester, and graduation probability.
